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GEORGE M. HAMMELL, D. D. 

Editor "The Passing of the Saloon." 




HE PASSING OF 
THE SALOON 



AN AUTHENTIC AND OFFICIAL 
PRESENTATION OF THE ANTI- 
LIQUOR CRUSADE IN AMERICA 



f 



ruS 



$ 

Mr 



GEORGE M. HAMMELL, D. D. 

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 

A u tit or 

Bible Erilliants.or Mother's Home Bible Stories' 

Professor of Economics and Sociology in the 

American Temperance University, 1899- 3 902 

Editor ' * The New Voice: ' 1905-1906 



WITH NUMEROUS CONTRIBUTORS 



ILLUSTRATED 



THE TOWER PRESS, CINCINNATI, OHIO 



LI3RARY of CONGRESS 
Two Copies Received 

DEC 26 1908 

Copyrignt tntry 
CUSS *<X XXc 
COPY 8. 



XXc No, 



Copyright 1908 

BY 

Oscar B. Todhuxter 



<& 
& 



^ *■ 




'•/ here set thee for a tower, and 
a fortress among my peopled 



* 



?3 



TO 

THE BRAVE WOMEN AND MEN 

LIVING AND DEAD 

WHOSE NOBLE PURPOSE AND CEASELESS ENDEAVOR 

HAVE MADE POSSIBLE 

THE PASSING OF THE SALOON 

THIS VOLUME 

IS DEDICATED 



' 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS 

Who have written for, or been quoted in, "The Passing of the Saloon. 



Theodore Alvord, 

Superintendent Anti - Saloon League, 
West Virginia. 

Mrs. J. B. Ammerman, 

President Woman's Christian Temper- 
ance Union, Texas. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Preston Anderson, 
President W. C. T. U., North Dakota. 

John M. Arters, 

District Superintendent Peninsula Dis- 
trict A. S. L., Delaware. 

Louis Albert Banks, D. D., 
Minister, Author, Lecturer. 

Rev. W. C. Barber, 
Superintendent A. S. L., Iowa. 

Samuel J. Barrows, 
President International Prison Commis- 
sion. 

Rev. R. H. Bennett, D. D., 

Superintendent A. S. L., Virginia. 

James W. Bodley, 

Ex-Chairman Prohibition State Com- 
mittee, Virginia. 

Mrs. E. C. Bodwell, 

President (East) W. C. T. U., Wash- 
ington. 

General William Booth. 

Aaron M. Bray, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 
Idaho. 

Bishop Phillips Brooks. 

A. M. Brown, 
Economist. 

Mrs. Henrietta Brown, 

President W. C. T. U., Oregon. 

Mrs. M. McClellan Brown. Ph. D., 
Grand Chief Templar, Ohio I. O. G. T. 

Henry A. Bpchtel, 
Governor of Colorado. 

James M. Buckley, D. D., LL.D., 
Editor, Author, Lecturer. 

Marshall Bullitt, 
Attomej . 

J. Prank Burke, 
Superintendent A. S. L., New Jersey. 

Amos W. BUTLER, 

Secretary Charities and Corrections, 
Indiana. 

Judge Butler, 
Of Illinois. 



W. G. Calderwood, 

Secretary Prohibition State Committee, 
Minnesota. 
Thomas M. Campbell, 

Governor of Texas. 
Will Carlton, 

Author and Editor. 
Rev. J. B. Carms, D. D., 

Superintendent A. S. L., Nebraska. 
Eugene W. Chafin, 

Prohibition Candidate for President, 

1908. 
Ervin S. Chapman, D. D., LL.D. 

Superintendent A. S. L., California. 
Lord Chesterfield. 
Rev. A. B. Churley, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Rhode Island. 
Mamie M. Claflin, 

Editor and Publisher, "Union Worker.' 

W. C. T. U, Nebraska. 
Sir Andrew Clark, 

Physician, London, England. 
William T. Cobb, 

Governor of Maine. 
Richard Cobden, 

English Economist. 
John B. Coffin, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Florida. 
Rev. Chas. L. Collins, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Florida. 
D. Leigh Colvin, M. A., 

President The Intercollegiate Prohibi- 
tion Association, 1899-1908. 
Braxton B. Comer, 

Governor of Alabama. 
R. M. Cooper, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Delaware. 
J. B. Cranfill, D. D., 

Editor, Author, Reformer. 
John W. Cummings, 

Treasurer National Temperance Society, 

New York. 
Mrs. W. E. Currah, 

President W. C T. U, Montana. 

VOI.NKY B. CUSHING. 

Author and Lecturer, Maine. 
John C. Cutler, 
Governor of Utah. 

iii 



IV 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. 



Theodore L. Cuyler, D. D. 

Huram W. Davis, 
Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 
Kentucky. 

Rev. R. L. Davis, 

State Organizer A. S. L., North Caro- 
lina. 

Rev. S. H. Davis, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Massachusetts. 

William M. O. Dawson,' 
Governor of West Virginia. 

Judge Alton G. Dayton. 

T. B. Demaree, 

Member National Prohibition Commit- 
tee, Kentucky. 

Samuel Dickie, 
Ex-Chairman Prohibition National Com- 
mittee. 

Harris Dickson, LL.B., 
Author and Lawyer; Judge Municipal 
Court, Vicksburg, Mississippi. 

Neal Dow. 

Father Doyle, 
Roman Catholic Clergyman. 

Mrs. Marion H. Dunham, 
President W. C. T. U., Iowa. 

Richard T. Ely, Ph. D., 

Author "An Introduction to Political 
Economy." 

Frances H. Ensign, 

President W. C. T. U., Ohio. 

James L. Ewin, 

Corresponding Secretary A. S. L. of 

America, Washington, D. C. 
Frank H. Farris, 

Attorney. 
Franz V. Feldman, 

Economist. 
C. J. Ferguson, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Vermont. 

Joseph W. Folk, 

Governor of Missouri. 

Bishop Cyrus D. Foss. 

Rev. L. S. Fuller, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Utah, Wyo- 
ming, and Nevada. 

Mrs. Frances Joseph Gaudet, 

President (Willard) W. C. T. U., Louis- 
iana. 

Mrs. Ella M. George, 

President W. C. T. U., Pennsylvania. 

Col. T. M. Gilmore, 

President National Model License 

League. 
William E. Gladstone. 
Robert B. Glenn, 

Governor of North Carolina. 
Henry W. Grady, 

Editor and Orator. 
Rev. W. M. Grafton, Ph. D., 

' • perintendent A. S. L., South Dakota. 



Mrs. Frances W. Graham, 

President W. C. T. U., New York. 
Horace Greeley. 
Mrs. Mary E. Green, 

President W. C. T. U., Hawaii. 
Mrs. Hester T. Griffith, 

President W. C. T. U., Southern Cali- 
fornia. 
Rev. W. T. Groom, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Montana. 
Edwin C. Hadley, 

Chairman Kansas Prohibition Commit- 
tee. 
Edward Everett Hale, 

Author, Minister, Reformer. 
W. R. Hamilton, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Tennessee. 
Hon. J. Frank Hanly, 

Governor of Indiana. 
Rev. T. M. Hare, 

Superintendent A. S. L., District of 

Columbia. 
Rev. John L. Harley, 

Superintendent A. S. L., South Carolina. 
Andrew L. Harris, 

Governor of Ohio. 
Charles N. Haskell, 

Governor of Oklahoma. 
Rev. W. W. Havens, 

Superintendent A. S. L., New Mexico. 
L. E. Hawk, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Ohio. 
George S. Hawke, LL.B., 

Prohibition Candidate for Attorney Gen- 
eral, Ohio. 
A. R. Heath, 

Statistician, Editor. 

FlNLEY C. HENDRICKSON, 

Attorney, Member National Prohibition 

Committee, Maryland. 
Mrs. Nettie P. Hershiseh, 

President W. C. T. U., Nevada. 
Edward W. Hoch, 

Governor of Kansas. 
Mrs. Clara C. Hoffman, 

Late W. C. T. U. Lecturer. 
Wilford B. Hogg att, 

Governor of Alaska. 
Mrs. Silena Moore Holman, 

President W. C. T. U., Tennessee. 
Rev. LT. G. Humphrey, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Wisconsin. 
Robert G. Ingersoll, 

Orator, Freethinker. 
E. E. Israel, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Louisiana. 
John Jay, 

Jurist. 
Samuel Johnson, D. D., 

Minister, Author. 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. 



William E. Johnson, 

United States Special Agent for the Sup- 
pression of the Liquor Traffic among the 
Indians. 

Lief Jones, M. P. 

Sam P. Jones., 

Preacher, Lecturer, Revivalist. 

Archbishop John J. Keane. 

Mrs. Harriet B. Kells, 

President W. C. T. U., Mississippi. 

Rod yard Kipling, 

* Poet and Author. 

Rev. J. R. Knodell, 
Assistant Superintendent A. S. L., Ore- 
gon. 

Mrs. Janette Hill Knox, 
Editor "Our Message," Massachusetts 
W. C. T. U. 

Lemuel L. Laughlin, ' 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Wyoming. 
Rev. Brooks Lawrence, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Alabama. 
Abraham Lincoln. 

Mrs. Lilah D. Lindsey, 

President W. C. T. U., Oklahoma 

(Indian Territory). 
C. J. Little, D. D., LL.D., 

President Garrett Biblical Institute. 
John D. Long, 

Ex-Secretary of the Navy. 
Martin Luther. 
Rev. J. D. McAlister, 

Field Secretary A. S. L., Virginia. 
William McKinley. 

E. E. McLaughlin, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Colorado. 
George F. Magoun, D. D., 

Minister, Author. 

Cardinal Manning. 
Miss Elizabeth March, 

President W. C. T. U., North Carolina. 

Mrs. Lulu A. Markwell, 

President YV. C. T. U., Arkansas. 
Senator Mattingly. 
Sebastian G. Messmer, 

Archbishop of Milwaukee. 
E. J. Moore, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Missouri. 
A. H. Morrill, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

New Hampshire. 
Rf.v. G. W. Morrow, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Michigan. 
C\rry A. Nation, 

!<• Former, Author, Lecturer. 
s E. Nicholson, 

iperintendenl A. S. L., Pennsylvania. 

ind F. Noel, 
Governor of Mississippi. 



Robert Norris, 

Secretary State Temperance Union, 

Kansas. 
C. E. Owen, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Maryland. 
LaForest J. Paige, 

Secretary A. S. L., Vermont. 
Rev. N. A. Palmer, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Minesota. 
Robert H. Patton, 

Attorney. 
Mrs. E. E. Peterson, 

President (Thurman) W. C. T. U., 

Texas. 
Carrington A. Phelps, 

Author. 
Wendell Phillips. 
Charles S. Pierce, 

Student, Orator. 
Clarence E. Pitts, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

New York. 
Mrs. Margaret B. Platt, 

President W. C. T. U., Washington. 
Judge Charles A. Pollock, 

Representative A. S. L., North Dakota. 
Terence V. Powderly. 
J. C. Price, 

President National Afro - American 

League. 
Rev. R. W. Raymond, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Washington. 
Elisha T. Read, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Rhode Island. 
O. A. Reinhardt, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 

Colorado. 
J. B. Richards, 

Associate Superintendent A. S. L., Geor- 
gia. 
Rev. B. F. Riley, D. D., LL. D., 

Superintendent A. S. L., Texas. 
Rev. J. H. Robbins, D. D., 

Superintendent A. S. L., New Hamp- 
shire. 
Theodore Roosevelt. 
Mrs. Louise S. Rounds, 

W. C. T. U. Lecturer. 
John Ruskin. 
Rev. H. H. Russell, D. D., 

Founder A. S. L. of America; Super- 
intendent A. S. L., New York. 
Mrs. Lulu L. Siiepard, 

President W. C. T. U., Utah. 
James K. Shields, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Illinois. 

E. S. Shumakeb, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Indiana. 
Mrs. Clinton Smith, 

President W. C. T. U.. District of Co- 
lumbia. 



VI 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. 



Hoke Smith, 
Governor of Georgia. 

Rev. S. A. Smith, 
Superintendent A. S. L., Louisiana. 

Rev. J. C. Solomon, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Georgia. 

Ben H. Spence, 

Secretary Ontario Branch Dominion Al- 
liance, Canada. 

H. II . Spoon er, 

Secretary Temperance. Union, Connecti- 
cut. 

Mrs. Joseph Sprott, 
President W. C. T. U., South Carolina. 

Fred. D. L. Squires, 

Editor Associated Prohibition Press, 

Chicago. 
Rev. D. J. Starr, D. D., 

Chaplain, Ohio Penitentiary. 

Mrs. Lillian M. N. Stevens, 
President National W. C. T. U. 

Mrs. Katherine Lent Stevenson, 

President W. C. T. U., Massachusetts. 

Cora Frances Stoddard, 

Corresponding Secretary Scientific Tem- 
perance Federation, Boston. 

John L. Sullivan. 

Rev. E. A. Tabor, 

Superintendent A. S. L., California. 

John W. Thomas, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 
Arizona. 

OSC^R B. TODHUNTER, 

Editor and Publisher. 

R. F. Travelick, 
President National Labor Union. 

C. W. Trickett, 
Attorney General, Kansas. 



T. DeQuincy Tully, 

Secretary Law Enforcement Society, 
New York City. 

Rev. August F. Wallis, 

Secretary A. S. L., Louisiana. 

Pere G. Wallmo, 
Author. 

Fred. M. Warner, 
Governor of Michigan. 

Booker T. Washington. 

Aaron S. Watkins, D. D., 

Clergyman, Educator; Prohibition Can- 
didate for Vice-President, 1908. 

Henry Watterson, 
Editor, Lecturer. 

John Wesley. 

J. W. West, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Kentucky. 

Wayne B. Wheeler, 

Superintendent A. S. L., Ohio. 

Mrs. Mary S. Whitney, 

President W. C. T. U., Hawaii. 

Canon Wilberforce. 

Mrs. Kate E. Wilkins, 

President W. C. T. IJ., Louisiana. 

Henry Smith Williams, M. D., LL.D., 
Specialist in Nervous and Mental Dis- 
eases. 

Bishop L. B. Wilson, D. D., LL.D., 

President Anti-Saloon League of Amer- 
ica. 

Col. W. S. Witham, 

Chairman Prohibition State Committee, 
Georgia. 

John G. Woolley, A. M., LL.D., 

Author, Orator, Editor; Prohibition 
Candidate for President, 1900. 

Carroll D. Wright. 

Luke Wright, 
Secretary of War. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGES 

List of Contributors iii-vi 

List of Portraits xi-xii 

Prologue , xiii-xvi 

By George M. Hammell, Editor. 

T introduction xvii-xxii 

By Oscar B. Todhunter. 

CHAPTER I. 

The Indictment of the Saloon. 

\ Statement of the Case against the American Dramshop in the Open Court 
of Public Opinion by Representative Reformers, corroborated by Advocates 
of License and Automatic Laws for Regulating the Liquor Traffic 1-14 

CHAPTER II. 

Evidence From Experience and Observation. 

Testimony against the Saloon offered by a Citizen Reformer after Hand-to- 
Hand Conflict, and by Students of the Individual, Social, Economic and 
Political Effects of the Liquor Traffic 15-30 

CHAPTER III. 

"Christian" Saloons vs. Christian Missions. 

A Study of the Obstacles to Christian Propagandism Created by the World- 
wide Expansion of a Commercial Paganism Protected by so-called Chris- 
tian Nations 31-41 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Saloon An Economic Vampire. 

A Statistical Arraignment of the Liquor Traffic as a Destroyer, not only of 
Economic Wealth, but of the Wealth-Producer — based upon comparisons 
of Authoritative Analyses of Industrial Conditions as found in "wet" and 
"dry" Territory 42-52 

CHAPTER V. 

Physiological Effects of Alcohol. 

By Henry Smith Williams, M.D., LL.D. 

A Scientific Statement of the Effects of Alcohol as a Narcotic Irritant, or 
Anaesthetic, Based Upon the Most Recent Laboratory Experiments, 
Written by one of the most Famous Nerve-Disease Specialists in the 

United States 53-68 

CHAPTER VI. 

Saloon SlNS AS SEEN f.v \ SUFFERER. 

The Confession of a Victim of the Liquor Traffic Corroborating the Arraign- 
ment of the Saloon h\ Temperance Agitators and Prohibition Law Makers 69-79 

vii 



viii CONTENTS. 

PAGES 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Saloon An Outlaw. 

By George S. Hawke, LL.B, Prohibition Candidate for Attorney General, Ohio, 1908. 

A Digest of Judicial Decisions Against the Retail Traffic in Intoxicating 
Liquors, Rendered by the United States Supreme Court, and other Courts, 
Establishing the Contention that the Saloon has no Common Law Right 
to Exist in the American Commonwealth 80-103 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Heroes and Martyrs. 

Life Sketches of Temperance and Prohibition Reformers Who Have Conse- 
crated the Cause of the Great Reform by the Hazard of Life Itself on the 
Fields of Duty 104-130 

CHAPTER IX. 
Educational Organizations. 

The National Temperance Society — By John W. Cummings, Treasurer. 

The Scientific Temperance Federation — By Cora Frances Stoddard, Corre- 
sponding Secretary. 

The Independent Order of Good Templars — By Mrs. M. McClellan Brown, 
Ph. D., Grand Chief Templar, Ohio, I. O. G. T. 

The Catholic Total Abstinence Union. 

A Summary of Educative Forces Co-operating with Political Agencies for the 

Overthrow of the Saloon 131-142 

CHAPTER X. 

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 

By Mrs. Lillian M. N. Stevens, President. 

A Resume of Methods Employed in Abolishing the Saloon by the Greatest 

Woman's Organization in the World 143-152 

CHAPTER XL 

Frances Elizabeth Willard. 

By The Editor, and Fellow -Workers and Patriots. 

An Appreciation of the Best-Loved Woman of Her Time — the Uncrowned 

Queen of American Womanhood 153-161 

CHAPTER XII. 
The National Prohibition Party. 
By Samuel Dickie, LL. D., President of Albion College, Michigan, Chair- 
man of the National Prohibition Committee, 1888-1900. 

The History of the Only Political Organization in the United States Pledged 
to Administer Government in Harmony with Public Sentiment and Su- 
preme Court Decisions Against the Saloon 162-171 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Intercollegiate Prohibition Association. 

By D. Leigh Colvin, President 1899-1908. 

A Young Man's Story of One of the Most Significant Movements Among the 

Young Men of the American Republic 172-182 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The Anti-Saloon League — Purpose and Methods. 

By Bishop Luther B. Wilson, D. D., President. 

An Official Statement of the Attitude and Policy of the Most Effective Non- 
partisan Organization of Modern Times Arrayed Against the Retail Liquor 
Traffic 183-185 



CONTENTS. jx 

PAGES 

CHAPTER XV. 

The Anti-Saloon League — Origin and Personnel. 

By Louis Albert Banks, D. D. 

A Historical and Character Sketch of 'The Federated Church in Action 

Against the Saloon" 186-195 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Temperance Tidal Wave. 

By Samuel J. Barrows, President International Prison Commission. 

A Survey of the Worldwide Movement Against the Liquor Traffic by a Dis- 
tinguished Penologist 196-203 

CHAPTER XVII. 

The Temperance Tidal Wave — (Continued). 

By Samuel J. Barrows, President International Prison Commission 204-215 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Greatest Problem Since Slavery. 

By Carrington A. Phelps. 

An Analysis of Factors Involved in the Liquor Problem in the United States. . .216-223 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Liquor's Fight Against Prohibition. 

By Carrington A. Phelps. 

Methods Employed by the Various Liquor Organizations to Maintain Their 
Trade Against the Moral Sentiment of the People Embodied in Prohibitory 
Legislation — A Disclosure of Fraud, Terrorism, Boycott 224-234 

CHAPTER XX. 

The Southland's Winning Fight. 

By Harris Dickson, Judge of the Municipal Court, Vicksburg, Miss. 

A Historical and Political Study of the Various Social, Political and Educa- 
tional Influences Which Have Cooperated in Placing the Saloon in the 
South Under Ban of Law 235-241 

CHAPTER XXI 

The W. C. T. U. in Action. 

Kield Reports From State Officers Describing the Operations of the "Do-every- 

thing?' Policy in All the Commonwealths .242-252 

CHAPTER XXII. 

The Prohibition Party at Work. 

Reports of Campaigns in the Various States Furnished by State Officials 253-264 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Symphony of the States. 

History of the Movement Against the Saloon in Its Various Phases, Compiled 
From Statements Furnished by Representatives of the W. C. T. U., the 
Prohibition Party, and the Anti-Saloon League, and Other Temperance 
and Reform Organizations , 265-282 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
Symphony of the States— (Continued). 283-299 



CONTENTS. 



PAGES 

CHAPTER XXV. 

The Cleansing of Kansas City, Kansas. 

By C. W. Trickett, Assistant Attorney General, Kansas. 

A Chapter in the Life of an Official, Who Performed the Duties of His Office, 
and Demonstrated the Possibility of Closing Saloons by Enforcement of 
Law ". 300-317 

CHAPTER XXVI. 
Carry A. Nation — The Heroine of the Hatchet. 
The History of a Citizen Militant Without a Vote, Who, in Exercise of a 
Common Law Right, Aroused a W r hole Commonwealth to Action and Im- 
mortalized Herself as a Successor of the Ancient Prophets — With an 
Introductory Appreciation by Will Carlton 31&-326 

CHAPTER XXVII. 
Fighting Firewater. 
A Story of War Against Liquor Sellers Conducted by William E. Johnson, 
Special Agent of the United States Government for the Suppression of the 
Traffic in Intoxicating Liquor Among the Nation's Wards — Compiled from 
Official Sources 327-339 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
The Negro Problem and the Liquor Problem. 

Prohibition and the Negro — By Booker T. Washington, President Tuskegee 
Institute. 

The Negro and Prohibition — By J. C. Price, President National Afro-Ameri- 
can League. 

The Colored Anti-Saloon League of America — By Rev. C. W. McColl, Presi- 
dent. 

Work Among the Negroes in Texas — By Mrs. Eliza E. Peterson, President 
Thurman W. C. T. U. 

Willard W. C. T. U., Louisiana — By Mrs. Frances Joseph Gaudet, President. 

A Contribution to the Solution of Social and Economic Problems Based on 

Recognition of Personal Rights and National Duties 340-352 

CHAPTER XXIX. 
"Uncle Sam," the Big Bartender. 
A Plain Statement of Facts Showing the Anomalous Relation that Exists Be- 
tween the Federal Government and the Liquor Traffic in All Its Phases. . .353-363 

CHAPTER XXX. 
On to Washington. 
A Plea for National Prohibition as the Only Solution of the Liquor Problem 

in the United States 364-378 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

The Anti-Liquor Fight in Canada. 

By Ben H. Spence, Secretary Ontario Branch The Dominion Alliance. 

An Official Report of the Campaign Against the Liquor Traffic in the Imperial 

United Provinces of North America 379-392 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Signs of the Times. 
Optimistic Fore-views of the Movements Against the Saloon Inspired by Faith 
in the Universal Desire to Realize the Ideals of the Church, the Home, 
and the State 393-408 

Chronological History of the Great Reform 409-415 

Bibliography 417-426 

Index 427-437 



LIST OF PORTRAITS. 



OPPOSITE PAGE 

Allen, Rev. W. Z 274 

Anderson, Mrs. Elizabeth P 148 

Anderson, William H... 130 

Armor, Mrs. Mary Harris 148 

Arters, Rev. John M 296 

Artman, Judge Samuel R 98 

Atkins, Mrs. Florence Ewell 22 

Baily, Joshua L 132 

Bain, George W 118 

Baker, Rev. Purley A 402 

Baldwin, Francis E 304 

Barber, Rev. W. C, B. D.: 274 

Barnes, Mrs. M. R 346 

Barnes, Mrs. Mary Wilder 312 

Batten, Samuel Z 230 

Benjamin, Mrs. A. S 252 

Bettys, F. H 26 

BMvvell, John 166 

Black, James 166 

Blakesley, Raphael H 172 

Blanchard, Mrs. Lucy S 84 

Boole, Mrs. Ella 160 

Bristol, Rev. I. B 210 

Brooks, J. A 168 

Brown, Mrs. Henrietta 40 

Brown, Mrs. McClellan, Ph. D 140 

Bullock, Mrs. H. L...., 242 

Burchenal, Caleb E 295 

Burke, Hon. John 18 

Burke, Dr. W. M 210 

Burt, Mrs. Mary Towne 32 

Calderwood, W. G 88-253 

Calkins, Mrs. Emor L 252 

Carmack, Hon. Edward W 128 

Cams, Rev. J. B., Ph. D 280 

Carroll, George W 168 

Cartland, Mrs. Mary E 124 

Chafin, Hon. Eugene W 254 

Chapman, Rev. Ervin S 80 

Chown, Rev. S. D., D. D 386 

Clark, Dr. Billy James 102 

Coates, A. U 262 

Cobb, Hon. William T 18 

Codding, J. K 46 

Coffin, Hon. John P 218 

Coffin, Mrs. John P 218 

Cohen, Mrs. M. E 372 

Colored W. C T. U. Officers 346 

Colvin, D. Leigh 172 

Comer, Hon. Braxton B 4 

Cool, Rev. James W., D. D 286 

Couch, Earl E 26 

Cox. W. D 88 

Crafts, Mrs. W. F 372 

Cranfilt, J. B 168-258 

Crosby. Mrs. ] lannah E 364 

Crumpton, Rev. W. B., D. D 224 

Cuyler, Theodore L., D. D. LL. D.. 106 



OPPOSITE PAGE 

Daniel, William 168 

Davis, Huram W 262 

Davis, Samuel H 190 

Dickie, Samuel 162-258 

Dodge, Hon. William E 136 

Dorr, Mrs. Sara J 84 

Dow, Neal 166 

Dunham, Mrs. Marion H 112 

Dunn, Rev. James B., D. D 136 

Durkee, Rev. J. H 130 

Edwards, Mrs. Milton H 58 

Emig, Mrs. Clayton E 364 

Ensign, Miss Frances H 40 

Eugene, Miss Cora L 346 

Fairchild, Mrs. C. A. G 242 

Finch, John B 118 

Fisk, Clinton B 166 

Fosdick, Hon. Frederick 190 

Fry, Mrs. Susanna M. D 150 

Fuller, Rev. Louis S 204 

Gandier, Rev. D. M 210 

Garbutt, Mrs. Mary Alderman 290 

Gaudet, Mrs. Frances Joseph 346 

Gibson, Joseph 380 

Gilchrist, Miss Christianna G 266 

Glenn, Hon. Robert B 14 

Gordon, Miss Anna A 150 

Grafton, W. M 204 

Graham, Mrs. Cora D 242 

Graham, Mrs. Frances W 32 

Grandfield, Mrs. Charles P 372 

Griffith, Mrs. Hester T 290 

Guile, J. M 92 

Hadley, Edwin E 178 

Hammell, George M., D. D. .Frontispiece 

Hanly, Hon. J. Frank 402 

Hare, Rev. T. M 286 

Harley, Rev. J. L 236 

Harris, Hon. Andrew L 402 

Haskell, Hon. Charles N 14 

Hawk, Leslie E 178 

Hawke, Hon. George S 80 

Hawley, Mrs. Antoinett Arnold 198 

Heald, Mrs. Frances Beveridge 232 

Hendrickson, Finley C 258 

Hillyer, Rev. J. L. D 184 

Hilton, J. W., A. M 280 

Hinshaw, Virgil G 172 

I loch, Hon. Edward W 10 

Hoelscher, Gustave 172 

llolman, Mrs. Silena Moore 22 

Howard, Clinton N 102 

Humphrey, Ulysses G 64 

I Iungerford, Mrs. Adrianna 198 

Intercollegiate Prohibition Associa- 
tion Officers and Orators 172 



Xll 



LIST OF PORTRAITS. 



OPPOSITE PAGE 

Johnson, Hale 168 

Johnson, William E 326 

Jones, Charles R 253 

Jones, Evert L 172 

Jones, Sam P 102 

Kells, Mrs. Harriet B 124 

Knudell, Rev. J. R 76 

LaChance, Mrs. Imogene F. H 266 

Lancaster Campground Group 402 

Lawrence, Rev. Brooks 224 

Lawson, Mrs. W. A 230 

Levering, Joshua 166 

Lewis, John B., Jr 88 

Lewis, Jonathan S 88 

Lincoln, Abraham 106 

Lindsey, Mrs. Lilah D 248 

Lough, F. W 262 

McCalmont, David B 178 

McColl, Rev. C. W 340 

McGregor, Bradford 170 

McKinney, Mrs. Alice Cary 140 

McLaughlin, Rev. E. E 92 

McNeill, James 102 

McWhirter, Felix T 258 

Mandigo, Mrs. Delia R 246 

Manierre, Alfred L 304 

March, Miss Elizabeth 140 

Markwell, Mrs. Lulu A 248 

Marshall, John 46 

Marter, G. F 386 

Martin, I Ion. John B 70 

Mead, Rev. Charles H 162 

Mesch, Fred, Jr 172 

Metcalf, H. B 168 

Morrill, Rev. A. H., D. D 178 

Morris, Mrs. F. E. W„ A. M 346 

Munns, Mrs. Margaret C 214 

Nation, Mrs. Carry A 318 

Neal, Miss Minnie E 112 

Nesbitt, Mrs. Annetta 232 

Nicholson, S. E 300 

Noel, Hon. Edmond F 10 

Norris, Robert 46 

Nutter, Mrs. S. C 312 

Oates, John A 236 

Odle, M. S., LL. B 274 

Pennington, Levi T 172 

Peterson, Mrs. Eliza E 346 

Pierce, Charles Scroggin 172 

Pitts, Clarence E 26 

Piatt, Mrs. Margaret B 214 

Plimpton, Mrs. S. W 290 

Presidential Candidates, Prohibition 

Party 166 

Prohibition Party Executive Com- 
mittee 258 

Raymond, Rev. R. W 76 

Reinhardt, O. A 98 



OPPOSITE PAGE 

Richards, J. B 184 

Riley, Dr. B. F 64 

Robbins, Miss Annie A 40 

Robinson, Mrs. J. W 364 

Russell, Howard H 186 

Russell, Rev. John 168-170 

St. John, John P 166 

Sampson, Mrs. Mary C 290 

Schalber, William 304 

Scholpp, Rev. C J. C 304 

Scovell, Mrs. Bessie Laythe 246 

Shea, Hon. John T 326 

Shearer, Rev. J. C, D. D 380 

Shelton, Mrs Emma Sanford 372 

Shepard, Mrs. Lulu Loveland 112 

Shields, James Kurtz 64 

Sibley, Mrs. Jennie Hart 53 

Smith, Mrs. Clinton 364 

Smith, Green Clay 166 

Smith, Hon. Hoke 4 

Solomon, Rev. J. C, A. M 184 

Spence, F. S 386 

Spooner, H. H 190 

Starrett, Mrs. Emma L 282 

Stearns, John N 132 

Stevens, A. A 258 

Stevens, Mrs. Lillian M. N 142 

Stewart, Gideon T 168 

Stewart, Oliver W 258 

Stockwell, George E., D. D 70 

Swallow, Silas C 166 

Taylor, Thomas E 340 

Tenney, Mrs. Ellen L 242 

Thomas, Mrs. Luella E 266 

Thompson, Mrs. Anna 266 

Thompson, H. A 168 

Tiffany, Dr. E. L 26 

Todhunter, Oscar B XVI 

Trickett, Hon. C W 300 

Vice-Presidential Candidates, Prohi- 
bition Party 168 

Warner, Harry S 172 

Watkins, Hon. Aaron S 254 

Way, Mrs. Charity 290 

Welch, Mrs. Belle M 246 

Westcott, Mrs. S. M 372 

Wetlaufer, Dr. Ellen J 230 

Wheeler, Hon. Wayne B 402 

Wilbur, Mrs. S. D 266 

Wilkins, Mrs. Kate E 140 

Will, Miss Glenn 194 

Willard, Frances E 152 

Willard Memorial 156 

Williams, Henry Smith, M. D 52 

Wilson, Alonzo E 262 

Wilson, Bishop Luther B 402 

Wolfenbarger, A. G 258 

Woolley, John G 166 

Wright. Hon. Seaborn 402 




PROLOGUE. 

By Geoege M. Hammell, Editor. 

HAVE undertaken to tell the story of the passing of the 
saloon — the story of what the French call a debacle, a down- 
fall. I believe that the saloon will cease to exist, and that 
there are moral, political, social and economic forces now oper- 
ating, which will speedily destroy it. As surely as the Third 
Empire was doomed to pass at Sedan, so surely the Empire of the Saloon 
is destined to pass on the field of crucial conflict between the forces that 
make for good and the forces that make for evil. 

Long before the Prussian armies crushed the troops of Napoleon 
the Little and bore their king to be crowned Emperor in the palace of 
the French monarchs at Versailles, it was predicted that God had decreed 
the downfall of the rotten regime of Napoleon and Eugenie. In the 
nature of things it could not live. 

And so I predict the downfall of the Liquor Power. It is written 
in the eternal nature of things that such an evil must die. It must be 
overcome by good, that the Nation may live. 

Against the traffic in intoxicating liquors a widespread final move- 
ment has been inaugurated. As never before, universal moral sentiment, 
always averse to the sale of strong drink, is expressing itself in effec- 
tive legislation, and the police powers of the state at last are being exer- 
cised for the purpose which they were instituted to fulfil — the protection 
of the commonwealth against its foes, and the suppression of this prime 
source of crime and misery. Public opinion in England, France, Ger- 
many, Sweden, Finland, Russia, Switzerland, Canada and the United 
States, is advancing to the destruction of a system which the God of 
nations and the highest convictions of mankind have branded fatal to 
human life and progress. 

Heretofore, there have been "movements" against the saloon, which, 
for a time, mayhap, augured victory. But the saloon survived. It will 
be 6aid that the anti-liquor agitation of which this book is the story 
and apology, will also fail ; that the wave will recede, "spume sliding 
down the baffled decuman," as Lowell says in "The Cathedral." But 
the world today is too far on in the processes of sound moral and political 
erolution to retreat from the point of vantage gained in the combat be- 



x i v CHE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

tween the allied agencies that make for law and order, and the forces that 
make for anarchy and death. 

The so-called "temperance wave" of 1904-1908 is not a mere rise of 
fanatical sentiment, destined to fall back into the depths of bigotry from 
which it is said to spring. It is rather an upheaval of profound moral 
convictions, registering itself in the enactment of constitutions and stat- 
utes based upon Eternal Laws of Good. It is the product of a deepening 
sense of social responsibility for the child of nobody, the spawn of the 
tenement, the cadger and the drunkard, the divorced wife, the criminal, 
the maniac and the pauper. And society sees as never before, and even 
the saloon sees as never before, the fire-finger of Fate that writes its doom 
on crumbling walls. 

For many a year, since the days of Father Theobald Mathew to the 
days of John B. Gough, there have been prophetic souls that saw to the 
slimy depths of the vile trade in drink; but society and the state did not 
see. The seers reported their vision. Like Dante they entered the world 
of nameless woes, and drew flame pictures of the social purgatories and 
hells. At last the eye of the world has been won, and the heart and con- 
science of mankind responds to the eye's new sense of truth. 

This volume is a record; it is also a prophecy. It reports achieve- 
ment; it utters a prediction. Born of loyalty to the public welfare, it is 
a contribution to the Campaign for Universal Brotherhood. Against its 
facts and arguments there can be no logic, even as against the Ten Laws 
of Moses there can be no legislation. It deals with an Eternal Issue. 
When the campaign of 1908 has closed, and the question of the presi- 
dential succession has been settled, this volume will stand as the Text Book 
of a Campaign which will never end until the saloon has been put under 
the ban of law and public opinion from Portland to Honolulu, and from 
St. Augustine to the Klondike. 

And when its ideals shall have been realized, we venture the hope that 
it will find a place among the purpose books of the world, to be cherished 
in honor and read with joy in homes which no saloon can ever blight and 
no fear of the liquor traffic will ever disturb. 

It is not partisan nor sectional. Its appeal is made not merely to 
those who are in the fight against the saloon, but to brewers, distillers and 
saloonkeepers, in the hope that before the people, in the renaissance of 
their lost powers, shall abolish the "trade," they may escape the impending 
catastrophe. 

The saloonkeeper is a fungoid growth on the social body. Person- 
ally, even if he himself be a total abstainer, he is persona non grata in 
society. Industry and commerce repudiate him, and the labor lodge 
blackballs him. Boys have no ambition to become retailers of intoxicat- 



PROLOGUE. XV 

ing liquors. A schoolteacher of fifty years' experience, familiar with 
schoolboys' hopes, writes me that he has never known a boy who aspired 
to preside at a saloon bar. Why? The vocation is in disrepute. 

The retail liquor trade is despised of all men. The politician uses 
it, but he snubs it. The brewer and the distiller exploit it for the sake 
of the profit, but they flay it for the evils that grow out of it. At their 
conventions, the retailer is mercilessly denounced by every speaker on the 
platform. At a recent meeting the attacks were so hot that, at last, the 
President of the Retailers' Association resented them, and bolted the con- 
vention until the organizers offered apology. 

It is for this ostracized member of society, as well as for the drunk- 
ard and his family, that the great reform is being carried on. When the 
saloon has passed, the saloonkeeper will not be compelled to work eighteen 
hours a day, seven days a week. He will have a chance to earn his bread 
out in the light of day, a producer of goods of economic value, an hon- 
ored member of society, a true citizen of a saloonless state. 

The triumphs of 1907 and 1908 show that the adroit method of 
forcing one or the other of the dominant political parties to adopt the 
"temperance" issue is, at the present stage, the most successful in securing 
immediate results. That is to say, the methods so long practiced suc- 
cessfully by the liquor interests have been adopted and operated by the 
anti-liquor forces, and the liquor league has been outwitted at its own 
game. For, in any real test by popular vote, there is in every state a 
majority of men who, when the direct issue is made, prefer and will vote 
for law and order. Democrats, republicans, prohibitionists, socialists, 
Christians and infidels, will work and vote together against the saloon 
whenever they find a practical way to mobilize their forces. They have 
grown weary of forever confronting the hostile influence of the saloon 
whenever they attempt to do anything for the public good. And they 
can defeat any public candidate who stands in their way. 

And so it is happening that, in like manner as there has long been a 
"saloon vote," so now there is a "temperance vote" which, while it may not 
always or even often be a "prohibition party" vote, is yet playing sad 
havoc with many pre-election plans in the national and state campaigns 
of this current year. 

The Real Issue of 1908 is a People's issue, as the battle of Mission 
Ridge was a soldiers' battle. With instant recognition of advantage, the 
rank and file thought faster and saw farther than the officers, and acted 
without orders. 

The people, the voters, at last, under the prod of conscience, are 
doing some of their own political thinking and are making a fight on 
their own account. Ignoring tariff and other convention-made issres, 



xv \ THE PASSING 01 THE SALOON. 

they are seeing that, until the field is cleared of the dramshop, there is no 
hope of real prosperity, nor of that governmental administration which 
guarantees the protection of the home and the family against the destruc- 
tive forces that are so well illustrated in the saloon and its allied institu- 
tions. The day of the "Boss" is passing because the day of the saloon is 
passing. Voters can no longer be lined up under a mere pretentious 
promise of a "full dinner pail" and "sound money." They are recog- 
nizing the real issues, and, mindful of their own welfare, have sounded the 
slogan, "The saloon out of politics, and politics out of the saloon !" And 
the saloon is going out for good. 

For the sake of the Great Reform I have been in jail. The Liquor 
League seized me in the name of Law, and for thirty days held me a pris- 
oner-at-large in the streets of Cincinnati until I appeared in court and 
made defense. Ten years have passed. The Liquor League is not as strong 
as it then was, and its agent, who threatened to thrash me "within an inch 
of death," lies buried in a dishonored grave. 

Circumstances, tragic with coincidence, bring me again into the 
firing line of the anti-liquor forces. I most sincerely desire that the 
story of the Passing of the Saloon may be an inspiration to the grand 
army of workers engaged in the war. Without their generous and self- 
sacrificing assistance the compilation of this book could not have been 
accomplished. So far as possible, credit has been given to all who have 
assisted. But my hope is that they may receive their higher reward in 
the complete triumph of the great cause they have done so much to aid. 

To my friend and collaborator, Oscar B. Todhunter, is due the credit 
of conceiving and planning "The Passing of the Saloon," and provid- 
ing for its publication. Familiar with philanthropic and reform move- 
ments, as well as with the practical process of bookmaking and book 
publishing, he has made possible what might otherwise have remained as 
dreams and hopes. 

Cincinnati, December, 1908. 




OSCAR B. TOD HUNTER, 
Who planned "The Passing of the Saloon.' 




INTRODUCTION. 

By Oscae B. Todhuntee. 

HEN the pioneer American colonists set up their democratic 
form of government, based upon the declaration of the equal- 
ity of all men, and their inherent right to life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness, they, at the same time, admitted to their 
midst the two greatest enemies to equality, life, liberty and 
happiness, that men have known. Rum and slavery were firmly implanted 
upon American soil long before the first starry banner was unfurled to 
the breezes of heaven. 

These twin evils were early recognized. The traders who brought 
ship-loads of slaves to America carried cargoes of rum to Africa. Anti- 
slavery and anti-liquor agitation were features of the Revolutionary period. 
Two very conservative pioneer reform societies were formed at that time: 
the one, a "Society for the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bond- 
age;" the other, "To restrain the too free use of ardent spirits." 

In 1775, the first outright abolition society was formed, with Ben- 
jamin Franklin as president, and Dr. Benjamin Rush, a Quaker, as sec 
retary. 

Just ten years later, in 1785, this same Dr. Benjamin Rush pub- 
lished his famous essay on "The Effects of Ardent Spirits on the Human 
Body and Mind." This marked the beginning, in English-speaking coun- 
tries, of the formal discussion of the drink evil. It is remarkable that, 
as one man, in the person of Dr. Rush, was so prominently identified 
with the beginning of these two great reforms, so another man, three quar- 
ters of a century later, Abraham Lincoln, was equally active in the pro- 
motion of both, and the final settlement of one, of these great movements. 
And this twin interest was charcteristic of nearly all the reformers and 
philanthropists of that long period of agitation. 

In these days of the enactment and enforcement of prohibitory laws 
in so many states, it is interesting to recall that the possibility and desira- 
bility of the legal prohibition of the manufacture of intoxicating liquor 
was recognized by the first Continental Congress, which in 1777 passed 
the following resolution : 

"Resolved, That it be recommended to the several Legislatures in 
the United States immediately to pass laws the most effectual for putting 



xv jji THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

an immediate stop to the pernicious practice of distilling grain, by which 
the most extensive evils are likely to be derived if not quickly prevented." 

In 1790, as a result of the essay of Dr. Rush, there was prepared a 
"Memorial of the College of Physicians to the Senate of the United 
States Congress" deprecating the use of ardent spirits and recommending 
the imposition of high duties upon their importation. 

Four years later, in 1794, the Quakers presented to Congress the 
first anti-slavery petition. 

From that time, agitation against both evils continued along closely 
parallel lines. Various "anti" societies were formed, prominent advocates 
arose, periodicals made their appearance, and propaganda machinery 
multiplied. 

In 1808, what is claimed to have been the first "Temperance Society" 
was formed at Moreau, New York. 

At an early date the movement along both lines began to take on a 
political aspect. 

In November, 1839, a number of Abolitionists met at Warsaw, New 
York, and organized a political Anti-Slavery party with a platform con- 
sisting of a single plank, as follows: 

"Resolved, That in our judgment every consideration of duty and 
expediency which ought to control the action of Christian freemen re- 
quires of the Abolitionists of the United States to organize a distinct and 
independent political party, embracing" all the necessarv means for nomi- 
nating candidates for office and sustaining them by public suffrage." 

This was about sixty-four years after the organization of the first 
Abolition society. 

So, likewise, in 1872, sixty-four years after the Moreau "Temper- 
ance Society" was formed, the Prohibition party held its first national 
nominating convention. 

Following each of these incipient political movements arose the now 
well-worn cries of "third party," and "abolition don't abolish," and "pro- 
hibition don't prohibit." The leaders alike in both reforms, both before 
and after the political phase began, were subjected to unmeasured per- 
sonal persecution, and political, social and ecclesiastical ostracism, became 
the victims of mobs, many reaching the apotheosis of martyrdom. On 
the one hand are Garrison, and Phillips, and Sumner, and Lovejoy, and 
Lincoln, and on the other Haddock, and Gambrell, and St. John, and 
Leonard, and Swallow — heading long lists that in history will constitute 
the nation's double roll of honor. 

In like manner as Dr. Benjamin Rush was instrumental in inaugu- 
rating both the anti-slavery and the anti-liquor reforms, so nearly every 
later patriot was interested in both. Had Gerritt Smith, Charles Sumner, 



INTRODUCTION. 

Henry Wilson, Abraham Lincoln, Wendell Phillips and Horace Greeley 
no name in the anti-slavery cause, their fame would still be secure as anti- 
liquor advocates. 

In the fifties, both reforms were ripe for fruitioa. The nature of 
slavery was such that the catastrophe in connection therewith was first 
precipitated, and the Civil War came on. Had this not happened, it it 
strongly probable that at that period the general prohibition of the liquor 
traffic would have gone into effect. 

But, as a result of the anti-slavery war, the anti-liquor crusade, for 
the time, fell into abeyance. Moreover, the nation, driven to extremity 
by the stress of war, made the fatal mistake of imposing a tax upon the 
manufacture of liquor as a means of revenue. Seizing upon the nation's 
need, the distillers and brewers soon so entrenched themselves under the 
protection of the government that they have never since, until now, nearly 
fifty years after the war, been seriously disturbed. They have success- 
fully resisted all efforts for a half century to repeal the internal revenue 
law, although it was adopted originally only to cover a temporary war 
emergency. 

Having made Uncle Sam the chief partner in and beneficiary of the 
business, the liquor trade flourished enormously, and assumed an impor- 
tance and an arrogance most astonishing. It forced the whole population 
into submission, and for a decade following the war, anti-liquor agitation 
was very mild and ineffective. From the war days up to this day, it ha* 
ruled the dominant political parties with an iron hand, dictating their 
policies and enforcing their acquiescence, so much so that, in this year of 
grace, 1908, we see the two historic parties afraid to mention the liquor 
question in their platforms, and their candidates, though men of temper- 
ate personal habits and strong convictions, with hands on their mouths, 
bowing in abject silence before the great liquor Moloch. 

Following the war, however, the sleeping conscience of the people on 
this subject began to be aroused again, and the modern crusade, now 
reaching its happy consummation, set in. A generation has passed since 
the war, bearing with it happily the animosities and prejudices aroused 
by that great struggle. Now a mighty home-loving people, standing 
shoulder to shoulder, north and south, have joined hands for the eradica- 
tion of the second and remaining of the two giant evils implanted and 
permitted upon our soil in the days of our forefathers. As human sla- 
very, the offspring of greed and selfishness, was swept from this fair land 
in a baptism of blood, so also now the twin progeny of greed and selfish- 
ness, the enslaving trade in liquor, must pass away in a warfare les§ 
bloodv but no less unrelenting. 

As New England, in the olden days famous for rum. led in the arrita- 



xx THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

tion which freed the country from the curse of slavery, so now it is appro- 
priately significant that the Southland, former seat of slavery, leads in 
the movement to free the country from the curse of rum. 

It is everywhere conceded that it is the arrogance of the liquor trade 
that has led to its final undoing. It is the popular feeling against the 
modern American saloon, its ways and its influence, as an institution, 
rather than active sentiment against the beverage use of liquor that is 
causing such a rapid spread of dry territory. 

The word "saloon," as applied to American drinking-places, is an 
unwarranted misapplication and perversion of a word of elegant and cul- 
tured origin. It comes from the French salon, which means (Standard 
Dictionary): "specifically, in Paris, the periodic social reunion, under 
the auspices of some distinguished woman, of noted persons." This ele- 
gant word is stolen by the liquor trade in the United States, and applied 
to "A place devoted to the retailing and drinking of intoxicating liquor; 
a grog-shop." 

This parasitic pervert has recognized neither legal nor moral bounds 
or restraints. Encouraged by its alliance and partnership with the Fed- 
eral government under the Internal Revenue laws, and with many states 
and municipalities under license laws and ordinances, the liquor trade 
pushed the retail shops into a prominence and a recklessness before un- 
known. 

In the olden days, the serving of liquors and dram-drinking possessed 
the characteristics of hospitality, and the custom was common in most 
households. In those times, the retail trade in liquor was conducted as a 
hospitable and incidental adjunct of general stores or the taverns then 
so common. But gradually the trade developed, until practically the 
entire retail business was found in places conducted especially for that 
purpose, and where no other goods except tobacco were sold. The idea 
of hospitality and accommodation of customers disappeared, and the 
business was "run for all there is in it." The dram-shops became places 
which no decent woman could enter and where children could not be ad- 
mitted. They furnished no convenience or accommodations except such as 
catered to the incidental wants and vices of drinkers and served to increase 
the attractions of which the bar is the center. Gradually, free lunches, 
billiards, pool-tables, cards, dice and other gambling paraphernalia were 
introduced. Finally, the modern saloon was evolved with all its gorgeous 
equipment and lavish attractions. 

Then followed the arrogance and presumption of the trade. The 
saloon demanded rights and privileges never thought of in connection with 
any other line of business. It preempted choice locations, and dominated 
trade, industry and politics. Its entire equipment, management and asso- 



INTRODUCTION. ^ 

ciations were for the one purpose of enticing and ensnaring customers with 
the design of absorbing their money and time, and was not giving in 
return any useful or even harmless article. 

The vicious and demoralizing character of the modern saloon is known 
of all men. Its evils are fully set forth in this book. 

At last the public conscience is so aroused that the death knell of this 
institution has sounded. The saloon is passing. In the last twelve 
months, as shown by Federal internal revenue returns, dram-shops have 
passed at the rate of about twenty -five per day. Placed side by side, the 
buildings would present a frontage of fifty miles. Based upon the esti- 
mated average annual saloon receipts, this indicates a saving of $45,000,- 
000 for this one year, which has been turned into channels of legitimate 
trade. 

This book is not a history in the ordinary book or library sense. It 
attempts only a panoramic presentation of a mighty conflict in progress. 
It sketches in outline the causes of the war, the forces aligned, the methods 
of warfare, the progress of the battle, the gains and the losses and the 
signs and prospects of victory. 

Some day the full story of the overthrow of the American liquor 
traffic will be told, and it will be the record of the mightiest moral crusade 
in history. That story will include the history of the different organiza- 
tions and individuals now and heretofore enlisted in the great warfare 
against liquor. This will constitute a library of absorbing interest. But 
the time is not yet. 

In this book, the officers and soldiers on the firing line themselves tell 
the story of their trials and triumphs. The book possesses special interest 
and value, largely because the busiest and most earnest set of people on 
earth have snatched the time to contribute to its contents. 

There is also an aim to make the book an arsenal filled with the muni- 
tions of war, a source from which all workers can, like David the shepherd 
boy, draw the smooth stones of hard facts to hurl in the sling of faith and 
confidence full into the forehead of the giant liquor Goliath. 

Having had some part in the planning and preparation of "The Pass- 
ing of the Saloon," the writer has been most profoundly impressed with 
the extent and thoroughness of the organization of the anti-liquor forces, 
and the courage, patience and self-sacrificing spirit of the workers. There 
is no point so remote that there is not some lonesome but faithful soldier 
on guard. The leaders are able and the discipline perfect. It is a vol- 
unteer army, serving a high purpose without hope of reward. Such ;i 
fighting force is absolutely invincible. No one can read the vast volume 
of correspondence that has come to the editor from the field since the hook 
was announced, without the absolute conviction of speedy, complete and 



TT ^ THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

lasting victory. While there are different organizations, armies, divisions 
and battalions in the field, yet all are so welded together by a common hope 
and purpose that there is practical harmony and unity of effort every- 
where. 

Almost without exception all anti-liquor advocates and organizations 
stand upon the platform: "Total abstinence for the individual — total 
prohibition for the state." The first plank requires educational effort, 
and has had most prominence in the past. The second plank demands 
political effort, and is most prominent to-day. 

The men and women most active in the powerful anti-saloon move- 
ment of the present are the children of the days of the Woman's Crusade 
of one generation ago, and they are moved by the powerful impress of 
that wonderful uprising, and of the educational work of the past two 
generations. As the great temperance army moves from educational to 
political lines of action, there may develop slight inharmonies and differ- 
ences. But all will rally for the final engagement. 

In practice it has proved good policy to set each one to cleaning up 
his own door yard. This is the advantage of district option. It puts the 
responsibility upon local residents. Few people desire a saloon next door 
to their own residences. In a district contest they commit themselves 
against the saloon. They are then ready to support township, county, 
and state prohibition in turn, and finally will rally for the grand onslaught 
for national prohibition. 

It is increasingly evident that dry territory cannot be fully protected 
until the federal government adopts new internal revenue and interstate 
commerce regulations and practices. To this end the anti-liquor forces 
must take active part in congressional elections, and bring full pressure 
to bear upon congress. 

Finally, the federal government must abandon dts internal revenue 
system and get out of the liquor business, and a prohibition amendment 
must be added to the federal constitution. 

To the accomplishment of these ends the Grand Army is moving. 

Change dates, places, names, words, phrases and conditions, and the 
anti-liquor fight in progress in America today is a repetition of the re- 
building of the wall in Jerusalem by Nehemiah and his followers. Work- 
ers, read anew that old story, and, under its inspiration, go forth to battle 
to the end. "And so builded we the wall." 




CHAPTER I. 

THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON. 

TEMPERANCE speakers and writers often are accused of fa- 
natical misrepresentation and exaggeration when they describe 
the evil character of the saloon and the drink traffic. It is 
well, therefore, to see what some of the men engaged in the 
liquor business, and others who speak for or before them, 
think of their calling. 

An open meeting of "The National Model License League," an organ- 
ization made up of men engaged in the manufacture and sale of intoxi- 
cating liquors, was held at Louisville, Kentucky, January, 1908. From 
its official minutes the following extracts are quoted: 

T. M. Gilmore, President, said : 

"The handwriting is on the wall. I will say to }'ou that the press 
and the people of this countr} r have decided that the laws of this country 
shall be obeyed as the laws of Europe are obeyed. Our trade today is on 
trial before the bar of public sentiment, and, unless it can be successfully 
defended before that bar from every possible standpoint, I want to see it 
go down forever. As long as the present status of the saloon remains, all 
of the laws that society can pass will neither compel obedience to law, 
except spasmodically, nor take the liquor dealer out of politics. The pur- 
pose of The Model License League is to assist society to bring about the 
absolute and automatic enforcement of the laws, and the only way, in our 
opinion, that this can be accomplished is by changing the status of the 
saloon license. We know by long experience that high license compels 
the handling of inferior and of imitation goods. High license never has 
benefited society. 

"We hold that our business is either right or wrong. If it is wrong, 
it ought to be wiped out root and branch." 

An extract from a letter by Archbishop Messmer, of Milwaukee, 
was read: 

"The fact cannot be denied that what is called the American saloon 
— for it is a specifically American institution — as generally conducted, has 
been a source of untold misery and sin. The material ruin of tens of thou- 
sands of families, and the moral ruin of tens of thousands of young men 
and women, can be traced to the saloon, while its public influence in Church 
and State has been positively harmful. It is this universal fact, not fa- 
naticism, that has caused a tidal wave of prohibition to roll over the land." 

1 



2 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Marshall Bullitt, attorney, in an address, said: 

"The politicians use the saloon to carry out their ends, and the sa- 
loons in turn use their influence for the purpose of getting political power, 
and thus the whole thing acts and reacts and interacts, and the result is 
that feeling which grows up and which arouses the people to make a fight 
upon the saloon interests. 

"There is rising in this country a class of people who have made up 
their minds that, if there is but one way to make the saloons stay out of 
politics, and that is to crush them, they are going to do it. 

'"Why is it that prohibitionists are exerting this big influence? I 
believe that it is because of the injurious influence that the saloon exer- 
cises in each political community. Each community has found for itself, 
through a sad experience, that the most injurious element in the political 
life of suck communities is the effect of the saloon, and the people have 
made up their minds that they are not going to stand longer for the influ- 
ence of the saloon in politics." 

Mr. T. DeQuincy Tully, Secretary of the Law Enforcement Society 
of New York City, an invited speaker, said: 

"The liquor men in New York City do not want the law enforced; 
i. e. y they have not been wanting it enforced. Nine-tenths of our diffi- 
culties in the way of dealing with crime, with corruption, political and 
otherwise, arises from the lawless saloon." 

Hon. Frank H. Farris, in an address, said: 

"Disreputable men in the liquor business, wherever you find them, are 
the most active men in the politics of their neighborhood or their citv. 
And they have been enabled, by the forming of political alliances, ofttimes 
by being candidates for office, to maintain themselves and to keep these 
practices going — gambling and gross immorality. The result has been 
that the moral conscience of the people has become aroused, and men who 
believe as firmly in the doctrine of self-rights and personal liberty as you 
and I, have gone out and lifted up their hands and voices against the 
traffic purely from local causes, and to remove these evils." 

Other quotations, even more striking and significant, might be given 
from this pamphlet. The attack upon the character of the saloon became 
so fierce indeed, that the President of the Retail Dealers' Association arose 
in protest, and with a part of his membership left the hall. Afterwards, 
overtures and apologies were extended, and they were coaxed back into 
the meeting. 

A large library might be filled with notable utterances from all kinds 
of sources in condemnation of the saloon. In this chapter a number of 
these have been compiled, selected somewhat at random. They are so di- 
verse in origin, so widely distributed in time, place and station, as to con- 
stitute a fair reflection of the universal verdict of intelligent humanity in 



THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON. 3 

reference to this greatest of evils. They indicate the reason why the sa- 
loon is passing. 

Joshua L. Baily, reformer, Philadelphia: 

"That the revenue of the state may be greatly increased by higher 
license we do not attempt to deny. But the price would be the sacrifice 
of honor and virtue, 'the price of blood,' the best blood of the State — the 
blood of our young men. It would be infamous even should her revenue 
be increased tenfold thereby. Will anyone say that the crime of Judas 
would have been less infamous had he received three hundred instead of 
thirty pieces of silver?" 

George W. Bain, lecturer: 

"For every dollar paid the school to cultivate the intellect of this 
country, nine dollars are paid the saloon to blight that intellect." 

Henry Ward Beecher: 

"Every year I live increases my conviction that the use of intoxica- 
ting drinks is a greater destroying force to life and virtue than all other 
physical evils combined." 

Roswell A. Benedict, author, "Malefactors of Wealth." 

"There are only two trusts which this country needs to fear — the 
Whisky Trust and the Importing Trust. The first swindles the laborer 
out of his money, and the second swindles him out of his employment." 

Andrew Carnegie, to young men: 

"I am not a temperance lecturer in disguise, but a man who knows 
and tells you what observation has proved to him ; and I say to you that 
you are more likely to fail in your career from acquiring the habit of 
drinking liquor than from any of the other temptations likely to assail 
you. You may yield to almost any other temptation and reform, but from 
the insane thirst for liquor, escape is almost impossible. I have known of 
but few exceptions to this rule." 

Senator Carmack, of Tennessee: 

"I am weary of saloon domination. I am weary of the saloon's open 
alliance with vice, its open contempt of law. I am weary of a condition 
of things where the man whose business it is to make the laws must hold 
his office by consent of the man whose business it is to break the laws." 

Joseph Chamberlain : 

"If there is in the whole of this business any single encouraging fea- 
ture, it is bound to be found in the gathering impatience of the peo- 
ple at the burden which they are bound to bear, and their growing indig- 
nation and sense of shame and disgrace which this imposes upon them. 
The fiery serpent of drink is destroying our people, and now they are 
awaiting with longing eyes the uplifting of the remedy." 



4 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Ervin S. Chapman, D. D., LL. D. : 

"Our national Supreme Court has adjudged the liquor traffic inher- 
ently immoral and harmful to human interests, and has declared that to 
engage in that traffic is not one of the rights of American citizenship. We 
cannot remain at the point to which that decision lifts us, but that court 
must go forward to the inevitable adjudication that civil government can 
not grant that traffic any legal protection, or standing." 

Lord Chesterfield: 

"Luxury, my lords, is to be taxed, but vice prohibited. Let the diffi- 
culty in the law be what it may, would you lay a tax upon a breach of the 
Ten Commandments? Government should not, for revenue, mortgage the 
morals and health of the people." 

Sir Andrew Clark, the great London physician: 

"I am speaking solemnly and carefully in the presence of truth, and 
I tell you that I am considerably within the mark when I say to you that, 
going the round of my hospital wards today, seven out of every ten owed 
their ill health to alcohol." 

Richard Cobden: 

"The temperance cause is the foundation of all social and political 
reform." 

Neal Dow: 

"The liquor traffic exists in this country only by the sufferance of 
the Christian churches. They are masters of the situation so far as the 
abolition of the traffic is concerned. When they say 'Go,' and vote 'Go,' 
it will go. The saloon would destroy the church if it could ; the church 
could destroy the saloon if it would." 

Gladstone's reply to the London brewers: 

"Gentlemen, you need not give yourselves any trouble about the 
revenue. The question of revenue must never stand in the way of needed 
reforms. But give me a sober population, not wasting their earnings in 
strong drink, and I shall know where to obtain the revenue." 

Horace Greeley : 

"To sell rum for a livelihood is bad enough, but for a whole com- 
munity to share the responsibility and guilt of such a traffic seems a worse 
bargain than that of Eve or Judas." 

Henry W. Grady: 

"The saloon is the mortal enemy of peace and order, the despoiler of 
men and terror of women, the cloud that shadows the face of children, the 
demon that has dug more graves and sent more souls unshrived to judg- 
ment than all the pestilences that have wasted life since God sent the 
plagues to Egypt, and all the wars since Joshua stood before Jericho." 




C bo 

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THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON 5 

Edward Everett Hale: 

"If anybody will take charge of all Boston's poverty and crime which 
results from drunkenness, the South Congregational Church, of which I 
have the honor to be the minister, will alone take charge of all the rest of 
the poverty which needs relief in the city of Boston." 

Robert G. Ingersoll: 

"I am aware that there is a prejudice against any man engaged in the 
manufacture of alcohol. I believe from the time it issues from the coiled 
and poisoned worm in the distillery until it enters into the hell of death, 
dishonor and crime, that it dishonors ever3 T body who touches it — from its 
source to where it ends. I do not believe anybody can contemplate the 
subject without becoming prejudiced against the liquor crime. All we 
have to do, gentlemen, is to think of the wrecks on either side of the stream, 
of the suicides, of the insanity, of the poverty, of the ignorance, of the 
destitution, of the little children tugging at the faded and withered 
breasts, of weeping and despairing wives asking for bread, of the man of 
genius it has wrecked — the men struggling with imaginary serpents pro- 
duced by the devilish thing. 

"And when you think of the jails, of the almshouses, of the asylums, 
of the prisons, of the scaffolds upon either bank, I do not wonder that 
every thoughtful man is prejudiced against the damned stuff called alco- 
hol. It breaks the father's heart, it bereaves the doting mother, extin- 
guishes natural affection, erases conjugal love, blots out filial attach- 
ments, blights paternal hope, and brings down weary age in sorrow to the 
grave. It produces weakness, not health ; death, not life. It makes wives 
widows ; children orphans ; fathers fiends ; and all of them paupers and beg- 
gars ! It feeds rheumatism, nurses gout, welcomes epidemics, invites 
cholera, imports pestilences and embraces consumption. It covers the land 
with idleness, misery and crime. It fills your jails, supplies your alms- 
houses and demands your asylums. It crowds your penitentiaries and 
furnishes victims to your scaffolds. It engenders controversies, fosters 
quarrels, and cherishes riots. It is the lifeblood of the gambler, the prop 
of the highwayman and the support of the midnight incendiary. It coun- 
tenances the liar, respects the thief, esteems the blasphemer. It violates 
obligations, reverences fraud and honors infamy. It deforms benevolence, 
hates love, scorns virtue and slanders innocence. It incites the father to 
butcher his helpless offspring, helps the husband to massacre his wife, and 
the child to grind the patricidal ax. 

"It burns up man, consumes woman, desolates and devastates life, 
curses God, despises heaven. It suborns witnesses, nurses perjury, defies 
the jury box and sbains the judicial ermine. It bribes votes, disqualifies 
voters, corrupts elections, pollutes our institutions and endangers govern- 
ments. It degrades the citizen, debases the legislator, dishonors the states- 
man and disarms the patriot. It brings shame, not honor; terror, not 
safety; despair, not hope; miser}', not happiness; and with the malevo- 
lence of a fiend it calmly surveys its frightful desolation, and, unsatisfied 
with havoc, it poisons felicity, kills peace, ruins morals, blights eonfidence, 
slays reputation and wipes out national honor; then curses the world and 



\ 
\ 






(J THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

laughs at its ruin. It docs all that and more. It murders the soul. It is 
the sum of all villainies, the father of all crime, the mother of all abomina- 
tions, the devil's best friend and man's worst enemy. 



M 



John Jay : 

**To tax a thing is to tolerate it, and vice in its nature is not a thing 
to be tolerated." 

Samuel Johnson, D. D. : 

"To support government by propagating vice, is to support it by a 
means which destroys the end for which it was originally established, and 
for which its continuance is to be desired. If the expense of the govern- 
ment cannot be defrayed but by corrupting the morals of the people, I 
shall without scruple declare that money ought not to be raised, nor the 
designs of the government supported." 

Sam Jones : 

"I've seen a man and a dog go into a saloon, and in an hour the man 
would get beastly drunk and stagger out like a hog, while the dog would 
come out and walk away like a gentleman." 

Rudyard Kipling: 

"Then, recanting previous opinions, I became a Prohibitionist. Better 
it is that a man should go without his beer in public places, and content 
himself with swearing at the narrow-mindedness of the majority: better 
it is to poison the inside with the very vile temperance drinks, and to buy 
lager furtively at back doors, than to bring temptation to the lips of 
voun or fools such as the four I have seen. I understand now why the 
preacher rages against drink. I have said: 'There is no harm in it 
taken moderately,' and yet my own demand for beer helped directly to 
send these two girls reeling down the dark street to — God alone knows 
what end. If liquor is worth drinking, it is worth taking a little trouble 
to come at — such trouble as a man will undergo to compass his own de- 
sires. It is not good that we should let it lie before the eyes of children, 



an 



d I have been a fool in writing to the contrarv. 



jj 



Abraham Lincoln : 

"The liquor traffic is a cancer in society, eating out the vitals and 
threatening: destruction, and all attempts to regulate it will not only prove 
abortive, but will aggravate the evil. There must be no more attempts 
to regulate the cancer. It must be eradicated, not a root must be left be- 
hind : for. until this is done all classes must continue in danger of becom- 
ing victims of strong drink. 

"If it is a crime to make a counterfeit dollar, it is ten thousand times 
a worse crime to make a counterfeit man." 

Hon. John D. Long. Ex-Secretary of the Navy : 
"The dynamite of modern civilization." 






THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON. 



Martin Luther: 

"Whoever first brewed beer has prepared a pest for Germany. I 
have prayed to God that he would destroy the whole brewing industry- I 
have often pronounced a curse on the brewer. All Germany could live on 
the barley that is spoiled and turned into a curse by the brewer." 

William McKinley: 

"By legalizing this traffic we agree to share with the liquor seller the 
responsibilities and evils of his business. Every man who votes for license 
becomes of necessity a partner to the liquor traffic and all its conse- 
quences — the most degrading and ruinous of all human pursuits." 

Wendell Phillips : 

"No one supposes that law can make men temperate ; but law can 
shut up these bars and dram-shops, which facilitate and feed intemper- 
ance, which double our taxes and treble the perils to property and life." 

Theodore Roosevelt: 

"The friends of the saloonkeepers denounce their opponents for not 
treating the saloon business like any other. The best answer to this is that 
the business is not like any other business, and that the actions of the sa- 
loonkeepers themselves conclusively prove this to be the case. The busi- 
ness tends to produce criminality in the population at large and law break- 
ing among the saloonkeepers themselves. When the liquor men are al- 
lowed to do as they wish, they are sure to debauch, not only the body 
social, but the body politic also. 

"The most powerful saloonkeeper controlled the politicians and the 
police, while the latter in turn terrorized and blackmailed all other saloon- 
keepers. If the American people do not control it, it will control them." 

John Ruskin: 

"The encouragement of drunkenness for the sake of the profit on the 
sale of drink is certainly one of the most criminal methods of assassination 
for money hitherto adopted by the bravos of any age or country." 

Socrates : 

"While the intemperate man inflicts evil upon his friends, lie brings 
far more upon himself. Not only to ruin his family, but also to bring 
ruin on his body and soul, is the greatest wrong any man can (commit." 

John L. Sullivan, on his fiftieth birthda}': 

"Here I am, fifty years old as time is computed) but a centenarian in 
experience. Most sporting men are fifty in experience at twenty. What 
would I do if it were all to be gone over again? Why, I would cut out 
the grape juice, and I would lay by for thai rainy day ili.it comes into the 
lives of most men sometime. I have come to realize that to live life well 
our care should not bo so much to live long, as to live right— and remem- 
ber in all cases to let liquor alone. I qnit drinking in 1905. I have never 



8 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

signed the pledge, but made up my mind to get on the water wagon, and 
I am going to stay there. I feel fine." 

Henry Watterson: 

"Every office, from the President's down, is handed out over the sa- 
loon counter." 

St. Louis Christian Advocate: 

"Rev. George Warren, chaplain of the Missouri penitentiary, says 
that out of 2,279 convicts in the prison 85 per cent, came there directly 
through the influence of liquor, and that 5 per cent, of the remainder 
came there indirectly from the same cause. That is, 2,000 of the con- 
victs in the Missouri penitentiary are the result of the licensed liquor 
traffic in that state." 

Louis Albert Banks, D. D. : 

"But high license, you cry. What difference does the size of the 
license make in the case? Do you suppose the brandy that makes a man's 
heart beat thirteen times a minute faster than it ought under low license, 
will only make it beat five times too often under high license? Do you 
suppose the Bourbon whisky that, under a license fee of a hundred dollars, 
eats holes in a man's throat and stomach, and makes him from lips to 
stomach one raw, burning sore, will become mild and healing if the tax 
be raised to a thousand dollars? Will beer that clogs a man's liver and 
rots his kidneys when drunk over a pine table in a saloon that pays fifty 
dollars a quarter, suddenly become healthful when poured from a silver 
pitcher over a marble table in a saloon that pays three hundred dollars a 
quarter? Will the drunken brute beat his wife and kick his children the 
more gently when made drunk under high license than he would under low 
license? Out on all such nonsense! The stronger and the more elaborate 
your license system may be, the more thoroughly it intrenches the saloon 
as a disease-and-crime-scattering center in the community." 

General Booth: 

"Nine-tenths of our poverty, squalor, vice and crime spring from this 
poisonous tap-root. Society, by its habits, customs and laws has greased 
the slope down which these poor creatures slide to perdition." 

Phillips Brooks: 

"If we should sweep intemperance out of our country there would be 
hardly poverty enough left to give healthy exercise to our charitable im- 
pulses." 

James M. Buckley, Editor Christian Advocate: 

"The fatal defect of the saloon, as a means of gratifying the social 
instinct, is that it depraves the tastes of its habitues so that they prefer 
bad society to good. The saloon is an insuperable obstacle to the growth 
of good society. No frequenter of the saloon loves his home, if he has 
one. The habitual frequenter of the saloon rarely desires a home, or is 



THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON. 9 

possessed of the qualifications to make one happy. The existence of the 
saloon is a disgrace to the American people." 

Father Doyle, of New York: 

"Of all the evils that have cursed mankind, crushed woman's heart, 
sent youth to destruction, driven virtue to the haunts of shame and paved 
the pathway to hell, there is nothing that can compare with the evil of 
intoxicating drink." 

Bishop Cyrus D. Foss: 

"As a Christian minister I oppose drink, because it opposes me. The 
work I try to do, it undoes. It is an obstacle to the spread of the gospel ; 
nay, it is an enemy which assails the gospel, and whose complete success 
would drive the gospel from the earth." 

Archbishop Ireland: 

"The great cause of social crime is drink. The great cause of pov- 
erty is drink. When I hear of a family broken up and ask the cause — 
drink. If I go to the gallows and ask its victim the cause, the answer — 
drink. Then I ask myself in perfect wonderment, Why do not men put 
a stop to this thing?" 

Archbishop John J. Keane: 

"As a man and a Christian, I say, 'Damn the saloon!' If I could 
cause the earth to open and swallow up every saloon in the world, I would 
feel that I was doing humanity a blessing. We must protest against this 
thing ! It has no redeeming feature. It is bad for the home, for human- 
ity, for the Church and for the country. The thing we must do is to set 
our faces against it with the positive determination to conquer it." 

Cardinal Manning: 

"For thirty years I have been priest and bishop in London, and now 
I approach my eightieth year. I have learned some lessons, and the first 
thing is this : The chief bar to the working of the Holy Spirit of God in 
the souls of men and women is intoxicating drink. I know no antagonist 
to that Holy Spirit more direct, more subtle, more stealthy, more ubiqui- 
tous than intoxicating drink." 

John Wesley: 

"All who sell liquors in the common way to any that will buy are 
poisoners-general. They murder his Majesty's subjects by wholesale; 
neither does their eye pity nor spare. They drive them to hell like sheep. 
And what is their gain? Is it not the blood of these men? Who, then, 
would envy their large estates and sumptuous palaces? A curse is in the 
midst of them. The curse of God is in their gardens, their groves — a fire 
that burns in the nethermost hell. Blood, blood, is there! The founda- 
tion, the floors, the walls, the roof are stained with blood." 



10 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Canon Wilberf orce : 

"The deriving of vast sums for the revenue from the bitter sufferings 
and grinding pauperism of the people is a terrible offense. If Judas had 
received one thousand pounds instead of thirty pieces of silver, would that 
have justified his conduct?" 

Governor Henry A. Buchtel, Colorado: 

"When you consider the unspeakable damage which comes from the 
open saloon, you cannot avoid making haste to enact a law which will make 
possible the exclusion of the open saloon from those districts where the 
majority of the people are squarely opposed to it." 

Governor B. B. Comer, Alabama: 

"Before I entered upon my official duties as governor, while a strong 
temperance man, I was in no sense of the word a prohibitionist ; but after 
a year as chief executive, I am an intense prohibitionist, having been made 
so by the mothers, wives and children who have come to my office for the 
purpose of securing pardon or stay of execution for their sons, husbands 
or fathers, who have been sentenced for murder committed in nearly all 
cases while they were under the influence of whisky." 

Governor John Cutler, Utah: 

"It is a foregone conclusion that the morals of a community are im- 
proved by a decreased sale of strong drink. The revenues of the state 
are increased, because temperance leads to frugality and thrift, which 
lead to property accumulation by the citizens." 

Governor William O. Dawson, West Virginia: 

"The saloon furnishes the scene and the atmosphere where bribery is 
easy and secure, rallies the venal voters who constitute the bosses' power, 
is the refuge of criminals, protects vice, affords gamblers a shield and the 
patronage of inexperienced youth, and is a place where the opponents of 
every movement for civic betterment gather to devise fraud to beat it. To 
emblazon this responsibility of the saloon is the immediate next task of the 
saloon's enemies." 

Governor E. W. Hoch, Kansas: 

"With you I rejoice in the rapid progress of prohibition sentiment. 
It looks as if an old prediction of mine will come true sooner than I ex- 
pected it would: the prediction that the time would come when it would 
be thought as incredible that a civilized, Christian people ever tolerated a 
saloon, as that a civilized, Christian people ever tolerated human slavery. 

"The devil never invented a bigger lie than that revenue from illegiti- 
mate sources is necessary to the financial success of any town or city." 

Governor J. W. Folk, Missouri: 

"It is a business the natural tendency of which is toward lawlessness, 
and the time has come when it will either run the politics of the state or 
be run out of the politics of the state." 




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THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON. 11 

Governor R. B. Glenn, North Carolina: 

"I say to you deliberately, after thirty years' experience as an attor- 
ney and as a prosecuting officer in the courts, that I am firmly of the opin- 
ion that sixty per cent, of crime is directly the result of strong drink and 
ninety-five per cent, is indirectly caused by indulgence in strong drink. 
Can we then, in the face of such an appalling array, hesitate to say where 
we stand?" 

Governor J. Frank Hanly, Indiana: 

"Personally, I have seen so much of the evils of the traffic in the last 
four years, so much of its economic waste, so much of its physical ruin, so 
much of its mental blight, so much of its tears and heartache, that I have 
come to regard the business as one that must be held and controlled by 
strong and effective laws. I bear no malice toward those engaged in the 
business, but I hate the traffic. I hate its every phase. I hate it for its 
intolerance. I hate it for its arrogance. I hate it for its hypocrisy. I 
hate it for its cant and craft and false pretenses. I Jmte it for its com- 
mercialism. I hate it for its avarice. I hate it for its sordid love of gain 
at any price. I hate it for its domination in politics. I hate it for its 
corrupting influence in civic affairs. I hate it for its incessant effort to 
debauch the suffrage of the country ; for the cowards it makes of public 
men. 

"I hate it for its utter disregard of law. I hate it for its ruthless 
trampling of the solemn compact of state constitutions. I hate it for the 
load it straps to labor's back ; for the palsied hand it gives to toil ; for its 
wounds to genius ; for the tragedies of its might-have-beens. I hate it for 
the human wrecks it has caused. I hate it for the almshouses it peoples ; 
for the prisons it fills ; for the insanity it begets ; for its countless graves 
in potters' fields. I hate it for the mental ruin it imposes upon its vic- 
tims ; for its spiritual blight ; for its moral degradation. I hate it for the 
crimes it has committed. I hate it for the homes it has destroyed. I 
hate it for the hearts it has broken. I hate it for the malice it has planted 
in the hearts of men ; for its poison, for its bitterness, for the dead sea 
fruit with which it starves their souls. 

"I hate it for the grief it causes womanhood — the scalding tears, the 
hopes deferred, the strangled aspirations, its burdens of want and care. 

"I hate it for its heartless cruelty to the aged, the infirm and the help- 
less ; for the shadow it throws upon the lives of children : for its monstrous 
injustice to blameless little ones. 

"I hate it as virtue hates vice, as truth hates error, as righteousness 
hates sin, as justice hates wrong, as liberty hates tyranny, as freedom 
hates oppression. 

"I hate it as Abraham Lincoln hated slavery. And as he sometimes 
saw in prophetic visions the end of slavery and the coining of the time 
when the sun should shine and the rain should fall upon no slave in the 
republic, so I sometimes seem to see flu 1 end of this unholy traffic; the 
coming of the time when, if it does not wholly cense to be, it shall find no 
safe habitation anywhere beneath Old Glory's stainless stars." 



12 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Governor Hoke Smith, Georgia: 

"It is absolutely impossible to have a permanent, decent municipal 
government where the saloon dominates municipal politics. The elimina- 
tion of the saloon will help municipal politics everywhere." 

Governor Edmond F. Noel, Mississippi: 

"The saloons, the nursery of crime, the fruitful soil for the germina- 
tion of successive crops of drunkards, and the worst enemy of home, of 
wife and child, should be speedily closed." 

D. J. Starr, Chaplain Ohio Penitentiary: 

"The records show that 1,250 persons have been received into this 
institution during the last eighteen months. Of these 930 acknowledge 
themselves to have been intemperate." 

Amos W. Butler, Secretary Charities and Corrections, Indiana: 

"A large majority of the cases of crime in Indiana is traceable to 
strong drink, and a large part of our idiocy, insanity and pauperism re- 
sults from the same cause." 

New York State Commission on Prisons: 

"During the year there were 28,519 commitments to the jails, and 
3,615 to the penitentiaries for intoxication. It would appear that one- 
half of the convictions in the criminal courts of the state are for this single 
offense." 

Massachusetts Bureau of Labor: 

"In other words, 84.41 per cent, of all the 26,672 crimes were due 
to intemperate habits, and 82 per cent, were committed while the criminal 
was under the influence of liquor." 

Terence V. Powderly, Grand Master Workman of the Knights of 

Labor : 

"The most damning curse to the laborers is that which gurgles from 
the neck of the bottle." 

R. F. Travelick, President National Labor LTnion: 

"The use of liquor and its influences have done more to darken labor's 
homes, dwarf its energies and chain it hand and foot to the wheels of cor- 
porate aggression, than all other influences combined." 

Carroll D. Wright, United States Commissioner of Labor: 

"I have looked into a thousand homes of the working people of Eu- 
rope ; I do not know how many in this country. In every case so far as 
my observation goes, drunkenness was at the bottom of the misery, and 
not the industrial system or the industrial surrounding of the men and 
their families." 



THE INDICTMENT OF THE SALOON. 13 

Judge Butler, of Cairo, Illinois, at the close of a murder trial: 

"The case at bar is the seventy-sixth murder case I have tried, either 
as state's attorney or as judge, during the past nineteen years. I have 
kept a careful record of each case, and I have to say that in seventy-five 
out of the seventy-six, liquor was the exciting cause." 

Judge Alton G. Dayton, Federal Court, Parkershurg, W. Va. : 

"I have said it, and I again proclaim it, that no man can be engaged 
in the sale of liquor and be honest. He will take the last dollar of a 
drunken man, kick him out and send him on to a drunkard's grave. He 
studies dishonesty, and comes into court and perjures himself to avoid 
punishment. We don't license any man to rob, steal or murder, but you 
can take the licensed saloons generally of the country, and the murders 
committed under the sale of liquor will average one murder for every sa- 
loon in the country." 

State Senator Mattingly, high license champion of Indiana: 

"Fully ninety per cent, of all crime can be justly traced to the use 
of intoxicating liquor." 

California Voice: 

"The maudlin song of a drunken student is no funnier than the con- 
tortions of a drowning man. We do not laugh at a fire. Why should 
we laught at hell-fire in a man?" 

Indianapolis News: 

"The saloon is a running sore on the body politic. It is a vicious, 
contagious, dangerous plague spot. There is not room for it and liberty 
both to live. One or the other must go." 

London Times : 

"The use of strong drink produces more idleness, crime, disease, want, 
misery, than all other causes put together." 

The Xews-Free-Press, Lafayette, Colorado: 

"A good man or a bad man in such a business has embarked for hell. 
He will violate the most sacred obligation one man owes to the peace, hap- 
piness, the health and the future of another. That business will soon end 
the career of a bad man, and in the end make a dishonest, skulking, law- 
breaking liar and thief of a good man." 

The South Dakota Issue: 

"A man first resorts to wine to stimulate his wits; later, he has to re- 
sort to his wits to get his wine. When his wits at last forsake him, he 
cleans out spittoons in the saloon to get his drinks." 

Emperor of China: 

"It is true I cannot prevent the introduction of the glowing poison. 
Gaill-seeking and corrupt nun will, for profit and sensuality, defeat niv 



14 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

wishes ; but nothing will induce me to derive a revenue from the misery 
and vice of my people." 

Queen of Madagascar: 

"I cannot consent, as } r our queen, to take revenue from the sale of 
liquor, which destroys the souls and bodies of my subjects." 

Charles Buxton, Member of Parliament : 

"Drink is the parent of crime. It would not be too much to say that 
if all drinking of fermented liquors could be done away with, crime of 
every kind would fall to a fourth of its present amount." 

Lief Jones, Member of Parliament: 

"I recently met the finished article of the liquor trade. He was lying 
in the gutter. He had no hat : the hat trade was suffering. His coat was 
full of holes : the tailoring trade was suffering. He had no shirt : the 
hosiery trade was suffering. He was dirty : the soap trade was suffering. 
Indeed, I can hardly mention an industry which was not affected by that 
man's insobriety." 

Bonforfs Wine and Spirit Circular, September 10, 1908: 

"Saloons have been run in violation of law and decency until it looks 
as if they are doomed to extinction, except in the largest cities. A suffi- 
cient percentage have been disorderly, have sold to intoxicated men, have 
sold to women and to minors, have conducted gambling adjuncts, have 
kept open after legal hours and on Sundays, etc., to create a hostile senti- 
ment that has crystallized into a war of extermination, and the saloon as a 
factor in society would seem to be doomed. We realize that this is a big 
admission, but the facts demand the admission, that our trade may prop- 
erly grasp the situation. 

"If the saloon cannot be successfully defended, if the cry of personal 
liberty will not save it, then let it go." 




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CHAPTER II. 

EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 

I. 

UNDAY, August 23, 1908, in the city of Cincinnati, was a 
day of supreme beauty- A breath of autumn was in the air, 
and the trees in the parks and along the thoroughfares were 
touched with russet. Bells rang for matins and vespers, vast 
crowds moved to and fro on excursions by river or rail ; but 
in the lower districts of the city there was almost unwonted quiet. 

Near Government Square, however, the heart of the city's life, is a 
nest of high-class saloons: the "Mecca," the "Foucar," the "Bismarck." 
To call them dram-shops, no doubt, would excite indignation in the minds 
of their proprietors; they are cafes, buffets! However, they confess the 
class to which the}^ belong; for, on that Sunday, their front doors were 
closed and patrons slunk in and out of side doors. For the most part 
these were young men — many of them minors, and all well-dressed. Hour 
after hour the cash register jingled its bell, in defiance of law, and the 
proprietors dared the magistrates to do their dut} 7 . And the magistrates? 
They acted under instructions to make no arrests. The mayor had been 
elected to nullify the Sunday-closing laws and the police followed in- 
structions. 

A few squares south on the river front is the "Silver Moon," a "low 
dive" in a region reputed to be the "Bad Lands" of Cincinnati. Not a 
policeman was visible, and negroes — of the Atlanta and Springfield type — 
had possession. There was little disorder. In fact, there was more ap- 
parent conformity to the Sunday-closing law than at the "respectable" 
saloons. 

The astonishing phase of the situation, however, was the failure of 
the police to do their duty. They were not on the streets as on other da vs. 
They had abdicated to the saloons. Sunday seemed a day of truce with 
the devil! Mayor and chief of police surrendered to the saloonkeeper 
rather than disturb the political situation. Under the cloudless sky of 
that perfect summer day the magistrates of Cincinnati were teaching boy- 
hood and girlhood that law may be violated with impunity— if the offend- 
ers be saloonkeepers and their friends — and that men sworn to enforce 

15 



16 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

law, may violate their oaths of office with impunity — if they conspire with 
the saloon. 

The condition that existed in this one city on this one Sunday is du- 
plicated in this and many other cities on every Sunday in the year, and 
year after year. And the astonishing and alarming feature is that such 
a situation attracts little or no notice, and is accepted by good law-abiding 
citizens as a matter of course. They are cowed and trained to silence. 

On this Sunday there was no riot, no conflict between "authorities" 
and "anarchists," but there existed a condition which bodes evil — the com- 
plete prostration of law-abiding citizenship in the presence of sedition. 
That is to sa}', the anti-saloonist knows that law is being violated, but can 
not demand exercise of police powers without becoming the object of aver- 
sion and contempt at the City Hall. He is forced to assume the initiative 
at enormous disadvantage, and is thwarted on every side by the very agen- 
cies that nominally are organized to aid him. He becomes a mere specta- 
tor of crime, a helpless particeps criminis. And when, on some evil day 
the "mob" sweeps the streets, he becomes one of the "innocent victims" of 
the compromise between the City Hall and the Saloon. 

II. 

Theodore Roosevelt once said: "When the liquor men are allowed to 
do as they wish, the} 7 are sure to debauch, not only the bed} 7 social, but the 
body politic also." Well, in 1907, according to Internal Revenue Re- 
ports, there were 238,448 citizens of the American commonwealth who 
were engaged in the business of retailing intoxicating liquors, a business 
which, as Mr. Roosevelt also says, "does net stand well in comparison with 
other occupations." Every man of the 236,448 transacts business under 
restraint. If allowed to do as his trade wishes he would rot the body 
politic and the body social, until government would lapse into anarchy and 
society into chaos. There is no ether occupation in the whole category 
against which Mr. Roosevelt would or could make such a charge, and no 
body of citizens engaged in other lines who would not hold him responsible 
for libel for uttering a sentiment so derogatory to character. 

Suppose Mr. Roosevelt had said: "There are 255,526 bookkeepers 
in the United States. When they are allowed to do as they wish, they are 
sure to debauch, not only the body social, but the body politic also." 
Would the bookkeepers have cast their votes for him for president of the 
United States? Suppose that Mr. Roosevelt had said: "There are 111,- 
942 clergymen in the United States. When they are allowed to do as they 
wish, they are sure to debauch, not only the body social, but the body 
politic also." Everybody knows that such a charge would have no foun- 



EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 17 

dation in fact. It would have no foundation in fact if brought against 
the 74,907 bakers, the 114,212 butchers, the 31,242 candlestick-makers — 
all honorable men who have, and can have, no other wish than the good of 
the republic and the welfare of society. 

But the liquor dealers, unlike all others, stand accused of evil de- 
signs, and dare not resent the charge. So far as their business alone is 
concerned, if they could, they would strike down organized government. 
They have done better, however, and have taken the government into 
partnership, because they can use government for the purpose of protect- 
ing their business. Political parties which do not antagonize them are 
supported at the ballot-box and in legislatures. Their vote is the index 
of what they want in politics. On the face of it, it does not differ from 
the vote of the bakers, the butchers, the bishops and the candlestick-mak- 
ers, but by combination with theirs it counts for perpetuating that com- 
promise under which the government of the United States shares in the 
spoils of the liquor traffic, instead of abolishing it. It is the price that 
anarchy pays for a truce with the powers that be. 

III. 

The saloon pleads guilty. It admits the truth of all that has been 
legally and properly alleged against it. Charged with causing drunken- 
ness, it answers — guilty. Charged with disturbing the peace of home — 
guilty. Charged with the promotion of vice — guilty. Charged with 
murder — guilty. The saloon pleads guilty, but does not confess guilt. 
If the people exercised the people's powers, the saloon would cease to exist 
under execution of adverse sentence. This is one of the discoveries that 
Dr. L. M. D. Hay nes made when he went to Albany in March, 1908, as 
representative of the people before the State Excise Commission, in con- 
ference with advocates of "personal liberty." He writes : 

"I will note some things which I learned. First, initiative and ref- 
erendum are greatly needed in this and all other states. We have grown 
up in this state believing that our system of government is well nigh per- 
fect. We are beginning to see thai this is a mistake. Our system of leg- 
islation removes from the people the power of the direct vote, and confers 
it upon a few. This few, in committee, may or may not do the will of the 
people. If, however, by towns, cities or counties, we could provide our 
own laws; if the legislature were obliged to refer all laws to the people 
before thev were enacted, the people would have voice in their own govern- 
ment. Tn Montana and Oklahoma I lie constitution guarantees initiative 
and referendum. In twenty other states the matter is under considera- 
tion. It should he taken up in New York state, where, as a matter of 
fact, twenty-five or thirty undesirable citizens in the lower wards of New 
York City are really blocking the wheels of moral progress." 



18 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

The initiative and referendum may not secure all that men will get 
when the kingdom of God comes, but it is better than administration by 
brewers and distillers in the name of "personal liberty." The world may 
not become paradise on the day after the last saloon is put out of com- 
mission, but the Kingdom of the People will not come until all the lost 
powers of democracy are restored. Methods employed by the pro-saloon- 
ist organizers and agitators are undemocratic : they are the familiar meth- 
ods of the boycotter, the anarchist, the terrorist. Anti-saloonists are will- 
ing to go to the people on an issue ; pro-saloonists evade challenge to fair 
discussion, and use the mails and the channels of darkness to compel neu- 
trality by threats of destroying business. 



IV. 

The saloon, let us confess, is not a spider's web. Its keeper is not a 
spider, hungry for fly's blood, a man who deliberately has set a trap for 
an unwary fellowman. On the contrary, he is a husband who has a wife 
and family to support, a man who perhaps attends the services of a church, 
a man who votes with the Best Citizens, and contributes to the public treas- 
ury. He is not a burglar, nor a thief, nor a murderer. He is not neces- 
sarily a bad soul, even if not a saint, and his saloon may not be the worst 
place in the neighborhood, even if it may not be the best. But he is a 
factor of a system, and the system, impartially judged, is radically bad. 
He is neither better nor worse than his system, and, unconsciously, ab- 
sorbs its worst features under pressure of the competition which compels 
him to sell all that he can, as long as he can, to as many people as he can. 

I once knew a saloonkeeper, a quiet, white-haired old man who sold 
groceries in the front of his shop and intoxicating liquors in the back. 
On Sundays the front of the shop was closed, but customers had access by 
a side door. Had the side door been closed, they would have gone to the 
saloon on the corner. As others violated the Sunday-closing law, this old 
man conformed to custom, on the ground that the law infringed upon per- 
sonal liberty. 

For the same reason he sold to minors. But he sold once too often, 
and a seventeen-year-old boy who bought drink at his bar, became dead 
drunk for the first time on a Saturday night, and died in bed before day- 
break of Sunday. An inquest was held, and it was ascertained that the 
boy had belonged to a club organized for the purpose of getting drunk, 
one of scores of similar clubs in the city. Witnesses testified that he had 
bought whisky, "cheap" whisky, at the old man's bar. The old man him- 
self, having been subpoenaed, testified that he had sold whisky to many 




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EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 19 

bo3 r s, and that he probably had sold to the boy who had died. He knew 
that the law prohibited sale to minors? Yes, but he chose to take the risk. 

And that is the difference between a saloonkeeper and a spider, and 
the boy and the fly. A spider does not cater to an appetite. And a fly 
is not tempted ; the web is simply in his way, and he gets caught on the 
wing. But a saloonkeeper caters to an appetite, an abnormal appetite. 
A boy is tempted, and when he drinks he takes big risks. 

Well, the old man sold whisky and the boy drank it and died. And 
the coroner rendered a verdict of death from "alcoholism," after one phy- 
sician had testified that alcohol per se is a poison, and another that it is 
not. However, the boy was buried and the old man was brought to trial 
before the police judge on a charge of selling liquor to minors. He be- 
longed to the Liquor Dealers' Association, and the Association's lawyer 
defended him. Of course, he plead "Not guilty." The records of the 
coroner's court were not accessible, and the case was tried de novo before a 
police court jury consisting of men whose names were proposed by mem- 
bers of the city council, two-thirds of whom were either saloonkeepers or 
their allies. Neighbors of the accused testified that he was a model of all 
virtues, and the accused repudiated the confessions that he had made be- 
fore the coroner. After seven minutes' deliberation he was acquitted. 



Having followed this case through various ramifications, I studied 
another which involved the welfare of boys and girls. On a Washington's 
birthday nine hundred pupils of a public school were invited to attend a 
kaffee-klatsch, held in a clubroom attached to a mammoth brewery. Hav- 
ing discovered that laws against gambling were being violated, and that 
the door to the bar was open, I entered complaint at police headquarters 
and demanded enforcement of law. The police officials, instead of per- 
forming their duty tipped off information to the proprietor of the club- 
room, and I was threatened with arrest for "disturbing the peace." My 
companion, agent for the Law and Order League, was hustled out of the 
place, and I was left to protect myself against a policeman who had been 
drinking at the bar and was in a state of intoxication. 

It seemed proper that I should demand exercise of discipline ; and so 
I charged the policeman with intoxication while on duty, a charge which 
he personally never denied ; hut the Liquor League scented an opportunity 
to railroad two meddling citizens to the penitentiary and organized a de- 
fense which exonerated the officer, despite the fact that the president of 
the police commissioners was convinced of the truth of the charge. The 
officer having been exonerated, retaliated by charging me witli perjury and 



20 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

I was tried on that charge. It was easy to prove not guilty and the case 
was dismissed. 

At the time, I was at the head of a state movement against the saloon 
in Ohio and as such was placed between the upper and the nether mill- 
stones of antagonism and threatened with double extinction — the loss of 
my living and the loss of my life. I can understand why the agent of the 
brewers entered my office and threatened to strike me dead, but I can never 
quite understand why a brother member of the church should propose to 
drive me from a position on a religious journal because I had become a 
leader of a movement which, in principle, the church had endorsed. But 
so it was. And it happened that, in the same room, I was confronted by 
men, who, divided in everything else, were united in their opposition to 
me — as a fanatic who believed that the State ought to do its duty ! 

VI. 

In the autumn of 1887, the great railroad riots occurred in the city 
of Chicago. It was observed that a very large percentage of the rioters 
were bovs from sixteen to twenty years of age : that their headquarters 
were in the liquor shops, and that nearly all were spurred on to their 
vicious work by the influence of intoxicating liquor. 

And it was also observed that, when President Cleveland, overriding 
the protests of Governor Altgeld, sent Federal troops to Chicago with or- 
ders to shoot rioters, he issued no instructions to shoot the keepers of the 
liquor shops. The rioters were "conspiring to obstruct the movement of 
the United States mails" and must be killed, if necessary, to guarantee the 
right of free communication. The keepers of the liquor shops had con- 
spired to prey upon the depraved appetites of ill bred, ill trained, ungov- 
erned and ungovernable boys — the offspring of the Chicago slums, the 
birth of the under world — but they had paid the city license and the Fed- 
eral tax and, besides, had votes which would be needed at the next election. 
And so, though the mayor ordered them to close up during the street 
fighting, there was no serious effort to enforce the decree and no serious 
intention on the part of the saloonkeepers to obey the proclamation. All 
the stuff of a riot lay in the liquor shops and the police knew it before a 
torch was set to the property of the railroads. The police knew the boys 
who were surG-in^ to and fro through the streets wild with drink and lust 

OCT O 

for loot, and with anarchistic hate of authority and wealth. But, in vio- 
lation of law, they had allowed them free run of the saloon because they 
"could make no case against the saloonkeeper for selling intoxicating 
liquors to minors. ..." 

The year^ passed. In the winter of 1905-1906, there was a high 



EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 21 

carnival of crime in Chicago. All the city dailies shrieked with horror at 
the reign of terror in the streets. Footpads were ever where. Women 
were not safe on the boulevards. Nobody was safe. The police force 
was wholly insufficient. The city council struggled with the question and 
voted that the saloon license was not "high" enough. The fee was lifted 
to a thousand dollars per year and the police force was increased. 

In the meantime, one murderer was tried, found scuiltv and hanged. 
But the dive keepers paid the higher fee and the "dives" continued. There 
followed another carnival of crime — because, though there are laws pro- 
hibiting the sale of whisky to minors, the police are instructed to make no 
arrests unless the case is too serious to ignore or involves no peril to the 
administration ! 

Boys today in that city are thronging the saloons as they did in 1887, 
learning the lessons of anarchism as they learned them then. The "Unit- 
ed Societies" are inspiring them with contempt for law. And when the 
next battle breaks out in the streets of Chicago, observers will note that 
large numbers of boys between sixteen and twenty will be taking part in 
the fight and that their headquarters will be in the saloons. 

VII. 

In the catalogue of "Capital Sins" specified by the Catholic Church, 
the act of "defrauding one's neighbor" ranks sixth. The saloon is guilty 
of this sin a hundred times over, as a study of facts and figures will show. 
For it thrives in largest numbers in the poor districts of a city, under 
pretense of supplementing the deficiencies of an impoverished home life. 
Moreover, it assumes to return to labor a larger yield than other industries. 

Now sociologists have discovered that the home life of a city is at its 
lowest stage where saloons multiply. There is no just reason why there 
should not be places in every village, town and city, where men, women and 
children may meet to eat and drink together, to discuss news and issues, 
to read magazines and papers, to gaze upon fair pictures and to listen to 
beautiful music — without guzzling intoxicating drink. When the liquor 
traffic has been abolished and the enemies of society who have organized 
it have been driven to legitimate and far happier occupations, a substitute 
for the saloon may be found. But it will not be the old dram-shop under 
another name. 

Economists have discovered that a comparison of great industries of 
equal capital shows that the liquor industry pays a lower rate per cent, of 
wage on capita] employed, uses a smaller percentage of raw material and 
shows less product value than other manufacturing interests. Statistics 
show that the liquor industry might he abolished without injury to the 



22 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

labor market of- the United States. Not only so, they show also that if 
the laboring men of the country should invest that part of their earnings 
now spent for liquor in iron and steel, in lumber, in leather, in paper and 
printing, in vehicles for land transportation, they would take up all labor 
thrown out by the cessation of the drink manufacture. And the same re- 
sults appear in comparative study of those industries which contribute most 
directly to the economic life of the household, the results being almost 
identical, whether the basis of investigation be the reports of a city, a state 
or the nation. 

But let us take a concrete illustration of this "sixth capital sin," the 
act of defrauding one's neighbor. Here is a current item from a daily 
paper : 

"Knock-out drops, it is believed, had been administered to , a 



lumberman of , who, when awakened from a sound sleep on the 

steps of a house on Smith street, tried to subdue two policemen. He said 
he took a drink in a saloon, and remembers nothing afterward. He 
claimed he had $300, but the money was gone when he was arrested." 

"Knock-out drops" constitute an important part of the "low" sa- 
loon's stock in trade. A customer asks for a beer or a whisky and gets a 
drug which renders him an unconscious victim for the holdups who infest 
the place. When he recovers consciousness he finds that he has been 
robbed. He reports the robbery to the police, but "there is no evidence" 
against the saloonkeeper. There is no evidence against anybody. It is 
useless to involve the city in the expense of attempting to locate the crim- 
inal. The victim only knows that he has been drugged and robbed. And 
the dive lies in wait for the next victim. 

This incident, one of many such reported in the daily press, offers an 
opportunity to the liquor associations to refute the truth of the story told 
bv the unfortunate patron of the saloon. But when the stranger within 
our crates goes into a saloon and is knocked out and robbed there is no in- 
vestigation and the saloon's good standing remains unaffected. The un- 
fortunate visitor gets no sympathy from the police, whom he begins to 
suspect of being "in" with the saloonkeeper. Nor does he get much com- 
fort from the "practical temperance man," who informs him that the sa- 
loon is "regulated" by a "tax," and that he alone is to blame for his mis- 
fortune. He ought to know better than to buy drink of a saloonkeeper 
whom he doesn't know, in a city where he is a stranger. How the poor 
fellow gets back to his home the newspaper fails to report. 

Meanwhile, the saloonkeeper and his pals do not care. They are 
$300 ahead and proof against interference. The "customer" has no re- 
dress. He is one of the victims of the saloon, and has paid the prompt 
penalty of trusting a fellow citizen who, having gone into the business of 





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EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 23 

trafficking in intoxicating liquors, has paid his taxes — and sold out his 
conscience. 

VIII. 

On Sunday, August 16, 1908, the Rev. W. F. McElroy, pastor of the 
Laurel Methodist Episcopal Church, Springfield, Illinois, referring to the 
horrible riot in that city, said to his people: 

"The crimes committed are violations of the law, but the mob is very 
little worse in this respect than the Mayor and the City Council. We 
have laws which they entirely trampled under foot. One of these is the 
law that saloons should be closed on Sunday and at 12 o'clock at night. 
Instead, they have been running wide open seven days in the week both 
day and night. The .crimes that the black men committed are the pro- 
duct of these lawless places, and so is the mob spirit." 

The people understood. There had been a riot. Two score houses 
had been burned. Stores had been looted. Two men had been killed ; 
seventy -five had been injured. A negro had been hanged and his body 
riddled with bullets. The militia had been called out and the mob had 
been dispersed. 

But Springfield, home of Abraham Lincoln, had been mob-ruled. 
Even then, in spite of the militia, it was mob-ruled. The terror of the 
tragedy still hung over the city and the preacher justly arraigned the city 
authorities, the mayor and the council. And, back of the city and the 
mayor, were the state and the governor. 

Governor, mayor and council knew that all the saloons in Springfield 
violated law. The saloons in the so-called "levee" or "bad lands," the 
negro quarter, were no worse than others and no worse than the authori- 
ties that tolerated them for the sake of the three thousand votes that were 
always in the market. Three thousand votes constitute a possible balance 
of power. When they have a definite cash and political value in the open 
market in a campaign the}' may not be alienated without serious risk. 
And so the divekeepcrs and three thousand floaters — negroes and whites — 
defied the law, together with the governor, the mayor and the city council. 

Here is the constitution of the State of Illinois, Article V, Section 6: 

"The supreme executive power shall be vested in the governor, who 
shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed." 

Here is Section 14 of the same: 

"The governor shall be commander-in-chief of the military and naval 
forces of the state (except when they shall be called into the service of the 
United States), and may call out tin same to execute the laws, suppress 
insurrection, and repel invasion." 



24 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

These quotations are still further emphasized by the following para- 
graph in the Criminal Cede, Hurd's Revised Statutes of Illinois (1903 
Edition), Chapter 38, Section Z5Gn 9 page 664, "Duty of Governor," 
which reads: 

"Whenever there is in any city, town or county a tumult, riot, mob 
or body of men acting together by force, with attempt to commit a felony, 
or to offer violence to persons or property, or by force or violence to break 
or resist the laws of the state, or when such tumult, riot or mob is threat- 
ened, and the fact is made to appear to the Governor, it shall be his duty 
to order such military force as he may deem necessary to aid the civil au- 
thorities in suppressing such violence and executing the law." 

The Governor knew that the laws were not faithfully executed and 
the "bad lands" knew that the Governor was afraid to do his duty. 

The Springfield riot was not a sudden frenzy, before which students 
of social phenomena stand dumb. It had its birth in the saloons of the 
city. Nobody denies that. Eugene W. Chafin, resident of Illinois, and 
Prohibitionist, who was in the heart of the riot and almost one of its inno- 
cent victims, was not dealing in invective when he said : 

"Whisky caused the Springfield riot. Whisky caused the negro to 
commit the outrage which instigated the riots. The mob, which sought 
to avenge the wronged woman, was composed of a simple lot of saloon 
loafers. They were young men, and they all seemed to be drunk. I 
could smell their breath when they were on the platform. Whisky was 
the cause of it all. In Springfield the negroes have 3,000 votes. The 
big political parties think they hold the balance of power, and both par- 
ties, seeking the negro vote, get down to the level of Whisky Row. 

"The effect of this outrage ought to be the same as that of the race 
riots in Atlanta, Georgia. They caused Georgia to vote for prohibition, 
and I believe that the state of Illinois will do the same. The riots in 
Springfield and the resultant damage will cost the city more money than 
it will receive in license revenues in a year. 

"During local prohibition campaigns in different towns in the last 
year I spoke about three hundred times for no license. When I spoke at 
Springfield I said, as I did in nearly every other town, that the cities that 
voted to retain the saloons would get the criminal element of the colored 
population of the South. And that is coming true. The criminal ele- 
ment, not only of the colored population but of the white population, is 
centering in the saloon towns of this state. 

"Springfield got what it voted for. Every man of sense knew when 
he voted for license that he was voting for crime, and murder, and debauch- 
erv, and mob law — just what they have now been reaping in Springfield. 
The same will be true of other cities, especially Chicago, which, if the laws 
are not obeyed, will have, some of these days, a much worse riot than oc- 
curred in Springfie^ r 



EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 25 

Citizens of Illinois see clearly, and are not guilty of treason when 
they speak as follows: 

"The weight of this occurrence rests hard on the city administra- 
tion," declared the Rev. W. N. Tobie, of Springfield, from his pulpit in 
the Douglas Avenue Methodist Church, Sunday, August 16. 

The Chicago Daily News said: 

"The authorities have permitted the most brazen violation of the law 
by the saloons and the dives. One kind of lawlessness breeds another. It 
is not strange that the mob laughed in the mayor's face when he tried to 
plead for law and order. The administration has sown the wind and 
reaped the whirlwind. A mob which murders, burns and loots, is a logical 
result of long temporizing with vice and harboring of the vicious. Inves- 
tigation will show that the mob's leading spirits were saloon loafers and 
other worthless and dangerous characters." 

"The riots are due directly to non-enforcement of the law for years 
in Springfield. The town had tolerated wholesale vice, which had demor- 
alized the population," commented Shelby M. Singleton, Secretary of the 
Citizens' Association of Chicago. 

"I have found in nine cases out of ten that rioting and murder is a 
result of the cheap liquor sold in the saloons after hours and on Sunday. 
It is a commercial proposition, not a religious one," testified Assistant 
State's Attorney James J. Barbour, of Chicago. 

The tap root of riot is in the saloon. All the conditions of mob rule ex- 
ist in any community where the officialism makes common cause with the con- 
stituency of the dram-shop. Then, when the rabble breaks loose, it laughs 
at the Governor, who pleads for obedience to law in the name of God 
(whose name he had taken in vain in his oath of office), and in the threat 
of a gatling gun (which he dare not use), for the chief magistrate of the 
commonwealth is in office by suffrage of the saloon, and the saloon holds 
three thousand votes in the "bad lands" for sale to the highest bidder. 



IX. 

The saloon is under suspended sentence. When Chelsea was swept 
by fire in the spring days of 1908, the first act of the city government 
was to order saloons in East Boston and sections of Charlestown adjoin- 
ing to close their doors under penalty of forfeiting license. There was no 
discussion of the "food value" of alcohol, although thousands of Chel- 
seans were hungry; no discussion of the social value of the "poor man's 
club," although thousands of families were without pleasant homes. There 
was no time for discussing the old taunt, "prohibition won't prohibit." A 



26 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

crisis had come and the civil authorities wielded the power that they pos- 
sessed, and prohibition did prohibit. 

It was so in San Francisco during the awful April days of 1906. 
The liquor dealers would have carried on their business, though the earth 
moved into the sea and the fire swept earth and heaven. But the authori- 
ties issued orders forbidding the sale of intoxicating drink and the soldiers 
were instructed to shoot violators of the order as they would shoot an 
enemy in battle. Saloons were closed and the liquor destroyed. There 
was no debate then on the merits of the liquor traffic as a source of revenue, 
or the medicinal qualities of alcohol. The saloonkeeper was put under ban 
unceremoniously and kept there. The hour had come when it was recog- 
nized that the public safety demanded the suppression of the saloon. Noth- 
ing is more significant in the newspaper reports of the summary methods 
of dealing with the liquor traffic than the universal favor with which 
absolute prohibition was received. Even the anarchist had no red flag in 
the air. Paternal government of the most stalwart kind had become im- 
perative. 

There are persons who say that the earthquake was as good in its 
moral results as a general revival of religion, even though it bleached hair 
in an hour and shattered nerves and destroyed homes and human life. And 
not the least important feature of the moral awakening was the suppression 
of the saloon by the army of the United States. There was not even a 
local option vote on the issue. The city of San Francisco was under mar- 
tial law and for once martial law and moral law became one. 



Inasmuch as the presidential election of 1908 will be well out of the 
way before this book goes into general circulation, it is permissible to 
make allusion to two incidents which well illustrate the powerful influence 
which the liquor interest wields in political circles. It so happens that 
these occurrences, while somewhat personal in character, indicate the en- 
forced attitude of the two gentlemen sufficiently eminent to be the hon- 
ored candidates of their respective parties for the presidency. 

When preparations for the publication of "The Passing of the Sa- 
loon" were begun, a modest "Agents Wanted" advertisement was inserted 
in a number of leading newspapers, preliminary to the organization of the 
field for a canvass for the book. Among the papers selected as mediums 
for this advertisement was the Commoner, of Lincoln, Nebraska, published 
and edited by William J. Bryan, candidate at the head of the national 
Democratic ticket. The Commoner was selected on account of its large 





CLARENCE E. PITTS, 

Chairman New York Prohibition State 

Committee. 



EARL E. COUCH, 
Member New York Prohibition State 

Committee. 





FREEMAN II. BET I VS. 

Member \\u York Prohibition State 

Committee. 



I)R. E. L. TIFFANY, 

State Superintendent, Venango Work. 

New York. 



EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 27 

circulation, especially in the Democratic states which had already adopted 
prohibition or were agitating for its adoption. It was thought to be a 
good medium for such an advertisement. The advertisement was forward- 
ed, with check for its payment, through an advertising agency. After a 
few days, the advertisement and check were returned to the agency, with a 
note from the publisher declining to insert the advertisement as "not being 
suitable" to the columns of the Commoner. When informed of this, the 
manager of the Tower Press addressed a letter to the editor and publisher 
of the Commoner, protesting against the discrimination against the adver- 
tisement, and stating that the same advertisement had been accepted by 
the leading daily newspapers and the leading religious and temperance 
papers of the country. The manager stated, also, that he personally 
was greatly surprised at the attitude of the Commoner, the more so since 
he himself had long been a subscriber for the paper, and had twice bolted 
the Prohibition and the Republican tickets to vote for the editor of the 
Commoner as candidate for President. A reply was received stating: 

"The reason your advertisement was turned down was because it was 
discussing what is a political subject at this time, and inasmuch as the 
national platform which we are supporting made no reference to it, and 
to prevent the possibility of injecting any new issues into the campaign, 
we have declined to accept advertising on both sides of the question. If 
we succeed in enacting into law the principles for which Mr. Bryan is 
now contending, we will then be in a better position to take up new issues 
than we would to attempt to do it now. Charles W. Bryan." 



On the 17th day of September, 1908, Mrs. Carry A. Nation hap- 
pened to be in Cincinnati. Desiring to call upon Hon. William H. Taft, 
candidate for President on the Republican ticket, and at that time at the 
home of his brother in this city, she asked the editor of "The Passing 
of the Saloon" to accompany her upon the visit. Upon being admitted to 
the presence of Mr. Taft, Mrs. Nation asked him the following questions: 

"What is your attitude toward the canteen?" 
"What is your attitude toward the saloon?" 

Mr. Taft was evidently embarrassed by the presentation of these 
questions. He responded, saying: 

"Madam, I cannot discuss these questions. I am engaged in a na- 
tional campaign. I am dealing with national issues." 

Mr. Taft then turned to the editor and said: "I must ask you to 
terminate this interview," and abruptly left I lie room. 



There can be no doubt Mini, privately and personally, these two gen- 
tlemen agree in sentiment with the great body of earnest, intelligent, pa- 



28 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



trictic citizens of this country that the liquor issue is the most important 
issue before the people. They certainly knew in the midst of their cam- 
paigns, which on both sides were apathetic to an astonishing degree, that 
the liquor question was the one live issue at the present time before the 
American people, an issue which aroused their most earnest enthusiasm 
and endeavor as so emphatically illustrated in the various state and local 
prohibition campaigns then in progress. Nevertheless, each of them, 
when brought face to face with this live question was paralyzed, hide- 
bound and tongue-tied on account of the partisan political conditions by 
which he was controlled. 



THE SOLUTION. 

"There can be no prohibition in this country other than national pro- 
hibition," said the Hon. Frank H. Farris, of St. Louis, Mo., at the Model 
License League Convention, Louisville, Ky. Is he not right? License, 
high or low, has failed to solve the saloon problem. Taxation has failed 
to solve it. Local option has failed to solve it. The dispensary system 
has been tried and found wanting. The Gothenburg system has failed. 
The Woman's Crusade did not solve it. Moral suasion has not ended it. 

"Saloons that would perish in the first breath of a regenerated Chris- 
tian election," says John G. Woolley, "cordially close their doors to pay re- 
spect to the revival." Why? "Because the evangelist and the saloon- 
keeper are indistinguishable twins at the general election, and the saloon- 
keeper knows that in the aftermath of the revival his business will not 
suffer." 

State prohibition has not solved the liquor problem, not even in Maine. 
"We cannot settle it here in Maine," says Holman Day; "we've given it 
up. We can merely do the best that poor human nature will let us do." 

One thing remains to be done in dealing with this "poor human na- 
ture" that sets itself against the welfare of the state, and that is to enact 
national laws and to employ the Federal powers for the purpose of abol- 
ishing the traffic. With a President who shall judge it necessary and ex- 
pedient to rid the country of an institution which threatens the safety of 
the republic, it will be possible to use the regular army and to call the mili- 
tia of the several states into the actual service of the United States for the 
high purpose of protecting the home against an enemy which submits to 
nothing but superior force. Hon. Eugene W. Chafin, one of the presi- 
dential candidates in 1908 said: 

"If I am elected President of the United States, if I have a Congress 
that will pass a prohibitory law, and if there are any communities that 
refuse to obey the law, and if the civil authorities are unable to enforce 



EVIDENCE FROM EXPERIENCE AND OBSERVATION. 29 

it, I shall use the power conferred upon me by the constitution and call 
out the militia, the standing army and the navy, and enforce prohibition 
in every inch of territory under the American flag." 

If national prohibition cannot solve the liquor problem, if all the 
forces arrayed against the saloon cannot destroy it, anarchy is inevitable 
and the darkest predictions of the republic's bitterest foes will have been 
fulfilled. 

There are, however, two classes of men and women whose activities 
combine to save the Union and lift it to a higher level. The "instructed 
critics of the press" and the "philanthropic reformers who tell upon the 
multitudes through the churches" James Bryce calls them in "The Amer- 
ican Commonwealth." "Their influence is not an ebbing tide." It is a 
flowing tide, and it flows toward the enactment of laws by Congress and the 
exercise of powers by the chief executive, in harmony with the decision of 
the nation's supreme court, that "statistics show a greater amount of crime 
and misery attributable to the use of ardent spirits obtained at retail 
liquor saloons than to any other source." If the states cannot solve the 
liquor problem, the nation can and will. 

The goal of all anti-saloon movements in the United States is the 
amendment of the Federal Constitution so as to prohibit the manufacture, 
sale, importation, exportation or transportation of alcoholic liquors for 
beverage purposes and to provide, by 'appropriate legislation, for its en- 
forcement. Only one political party in the country has as yet declared 
itself in favor of submitting this amendment to the states and employing 
the legislative and executive powers of government so as to accomplish 
this purpose. But this party's dominant issue is fast becoming dominant 
for all parties, under the pressure and push of conditions which are con- 
vincing all citizens devoted to the Great Reform that the liquor traffic 
cannot be successfully and finally overthrown until the Federal Govern- 
ment shall divorce itself from the great evil, and employ its powers, not in 
collecting for itself revenue from a traffic which is "the most prolific of 
all sources of crime and misery," but in suppressing it, if necessary, at the 
point of the bayonet and the mouth of the gun. 

For the history of anti-saloon legislation in the various states proves 
that commonwealth action cannot be depended upon wholly. It has been 
demonstrated in more than one instance that the expressed wish of the 
people may be reversed, not by act of the voting body itself, but by the 
shrewd manipulation of party managers personally interested in restoring 
the saloon to its lost place of power : or it may be nullified by the law- 
defying and conscienceless traffic, which from without the state limits still 
imposes itself upon an unwilling people. 

As shown elsewhere, prior to the outbreak of the war between the 



30 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

states, sixteen states had either enacted prohibitory laws or adopted con- 
stitutional prohibition amendments. These prohibition states were found 
east, west, north and south. Then came the conflict of '61 and a war debt. 
On a fateful day, representatives of the liquor industry, seeing their oppor- 
tunity, proposed the imposition of a special tax upon the manufacture and 
sale of intoxicating liqour. On the face of it, their act appeared benefi- 
cent and patriotic; it was, in fact, the product of a shrewd sense of self- 
protection. If the liquor dealers wished to save the Union, it was because 
they also wished to save their business. It is said that Mr. Lincoln op- 
posed the measure, but he was assured that the excise tax was "only a war 
measure," and would be repealed when the Confederacy had been destroyed 
and the powers of the Federal government restored. Appomattox came 
and went, but the special tax remained, and Mr. Lincoln's fear has been 
realized. "If the traffic becomes rooted in the revenues of the Republic," 
he said, "it will give us more trouble than human slavery." 

There is reason to believe that in the hour of triumph, when the 
Union had been saved, Lincoln foresaw another* gigantic struggle : the 
conflict between the whisky trust and the people. For Colonel Merwin, 
who had known him since the Washingtonian days of 1842, says that only 
the day before his assassination he said, "The next snarl to straighten 
out is the liquor question." It is known that Lincoln was a prohibition- 
ist. His early life was as distinguished for his activity in the temper- 
ance field as in the anti-slavery cause. 

There may be doubt as to the policy which he would have pursued 
had he lived. Possibly he would have disappointed radical prohibitionists 
of the Greeley type. But it is more than possible that he would have 
sought to abolish the internal revenue tax upon liquors, and would have ad- 
vocated a constitutional amendment providing for the prohibition of the 
manufacture and sale and of the importation, exportation and transpor- 
tation of alcoholic liquors as a beverage. He doubtless would have been 
one of the leaders in the Great Reform. 

For us who love the Union which he suffered and died to preserve, 
there can be no higher task than that of finishing the work which he so 
nobly began in the days of his young manhood. To him it was given to 
smite the shackles from a race in bondage. To us comes the call to free 
the nation from a bondage baser than that of human slavery, and lead it 
on to the great day when the land which is free from slaves shall be free 
from saloons. 




CHAPTER III. 

"CHRISTIAN" SALOONS VS. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 

NE of the founders of the Christian religion queried: "Doth 
a fountain send forth at the same place sweet water and bit- 
ter?" Were he living in the United States in the year of our 
Lord, 1908, he might puzzle much over the answer to his 
question. He would see a Christian nation sending forth mis- 
sionaries to propagate the religion he taught, and also representatives of the 
liquor industry to sow the seeds of vice, crime, pauperism, disease and 
death. 

Of course, advocates of the religion of the Christ differ among them- 
selves as to the essential meaning of His example and teaching, as they 
relate to the "temperance" question. There are those who plead His mir- 
acle at Cana as an argument for moderate wine-drinking at weddings — 
and elsewhere ! The president of "The Model License League," who, it 
is said, is a member of a Christian church, is of opinion that the doctrines 
of total abstinence and prohibition have no warrant, in view of the wine- 
making act of the divine Master. And, indeed, the attitude of the Chris- 
tian sects is so at variance with the propaganda of total abstainers and 
political prohibitionists that it may be said that the Christian church has 
no definite program on the question. 

When one considers that in the United States there is and can be no 
official acknowledgment of the Christian or any other form of religion, 
and that the so-called Christian church is split up into innumerable sects 
more or less at war with one another, we may well inquire, Is this a Chris- 
tian nation? By their fruits ye shall know them. Righteousness exalt - 
eth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. In its relation to the 
liquor traffic, is the United States bearing the fruits of a Christian nation? 
Is the nation exalted by its righteousness or shamed by its sin? Instead 
of abolishing the liquor traffic, the chief source of misery for its people, 
the nation has gone into partnership with it, and appropriates to itself the 
chief share of its proceeds. 

Wh;it fruits docs this people bear? Is the nation exalted for its 
righteousness or is it a reproach among the peoples of the earth? 

Nominally, of course, ours is a Christian people and is so known to the 
world. Indeed, we take pride in our churches, our benevolences, our mis- 

31 



32 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

sions. But what impression does so-called Christendom make upon the 
non-Christian, the "heathen" world? When the simple-minded heathen 
beholds the same Christian ship sailing, let us say, from Boston, and bring- 
ing into his port, in the same cargo, Bibles and beer, the gospel and grog, 
salvation and the saloon, is it surprising that he does not at once accept 
and grow enthusiastic over the new religion ? And when he sees our Chris- 
tian nation put enough money into one battle-ship to supply Bibles to all 
the heathen of the world, and beholds a great fleet cf these mighty engines 
of warfare and carnage moving in stately procession around the globe, 
is it surprising that he doubts the honesty and consistency of the professed 
followers of the Prince of Peace? 

It is our proud American boast that "Trade follows the Flag." One 
branch of trade usually manages to keep a little ahead of the flag. In a 
thousand instances, the first starry banner to float to the breeze in a new 
camp or a new country has been nailed to some shack of a saloon. The 
liquor which has been and is poured by millions of gallons into Africa and 
Asia is from the vats and stills of Christendom. Missionaries of Moham- 
medanism or Islamism, in Africa, the East Indies and India, make much 
of the "argument of contrast." The follower of Mohammed may be a 
polygamist and a slavemaster, but he does not use, touch or sell alcohol. 
He does not go forth carrying the Koran in one hand and a "cocktail" in 
the other. When the Mohammedan gains the mastery of a country, the 
wineshop goes out ; when the Christian acquires sovereignty, the saloon 
comes in. Trade follows the flag. Missionaries of the Prophet point to 
the drunkenness prevalent among Christians and to the destructive drink 
traffic they introduce among the natives, and deride the claim of Chris- 
tianity to exclusive descent from Heaven. Thev quote in contrast and en- 
force the teachings of the Koran, which explicitly forbid the use of wine, 
and which commands abstinence as a positive and necessary virtue. 

William Elliot Griffis, eminent as a missionary to the Japanese, says : 
"Providentially, this feature of Mohammedanism has been a great blessing 
to a large part of mankind, and it should provoke Christians to the good 
work of at least staying the flood of intoxicants that issues from the dis- 
tilleries in Christian lands for the bestializing of the uncivilized races of 
Africa and Asia." In spite of heathen protest, Mohammedan taunt and 
missionary appeal, wherever the American flag goes the traffic of the dram- 
shop goes. Wherever the missionary goes with his gospel the "merchant" 
goes with his gin. And so the missionary has a double battle to fight. 
He points to the Book, but the heathen man points to the Bottle, and 
debates the consistency of a civilization which gives birth to both Religion 
and Rum. 

The "insular possessions" of the United States have been overrun by 




in >, 

W 







- 



"CHRISTIAN" SALOONS vs. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 33 

vendors of American beer and forced to accept a trade that an aroused 
social sentiment everywhere is condemning as a menace to social order and 
progress. In the Philippines, in Hawaii, in Porto Rico, the emissary of 
the church has been placed in an attitude of uncompromising hostility to 
the saloon, or he has been compelled to adopt the policy of non-commit- 
talism, after the manner of the clergy in the home church. Lest he be 
charged with treason, he has suppressed the truth. And so the church at 
home and abroad, lulled or forced into quiescence, has abandoned the field 
of temperance reform to the organizers of the Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union, the campaigners of the Prohibition party, and the superin- 
tendents of the Anti-Saloon League. 

A review of foreign mission fields, dating back some years, serves to 
illustrate how the imported vice of drunkenness was then, had been before, 
and still is, the chief obstacle in the way of mission work. The following 
story of the strife against liquor in mission work in foreign countries is 
taken substantially from "Christian Missions and Social Progress," by 
Rev. James S. Dennis, D. D. 

Great honor is due to the world-wide efforts of the Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union, which has sent to the foreign fields a succession of 
accomplished missionary advocates of temperance, to quicken devotion to 
principles and promote helpful adjustment of forces. Organized societies 
in Christian lands, having in view the protection of native races from 
the ravages of strong drink, have also accomplished a valuable service. 
The latter agencies are represented by a "United Committee for the Pre- 
vention of the Demoralization of the Native Races by the Liquor Traffic," 
a committee composed of representatives from twenty-one societies of a 
missionary, philanthropic or temperance character. The story of the 
great Polyglot Petition of the World's Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union is well known. It was the testimony of Frances E. Willard, the 
originator of the plan, that the organization of which she was the presi- 
dent, had been greatly aided by missionaries in all parts of the world, 
whose sympathy and practical cooperation had been of the highest value. 
Her own words of testimony are notable : "It is needless to say that, but 
for the intelligent and consecutive work of foreign missionaries, the 
World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union, now a living, organic 
force, would be merely a plan on paper." 

The "Aborigines' Protection Society" of England is giving careful 
attention to the drink traffic in Africa, as appears from its reports. Its 
keen sonso of responsibility and full recognition of the enormous dangers 
of the situation, appear in its memorials to the British Government, its 
public meetings, special literature and practical efforts to stay the surging 
ravages of the evil. The time limit of the general act of the Brussels 



34 THE PARSING OF THE SALOON. 

Conference has now expired and it will be the urgent aim of this and 
other organizations interested in the subject to secure some more effective 
action dealing with the liquor problem in Africa. 

In foreign fields, with hardly an exception, Christian missions find 
their chief fight must be directed against "Christian" intoxicants, and 
have organized bands and societies for the advancement of temperance 
work and the restoration of the fallen, and are endeavoring through every 
channel of influence to restrict the manufacture and sale of intoxicants 
and to prevent their use by native converts. The cause of temperance has 
its place in the program of all missionary conferences. It is advocated 
in the papers and periodicals issued for circulation among natives and has 
an honored prominence in all mission literature. 

In an examination more in detail of the status in different mission 
fields, we may well turn our attention first to Africa. A noble personality, 
singularly wise and heroic, arises at once to greet us out of the deep shadow 
of what is fast becoming a rum-cursed continent. It is Khama, the native 
South African chief and Christian convert, who has exercised his authority 
in prohibiting the drink traffic within his domains. In 1895, with two 
other African chiefs, he paid a visit to England, the purpose of which was 
to secure the maintenance of existing political relations with the British 
Government and also to request its good offices in protecting his country 
from the threatened invasion of liquor. In this he seems happily to have 
succeeded, at least for the time being, having received the express com- 
mendation of the Queen in approval of his sturdy hostility to the entrance 
of intoxicants among his people, and being assured of the support of Her 
Maiestv's government in the endeavor to maintain his remarkable position 
on this question. A dispatch to the British authorities, previously written 
by this wise-hearted chief, is a unique state paper, and indicates the high 
watermark of Christian statecraft where full play has been given to the 
moral power of missions. These are Khama's words : 

"It were better for me that I should lose my country than that it 
should be flooded with drink. Lobengula never gives- me a sleepless night, 
but to fight against drink is to fight against demons, not against men. I 
rlroad the white man's drink more than all the assegais of the I\Iatabele, 
which kill men's bodies and it is quickly over; but drink .puts devils into 
men and destroys both bodies and souls forever. Its wounds never heal. 
I pray your Honor never to ask me to open even a little door to drink." 

It would be well for Christendom if some of our foreign mission con- 
verts could have a hand in the legislation against the traffic which is so 
sadly needed outside of Africa. The heroic struggle of Khama still goes 
on, but, as European demands grow exacting, he finds his opposition more 
difficult to maintain. Will those who profess to represent civilization at 



"CHRISTIAN" SALOONS vs. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 35 

last strike down the hero who is struggling to save his people from the 
power of a desolating scourge? 

In passing, we may contrast the principles which govern Khama with 
those that have controlled the neighboring Boer government in the Trans- 
vaal, where the licensing of the drink traffic and the freedom with which 
a native can obtain intoxicants have produced a shocking prevalence of 
drunkenness. It is reported that twenty-five per cent, of the total num- 
ber of native employes in the mining industry are rendered unfit for work 
every day by liquor; and, in an independent report, dated June 20, 1893, 
from the manager of the Salisbury mine, it is stated that "Nearly half 
the natives were drunk or incapacitated from the effects of the big drunk 
on Saturday." For the same reason a high percentage of fatal accidents 
is recorded, and it is asserted that, "The amount spent yearly on drink bv 
natives on the Rand cannot be estimated at less than a million and a half 
pounds, and it more probably amounts to two millions." We leave it to 
the judgment of the reader as to whether the policy of Khama would not 
only be the more Christian but also the more civilized attitude on the part 
of the government. 

In other sections of South Africa a strenuous warfare is waged under 
missionary leadership to check this terrible evil. The Committee on Tem- 
perance of the S} T nod of the Free Church Mission in South Africa pre- 
sented in 1896 a telling report, based upon detailed inquiry, showing the 
almost unanimous attitude of opposition on the part of native congrega- 
tions to the traffic in intoxicants, and the prevalence of total abstinence to 
a remarkable extent among all church members. In some churches this 
requirement is made a condition of membership. In an account of temper- 
ance efforts among the Zulus, it is stated that, through the length and 
breadth of the missions of the American Board, total abstinence is a funda- 
mental rule of admission to church membership. Work on behalf of tem- 
perance is successfully conducted in the Natal Mission of the American 
Board and in the Kaffraria Mission of the United Presbyterian Church of 
Scotland. Concerning the policy of the missions around Lake Nyassa 
similar statements regarding the temperance movement might be given. 
"At all the stations," writes the Rev. Donald Frascr, of the Livingstonia 
Mission of the Free Church of Scotland, "the Christians have of their own 
accord met and pronounced against the drinking of beer. They see that 
drunkenness has been followed by murder, uncleanness and foolish talking, 
and that the whole country is being devastated in order to raise the beer 
crop, so they have agreed together and said, "We will neither make beer 
nor drink it.' " 

As foreign intoxicants have not yet penetrated to the interior sec- 
tions of the continent, where access is difficult, the question of temperance 



36 . THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

has not assumed the importance in the Church Missionary Society's work 
in Uganda which we may expect it will later when the completion of the 
railway shall make that region accessible to traders. It is interesting to 
note, however, that already temperance societies are being formed among 
the Christian natives, with a view to the restriction among them of the 
use of indigenous intoxicants. Mr. R. H. Leakey, of Koki, in Uganda, 
reports that "About ninety per cent, of the adults are more or less ad- 
dicted to drinking, but happily nearly all the Christians are total abstain- 
ers." 

The whole West Coast of the Continent, in practical defiance of the 
Brussels Act of 1890-91, has been cursed by the desolations of the rum 
traffic. This Act professed to regulate the supply of spirituous liquors 
to natives in different parts of Africa, but it has proved to be so inoper- 
ative that its efficiency has been of little value, especially along the coast- 
line and in sections of the Congo Valley. The interior regions, either on 
account of difficulty of access or government prohibition (as in the Niger 
territories and part of the Congo State), are little touched by the scourge. 

The Christian, London, saitl: "Mr. Chamberlain has given the mat- 
ter of the liquor traffic on the coast of Africa great consideration, and 
finds that eighty per cent, of the total revenue of the Niger Coast Protec- 
torate and sixty per cent, of the revenue of the Gold Coast and Lagos are 
derived from the liquor trade." There is reason to hope that the British 
Foreign Office will make a successful effort to secure an international agree- 
ment with a view to the limitation of the traffic. Sir George T. Goldie, 
K. C. M. G., President of the Royal Niger Company, says that he has 
"long been convinced that the whole African movement will end in fail- 
ure, unless European spirits are practically excluded." He characterizes 
the rum traffic as "by far the most important topic of the day." 

Throughout all the mission of the West Coast of Africa there is a 
vigilant and vigorous temperance movement to arrest ravages of this dread 
enemy of the African. In the Congo Valley, the missions of the American 
Baptist Missionary Union have instituted severe prohibitive measures upon 
the subject of intemperance, requiring total abstinence of all church mem- 
bers. "We fought for temperance," says the Rev. Henry Richards, in a 
report of his station, Banza Manteka, "and now we have a strictly tem- 
perance church." 

If we pass to Egypt and the northern coast of the Continent, we find 
missions to be the same saving power and almost the only thoroughgoing 
and consistent influence in favor of abstinence. It may be said, in fact, that 
Christian missions in Africa are fighting the battle of temperance with 
zeal, and that they represent a most important phase of organized effort 
in that direction. 



"CHRISTIAN" SALOONS vs. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 37 

In the neighboring Island of Madagascar we discover the Malagasy 
Christian Woman's Temperance Society, with its fine record of coura- 
geous and devoted service on behalf of sobriety. The French commander 
had hardly established himself as the military master of the island, when, 
to his surprise, he was visited by a deputation of native Christian women, 
not in a spirit of fear with a timid plea for mercy and forbearance, but as 
representing the Madagascar Branch of the World's Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union, to thank him for his stringent regulations 
concerning the sale of intoxicants. "As regards temperance," writes the 
Rev. James Sibree (L. M. S.), of Antananarivo, "a large number of people 
have now taken the pledge, and there is a body of women workers who are 
earnest and zealous in holding meetings for the cause." Where is there, 
by the way, a temperance society which for its size can present a more 
inspiring and creditable report than that issued from the busy headquar- 
ters of the Malagasy Christian Woman's Temperance Society? 

In the South Sea Islands "the fight against intemperance has been 
resolutely waged by our missionaries." This legend might stand for all 
mission work in the South Seas, from the time of John Williams, when 
European traders began their nefarious introduction of intoxicants. There 
is no darker stain on the history of commerce than the persistent efforts 
of traders to purchase the native products with ardent spirits. In this 
they were only too successful and the disease of drunkenness swept over 
the islands. Nearly everywhere the work was thrown back and "but for 
these little handfuls of true and faithful Christians the whole race might 
have gone back into savagery." From that time onward to the present, 
temperance, strict and uncompromising, has been the watchword of mis- 
sions in the Pacific Islands. In Apia, Samoa, which is popularly known 
among the sailors of the South Seas as the "Hell of the Pacific," the Lon- 
don Missionary Society has opened a coffee house and free reading-room 
especially for foreign sailors. There are flourishing Gospel Temperance 
and Christian Endeavor Societies in connection with the Apia church. 

In the Gilbert Islands, where the American Board is at work, one of 
the group, Butaritari, has a Christian king. In his realm "strict temper- 
ance laws are enforced among the natives, but the white foreigners keep 
an open saloon in defiance of law." No wonder that the writer of the 
above sentence asks, "Who are the pagans?" The king appealed to the 
English, who have assumed a protectorate over the islands, to help him in 
executing his law against the foreign transgressors. In the Caroline Is- 
lands a notable temperance status among the natives had been established 
before the Spanish occupation in 1887. Of Pingelap it was said that 
liquor was "banished from the island." The Rev. E. T. Doane wrote con- 



38 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

corning Ponapc, before the coming of the Spaniards, that the making of 
intoxicating drinks and the traffic in the same had ceased. 

In the New Zealand House of Representatives a young Maori chief, 
who represents his race, has been pushing for legislation that will protect 
his fellow countrymen. He pleads for the following striking clause to be 
added to the Licensing Act of the colony: "That no intoxicating liquor 
be sold or given to any man of the native race, and that no license be re- 
newed or fresh license be granted within a mile of Maori-land." A peti- 
tion, in regard to which it is stated that it was signed by thirty of the 
chiefs and over sixty other representative natives, was recently addressed 
to the Maori Parliament, which, in response, forwarded an official appeal 
to the New Zealand Government, urging the addition of the foregoing 
clause. At the Centenary of the London Missionary Society, the Rev. 
James Chalmers, one of its missionaries in New Guinea, made an earnest 
plea for the entire suppression of the liquor traffic among native races, and 
reported from his own field that Sir William Macgregor, the excellent 
Governor of New Guinea, was strictly enforcing his prohibitive law against 
the selling or giving of strong drink to the natives. 

On our way to Japan we touch at the Island of Formosa for a word 
of information from Dr. MacKay, of the Canadian Presbyterian Mission. 
"On the east coast of Formosa," he says, "I have planted a dozen churches 
amongst drunken aborigines. The change in the villages since has been 
amazing. The heathen Chinese around have a common saying that 'the 
aborigines are now men and women.' " 

The Rev. W. Gauld, also of the Canadian Presbyterian Mission, re- 
ports that there is great improvement in the native Christian community 
with reference to temperance. Among the non-Christian population of 
the island, both Chinese and aborigines, except where mission influence has 
gained the upper hand, there is unhappily an increasing tendency to 
drunkenness, especially in the ports where foreign liquors are offered for 
sale. 

In Japan there is a vigorous temperance movement, which is not by 
any means confined to Christian circles. The history of Christianity in 
the empire, however, shows that it has taken a pronounced and leading 
part in advocacy of this reform, and, in the opinion of those who have 
long resided there, it is the source and promoter of temperance ideas 
among all classes. The Rev. Albert Arnold Bennett (A. B. M. U.), of 
Yokohama, wrote, in 1895, that there were four principal Christian tem- 
perance societies in Japan, the Yokohama, Tokyo, Hokkaido and Teikoku, 
with an average membership of about 2,500 each, and also about eighty 
others in which the membership averaged seventy-five each, making a total 
of about 16,000 members. In The Japan Evangelist for September, 



•'CHRISTIAN'* SALOONS vs. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 39 

1897, mention is made of six Christian temperance organizations. Later, 
steps were taken to form a union of temperance societies by the appoint- 
ment of a Central Committee with Dr. Soper, of the Methodist Episcopal 
Mission, as President. A further organization into a national alliance, 
including all the temperance societies of the empire, was also effected. 

There is also a Buddhist temperance society, which is said to number 
about 30,000 members, half of whom bind themselves to total abstinence 
and the remainder take the same pledge either for a limited time or with 
special reference to certain Buddhist ceremonies during which drink habits 
are prevalent. These larger societies issue periodicals of their own. The 
zealous apostle of temperance in the Hokkaido, or "Northland" of Japan, 
is Mr. Kazutaka Ito, the first convert to Christianity in Sapporo. The 
pioneer temperance society in that northern island was organized by Chris- 
tian converts and Mr. Ito was elected its president. Among the Ainu, 
who are especially given to drink, it has now a branch and the movement 
has spread throughout the Hokkaido, being represented by many auxil- 
iaries. 

Christian laborers in the employ of the Japanese railways organized 
Industrial Temperance Societies. Interesting accounts are given in some 
of the Japanese periodicals of earnest and sustained efforts on the part of 
many prominent native Christians to establish and foster temperance or- 
ganizations. Besides the work of Mr. Ito, previously referred to, zealous 
service was rendered by Mrs. Yajima, Vice-President of the Central Com- 
mittee, who was active in the formation of the first Kyofulcwai, or temper- 
ance union, in Japan, and was its first president; by Mr. Miyama, who is 
called "the John B. Gough of Japan," and by Mr. Taro Ando, of Tokyo, 
who established a monthly temperance journal and himself became active 
in this special reform. We read also of the organization by Miss Eliza- 
beth Russell of the Methodist Mission, of a Young Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union in the boarding-school for girls at Nagasaki. This 
Union numbered one hundred and eighty members at the start. There 
are still others at Kobe and in the Banclio Girls' School at Tokyo. 

Here is a significant incident reported by Rev. Albert Arnold Bennett, 
writing from Yokohama. In speaking of a number of recent baptisms, 
he says: "One of the five baptized last Sunday had been away four 
years studying the manufacture of wines and other liquors, and expected 
to do quite a business in that line. We feared his faith would not hold oul 
when he was told he must give up sueh trade if lie became a Christian, but 
he did stop and is now seeking a business that will not work ruin." 

It is of interest to note in this connection an historical fact reported 
by Key. J). S. Spencer, of Nagoya: "At the time of conch-din-; commer- 
cial treaties with the Tokugawa Government, the American representative, 



40 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Mr. Townsend Harris, earnestly advised the Japanese Government to re- 
strict the importation of opium to fifteen pounds per boat, and to put 
thirty per cent, duty on imported liquor. Japan profited by following 
his advice, since the result has been largely to keep out opium and greatly 
to reduce the quantity of imported liquors. Nevertheless, the amount of 
imported liquors has steadily increased from year to year." 



Now let us contemplate a picture that comes nearer home and is more 
up to date. The following recital of facts, written for "The Passing of 
the Saloon" by a Woman's Christian Temperance Union organizer and 
lecturer, is not lessened in value because its author chooses to be anony- 
mous. It corroborates all that has been published on this subject in the 
various organs of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and other 
periodicals. It is printed here, not to disgrace the United States, but to 
aid in creating a public sentiment which shall compel the government to 
discontinue its policy of licensing and protecting this horrible traffic in the 
insular possessions, and in the Canal Zone, and if we are to clean up abroad 
we must begin by cleaning up at home. 

"When I entered Manila, Philippine Islands, in November, 1899, 
there were, perhaps, two thousand native saloons in small rooms and nipa 
huts, where vino, the native wine, was sold, and food as well. The natives 
usually took food and a small amount of wine with it. But when the 
hue and cry was raised throughout the United States about the number of 
saloons that lined the streets of Manila, something had to be done. So a 
commission was appointed to investigate. They visited the native saloons, 
drank of their wine (they were seen drinking it) to see if the vino were 
pure wine or not. If the commissioners decided the wine to be pure (it 
usually seemed the man who had the most money had the purest wine), the 
place remained open. If they decided the wine to be impure, the place 
was closed. 

"This action greatly reduced the number of native saloons, from per- 
haps two thousand to six hundred, in the city of Manila. But immediately 
in their stead arose our larger, more attractive American saloons. Soon I 
saw on the streets of Manila, at the side of open doors, life-size paintings 
of the figure we call 'Uncle Sam' holding a beer glass in his hand, to ad- 
vortise 'Our Uncle Sam's Saloon.' I have seen over another doorway a 
big, glorious American eagle advertising 'Our American Eagle Saloon.'' 
Stretched across the street was a large banner with the word 'Expansion 1 
on it, to advertise another such place. 

"Our stars and stripes were not only floating over these places, but, 
through the open door and windows could be seen the bars draped in 'Old 
Glory,' where they were dealing out death. I could but wonder what the 





pq u 
c/) O 




CO 



m a. 



"CHRISTIAN" SALOONS vs. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 41 

natives would think Americans could be, since all they saw advertised that 
v. as peculiarly American was the American Saloon. 

"In the year and a half I was there, I saw just one native man drunk. 
Asking a friend, a surgeon in the army, what he had seen, he replied that 
he had seen only one native man drunk, and he had been made drunk on 
American whisky. Soldiers have told me that they forced the natives to 
get drunk to see how 'funny' they acted ! 

"One American saloon, that started across the narrow street from the 
first Christian mission opened in Manila, was made viler than others and 
more attractive to the natives by the exhibition of life-size paintings on the 
walls of nude women in various positions. Before the saloon was opened, 
however, one of the missionaries found out what was going on and appealed 
to officials until the pictures ^were removed. 

"As the result of all this, I have been told by men who have recently 
returned from Manila that it is now common to see natives lying around 
the streets drunk. 

"Upon one of the city streets there was a saloon with an American 
flag floating over it, the porch festooned in red, white and blue. The 
bars were draped in 'Old Glory* and one of the bartenders in this flag- 
decorated American saloon was a woman, supposed to be American. As 
we passed down that street we could see her standing in the doorway under 
the stars and stripes, a degraded-looking woman. But she stood there, 
smoking her cigar, cursing and swearing, enticing young men into the 
place of vice. As I saw her I remembered that here was a great people 
that knew very little about the United States. Many of the native Fili- 
pinos did not know that there was such a country as the United States. But 
now, as they passed down the street and saw the woman under the flag, 
they pointed to her as 'one of the American women !' And, as there were 
only a few women in the islands to represent American womanhood, she 
was to them a typical figure. I was not proud of her, nor of the vicious 
conditions which were introduced and protected by our 'Christian' nation. 

"While the American saloons and houses of ill-fame by the hundreds 
were flourishing in Manila, leading American soldiers and young native 
men and women into sin, there were only ten American missionaries in and 
around the city, struggling to teach the doctrines of the 'free religion,' 
as the natives call Protestantism, and to present the 'Christ' as he is known 
in the true church." 




CHAPTER IV. 

THE SALOON AN ECONOMIC VAMPIRE. 

O serious defense of the dram-shop has ever been based upon 
moral grounds. The most fiery advocate of "personal liberty," 
according to the conception of the brewers' and distillers' boy- 
cotting association, has never presumed to say that the retail 
traffic in intoxicating liquors contributes to moral prog- 
ress, either of the individual or of society. It is quite true that Lyman 
Abbott, and the Outlook school oppose the state's exercise of police 
power in suppressing it on the ground that character matures under 
temptation, and that there should be no arbitrary restraint upon the 
liberty of one man to subject another to moral test. The same argument 
has been used by liquor journal editors — without attempting to prove that 
a bad man may become good under the direct influence of the saloon, or 
a good man may become morally better. 

There have been authors, however, who have defended the existence 
of the saloon as a social necessit}^ in the life of the American workingman — 
or as a Poor Man's Club. Even the Journal of Sociology, published by 
the University of Chicago, has discussed its social value in the tene- 
ment-house region — and an occasional editorial in some newspaper solemnly 
endorses the dram-shop as a factor in the pleasure life of handicapped 
toilers. 

Perhaps the most widery offered defense of the saloon, however, is 
based upon its alleged value as a producer of wealth — a factor in busi- 
ness. It is vociferously asserted by the literary agents of the Brewers' 
and Distillers' Prosperity League that if the saloon be destroyed, wide- 
spread calamity must ensue. Cartoons are exhibited showing the alarming 
effects caused by prohibition cloud-bursts in the grain fields — or by a 
fanatical administration of Puritan laws in a thriving town. Pictures 
of vacant buildings are hung everywhere, for the purpose of producing 
the impression that Anti-Saloon Leagueism has caused an exodus of de- 
sirable citizens — and that grass is growing rank in places where the saloon- 
keeper has closed his doors. Statistics are paraded, proving by vast arrays 
of figures, that prosperity goes out at one door when prohibition enters 
at another — and that "business" dies under the blight of an anti-liquor 

victory. 
42* 



THE SALOON A.N ECONOMIC VAMPIRE. 43 

This argument weighs somewhat heavily in the minds of people who 
can see only the debit side of a cash account or the credit side of a prop- 
erty account, as some specific case may chance to affect them personally. 
It seems to be conclusive, because it is made to appear to be a transcript 
of government reports. But usually it is adduced b}' people whose stand- 
ard of truth is a standard of personal comfort. 

Now, it will not be denied even by the most extreme advocate of pro- 
hibition on moral grounds, that, if the saloon is necessary to business it 
ought to be protected. If it can be proved that the liquor traffic really is a 
producer of honest wealth, the Prohibition party ought to disband and the 
Anti-Saloon League dissolve as soon as the fact has been established. For 
"business" is at the foundation of social life. As far back as the human 
race has any record of its own history, there has been no social life of any 
kind without some form of business. As social life has become complex 
business has become complex, and as the wants of society have increased 
business has become more and more essential to its demands. It no longer 
satisfies mere needs but ministers to wants which may be artificial but con- 
tributory to the love of comfort or beauty, ease or luxury. 

Business, in its last definition, is a system of manufacture and ex- 
change, organized to supply the members of society with food, clothing 
and shelter. It is the service of life. Food is derived from all parts of 
the globe for the purpose of maintaining life, or contributing to the pro- 
ductive energy and pleasure of life. Clothing is made, not simply to pre- 
serve internal heat, but to charm the eye ; and shelter is provided, not sim- 
ply to shield against the weather, but to surround the family with the most 
beautiful and comfortable environment. There have been hermits who 
have cut out all luxuries ; rarely a Henry D. Thoreau, who, in the midst 
of society, attempts to reduce existence to the last simplicities of food, 
clothing and shelter. But Thoreaus have been few. And the expansion 
of civilization has created wants wherever it has planted a better concep- 
tion of the moral ends of being. 

Now, what place docs the saloon occupy in the actual economics of 
society? 

To answer this question, suppose that society is in the process of or- 
ganizing itself. As the blacksmith, the physician, the schoolmaster, the 
artist, apply for places in the community, each is able to demonstrate a 
reason for his admission. The functions of blacksmith, physician, school- 
ter, artist, commend themselves, for each contributes his measure to the 
common wealth. Hut the maker or vendor of intoxicating liquors as a 
beverage can find no place in an economic society, for he cannot show that 
in any way lie is enga the production of any useful commodity. He 

adds nothing to wealth. I falike the other members of society, he docs not 



44 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

produce corn, or a house, or a piece of cloth, or a chair, or in any way con- 
tribute directly to the welfare of the members of society. To be admitted, 
he must cooperate in some way in developing the capacities of human life 
to their higher degrees. And so actors, musicians, ministers of religion, 
educators, painters, engravers, sculptors, have been recognized as "Knights 
of Labor," because they render service to the higher life of the world. 
Destroy them and the level of life falls. Nature would be less winsome, 
because her interpreters had ceased to show beauties; life would be less 
gracious, because the arts had vanished away. 

But the "business" of the dram-shop, the traffic in intoxicating 
liquors, does not offer anything essential to life. Its stock in trade is not 
food. It does not contribute to the production of clothing. It puts no 
roofs over the heads of its customers. On the contrary, its patrons are re- 
duced to and remain in economic conditions which render the purchase of 
clothing and of all necessities of life difficult and finally impossible. The 
typical product of the saloon, recognized as such everywhere, is not the 
society man, arrayed in broadcloth and fine linen, or the sturdy workman 
clothed in substantial garb, but the ragged waif, the man of the slums, a 
non-producer whom society must support. 

It is beyond all doubt, that if a saloonkeeper were admitted to a new 
community life, the tailor and dressmaker, the grocer, the merchant, the 
manufacturer, would immediately feel the pressure of his competition. 
They feel it now, but they have been taught to attribute slackness of trade 
to other causes than the trade in intoxicants and so do not recognize the 
real evil. What is true of the tailor and dressmaker is true of the house- 
builder. The typical product of the saloon is a man without a home of his 
own. He cannot buy drink and a home at the same time. He becomes a 
mere renter, and a renter of the lowest type of house. He descends to the 
tenement house, and at last to the poorhouse. 

Of course not all men who drink at saloon bars go down to the depths. 
But the legitimate product of the saloon is the drunkard. And the drunk- 
ard is worse than a bandit, because society combines against the bandit, 
and even may kill him ; but it is bound to care for the drunkard, for he i» 
the product of an institution which it tolerates. 

The saloonkeeper, having gained entrance to the social body, coins 
money. He grows rich, has a residence in the best streets, is influential in 
"practical politics", — and violates law with impunity. The police protect 
his place of business against fanatics, and the governor of the state de- 
clines faithful execution of the laws which would banish him quickly from 
the community. His cash register rings its bell from 5 a. m. to 1 a. m., or 
longer, seven days in the week, on election days, holy days, holidays, Sun- 
days. He pays special taxes, — mulct taxes, license fees, excise, — and 



THE SALOON AN ECONOMIC VAMPIRE. 45 

gloats over the fact that he contributes at least one-fourth of the nation's 
income — and thus bribes and stifles the public conscience. 

Business? He's in "business," of course. But what is his stock in 
trade? It is a drug, a poison, which he sells as a beverage, and which 
creates an appetite for itself, an unnatural craving which, at last, becomes 
uncontrollable. The typical patron of the dram-shop is never satisfied. 
His thirst is never quenched. "Even if I knew I should go to hell the next 
moment," said poor Steve Hulse, "I could not resist the temptation to 
drink." That is not extreme; it is the legitimate result of the drink habit. 
The bread-buyer buys what he needs and quits when he gets enough, with- 
out a struggle to control a ravenous appetite. The meat-buyer buys what 
he needs and quits eating when his hunger is satisfied. The patron of 
business in all its legitimate domains is normally sane. The merchant 
cannot induce him to buy again, again and again, because his appetite has 
become a raging fire. But in the case of the saloonkeeper's customer, the 
more he buys the more he wants. 

The opponent of the liquor traffic opposes each particular saloon, 
because all saloons constitute a system. The Mutual Protective Associa- 
tion, says the Louisville Evening Post, was vociferous a year ago in de- 
claring for orderly saloons, the cancellation of licenses for disorderly 
houses and the separation of the saloon from political influences. But, 
when all licenses expired and applications for renewal were being consid- 
ered, a regular battery of lawyers appeared to defend every saloonkeeper 
whose license was imperiled. One saloon is like another, and like all others, 
even though one is a "cafe" and the other a "dive." 

The problem which confronts society is not that of keeping out an 
institution which has never been in, but of expelling an institution which 
has grown up with it, and now, to some, seems to be essential to its business 
life. But there is no reason to doubt that, if by some edict of the powers 
that be, all saloons, everywhere in the United States, should be closed at mid- 
night, December 31, 1908, never to re-open, and that, if on New Year's 
Day, 1909, all men who had intended to "drink" would deposit in bank 
the money they had expected to spend on that one day in the saloon, there 
would be a fund of at least $5,000,000 subject to the demand of those 
who had been temporarily thrown out of employment by the sudden end 
of the dram-shop regime. At the same rate, January would not have 
passed before the legitimate enterprises would absorb resources hitherto 
wasted on intoxicating liquors, and, before the year had passed) the glass 
blowers would have orders enough and to spare for jars and hoi ties for 
jams and pickles and preserves to meet the increased demands for food; 
and, before the harvests had been garnered, the two per cent, of farm 
products that had gone to the brewery and distillery would be absorbed 



46 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

by families which, under the saloon regime, had always been underfed. It 
would be demonstrated that the real cause of "hard times" is the expendi- 
ture of earnings for that which breeds or develops crime, insanity, pauper- 
ism, divorce and other social and economic forms of disease. 

When that better time comes, it will be seen by all, as is now so clearly 
seen by a comparatively few students of economic society, that the liquor 
dealer is, economically, worse than a thief; because, though a thief may 
steal all the money that a man may have, he leaves the man himself intact. 
As Oliver W. Stewart says, "The saloonkeeper is morally worse than a 
thief, because he not only takes money for which he gives no equivalent, 
but incapacitates the man himself for service as a member of economic 
society." This is not harsh judgment. For, when the saloonkeeper has 
at last shut up shop and taken his money out of the till, he has in possession 
the representative of values for which he has passed no equivalent over his 
bar. Men have gone from his shop poorer in pocket and at a lower value 
to society than when they came in. His offense is that he has cooperated 
with his fellow-traffickers to degrade his patrons, to place them on a lower 
economic plane. Because this is true, society possesses the right to sup- 
press a traffic which affects the economic activities and conditions of those 
who refuse either to sell intoxicating liquors or to drink them. This right 
is not denied. Its exercise would solve the liquor problem, because it 
would remove conditions that reduce or destroy the economic powers of 
the commonwealth. 

E.J. Wheeler, the well known writer and editor, says : 

"It is a demonstrable fact that whereas $1,000,000 of capital invested 
in the manufacture of liquor gives employment to 285 persons, the same 
amount invested in any one of the other ten leading industries of the na- 
tion gives employment, on an average to 876 persons (Census of 1880). 
If the money, therefore, were invested in other forms of industry, it would 
eive emplovment to three times as many men, and pay two and one-half 
times as much as now in wages." 

Below are estimates and figures derived from various sources. While 
no such summaries can be regarded as absolutely correct, and while amounts 
reached by different estimators may not exactly agree, yet the general 
agreement and trend is so uniform that the statistical showing and argu- 
ment is unanswerable. 

In 1900, a capital of $447,836,072, invested in the manufacture of 
malt and distilled liquors, employed 43,254 persons. That is to say, in 
twenty years, liquor capital had lost two-thirds of its employing capacity. 
For while, in 1880, one million of capital employed 285 persons, in 1900 
it employed only 97 persons. Perhaps the brewers and distillers can 




O H 



o4 co 

o S 




- a 




THE SALOON AN ECONOMIC VAMPIRE. 47 

account for this decrease, and also explain the fact that while a million 
of capital invested in general industrial enterprises employed 540 persons, 
the same amount of capital in the liquor industry employed less than 100. 
On an equal basis the liquor industry should have employed at least 582 
persons per million of capital. 

In 1900, the liquor industry paid $57,656 in wages for every million 
of capital invested. At the same time, the total capital invested in all 
manufactures paid $234,467 per million. Perhaps the brewers and dis- 
tillers can explain this great disparity in wage-paying capacity of the 
liquor industry. 

In 1900, a million of capital invested in the liquor industry pur- 
chased $139,959 worth of raw material. At the same time, a million of 
capital in all industries averaged the purchase of $278,957 of raw ma- 
terial. Or, putting the figures in another form, while the manufacturing 
establishments of the United States purchased $7,377,907,079 worth of 
raw material, the liquor industry purchased $66,822,712 worth, or only 
nine-tenths of one per cent! 

Again, a million of capital invested in the production of malt and 
distilled liquors, produced a commercial value of $698,887. But a million 
invested in general industrial enterprise created a product value of $1,311,- 
285. 

Comparing the malt liquor industry, with a capital of $415,284,468, 
with the wool manufacturing industry, with capital of $415,075,713, it 
appears that the liquor industry employed only 39,532 persons while the 
wool industry employed 264,021 persons. 



The following estimates are worked up from the official reports of in- 
dustries in the city of Chicago for one year. If, instead of spending 
$2,000,000,000 for intoxicating liquors, the people of the United States 
would buy with it more of the necessities of life, business in other lines 
would increase as follows: 

The annual purchase of flour would increase $3,600,000 ; groceries, 
$10,000,000; milk, $400,000; stoves, $16,000,000; coal would increase 
$16,000,000; wall paper, $200,000; carpets, $200,000; furniture, $20,- 
000,000; clothing, $16,000,000; hats, $2,400,000; shoes (adults' ),$«,- 
400,000; shoes (children's), $3,000,000: hose, $1,000,000; flannel, $200,- 
000; cotton goods. $200,000: wagons, $1,000,000; houses, $15,000,000. 

Besides these amounts added to the USUa] investment in such articles, 
the people would still have $20, 000, 000, say for public improvements, and 
$4,OOQ,000 for a national health department. 

That the basis upon which these colossal amounts are estimated is ra- 
tional is shown by the reports of the Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce, 



48 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

according to which the people of Cincinnati and vicinity spent more than 
fourteen million dollars for beer alone in the year ending December 31, 
1907. 

The latest Federal statistics on the economic phases of the liquor 
traffic are for the year 1905. Only industries employing an aggregate 
capital of over $400,000,000 are considered here. The table below shows 
the number of wage-earners employed for each million dollars invested. 

Cotton manufactures 648 

Wool manufactures 636 

Lumber manufactures 463 

Iron and steel manufactures 426 

Distilled and malt liquors 96 

Of twenty-seven selected industries, tabulated and compared by a gov- 
ernment statistician, the Turpentine and Rosin industry, capitalized at 
only $11,847,495, employed 41,864 persons, and paid out $8,393,483, 
almost as many employes as were reported by the entire liquor industry, 
and one-third the wages. That is to say, the turpentine and rosin manu- 
facturers, on one thirty-seventh of the capital employed by liquor manu- 
facturers gave employment to almost as many persons, and, on every mil- 
lion invested, paid $699,456 in wages, as compared with the $61,516 paid 
by brewers and distillers. 



The following table, also from government reports of 1905, shows 
wages paid per million dollars in industries capitalized at more than four 
hundred million dollars : 

Iron and steel manufactures $238,272 

Wool manufactures 222,889 

Cotton manufactures 185,631 

Lumber manufactures 171,261 

Distilled and malt liquors 61,516 



The total capital invested in the Liquor Industry (1905) was $575,- 
576,169. This is less than five per cent, of the total capital employed in 
the United States in all productive industries. 

The total number of men employed by the Liquor Industry was 55,- 
407. This is less than two per cent, of the total labor force employed in 
all productive industries. 

The total wages paid by the Liquor Industry was $38,201,476. This 
is less than two per cent, of the aggregate wages paid by all productive 
industries. 



THE SALOON AN ECONOMIC VAMPIRE. 49 

The Liquor Industry used $106,230,871 of material. This is less 
than two per cent, of materials used by all productive industries. 



In the light of such figures as the above, and in the face of the com- 
mon knowledge of all persons at all familiar with the liquor traffic, the 
whole argument as to its alleged industrial value seems extremely absurd, 
as much so, indeed, as that of the old woman who bought eggs at a cent 
apiece and sold them at 10 cents a dozen, and explained that she expected 
to make her profit off of her big business. The liquor business, measured 
in dollars and cents, is indeed a big business, but, unfortunately, the bigger 
it is the more society loses. 

If the people of the United States instead of consuming intoxicating 
liquors were to purchase goods, economic goods, the capital invested in 
production of beer and whisky would necessarily be shifted, but it would 
not be annihilated. And when placed in other industries it would not only 
employ all persons now employed in breweries and distilleries, but it would 
take up the large body of the unemployed. 

The diversion of $2,000,000,000 a year, worse than wasted in the 
purchase of liquor, into channels of productive industry, would prevent 
panics, in spite of predatory financiers, and avert commercial depression, 
in spite of destructive competition. This would not only counterbalance 
the losses caused by abolition of the liquor traffic, but would produce an 
economic condition of prosperity not even dreamed of during the best 
days of "high tariff" and "sound money." 

ADDENDUM. 

Note. — Just as this book is going to press we are fortunate in receiv- 
ing from Mr. A. R. Heath, the well known writer, editor and statistician, 
the following memorandum of a study he is now making of the Federal 
statistics of the drink traffic. The results of this study will be recognized 
at once as one of the most notable contributions yet made to current eco- 
nomic and sociologic science. 

The facts given are of the very greatest interest to every business 
man and every wage-earner. They indicate beyond dispute that the prohi- 
bition policy put into general practice, will prove the emancipation of both 
labor and capital, and the basis of general and permanent prosperity, in 
addition to the great moral uplift of society. — G. M. H. 

By A. P. ITEATn. 
Permanence is a most significant factor in the net results of any policy 
of government. As the years and decades pass, wherever a certain policy 
remains settled and uniform, all the conditions and interests of society be- 
come adjusted and "geared" to that policy, so that finally the combined 
whole is a crystallized and harmonious force. 



50 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

So with prohibition on the one side and license on the other. Either 
policy if permanent will compel the adjustment to its own standard of all 
economic conditions. If drinking means waste and loss, the license states 
will show it ; if sobriety means thrift, then the state of Maine, for instance, 
the prohibition state of longest experience, it will be fair to assume, will 
show it. 

Maine, with its fifty years' record of prohibition, therefore, is taken 
as a definite unit of representation of that policy, and the other states — 
the license states — may be compared with the record which Maine pre- 
sents. Of course I recognize that there have been at times treachery and 
evasion in the way of failure to enforce the law in that state. But I find 
that these evasions have almost exclusively had cities of over 8,000 for 
their field, and in Maine these are few and contain less than one-fourth the 
people. The great mass of both territory and population has been practi- 
cally without the liquor traffic for half a century. We accept Maine for 
purposes of this comparison. 

States differ in natural conditions of the business interests, which 
Maine supports, the mechanics and workingmen, as well as the stores, 
banks and so on, which she maintains, with records of like enterprises in 
other states. 

In comparing Maine with Massachusetts, for instance, Maine had, in 
1900, a per capita wealth of $982, while Massachusetts had $1,553. It is 
evident that the citizen of the latter state, having greater wealth, had pro- 
portionately greater purchasing power, had greater ability to patronize 
stores and employ workingmen. The ratio is as 1.58 to 1.00. To com- 
plete the comparison, we will bear in mind that, while Maine had 694,466 
population, Massachusetts had 2,805,346. 

In other words, Massachusetts had 4.04 times as many people whose 
needs had to be met, and on the other hand, 4.04 times as many people 
with means to supply those needs ; while, as above seen, each person had a 
purchasing power of 1.58 as compared with Maine's 1.00. By multiply- 
ing these two factors, we have 6.38 as the "ratio" which Massachusetts 
bore to Maine in the census year, 1900, the date of the latest figures avail- 
able for our use. This illustrates how the "ratio" for each state is ascer- 
tained from data furnished by the census. 

The United States census names vocations of more than 370 kinds, 
divided into state totals. It tells how many carpenters there were in 1900 
in each state, how many masons, how many banks, how many groceries, 
and so on. It is of great value to us at this point. (One item not given 
therein is "Business Concerns" found in the Statistical Abstract, and fur- 
nished the government by Dun & Company.) 

Maine had 8,627 merchants and dealers (except wholesale). Massa- 



THE SALOON AN ECONOMIC VAMPIRE. 51 

chusetts should have had 6.38 times as many, or 55,040 ; but she only had 
40,994, a shortage of 14,046, or nearly 26 per cent. 

Maine's citizens thus spend their money so wisely, and with such thrift 
that they support retail merchants to a much greater extent proportion- 
ately than does Massachusetts. The latter state falls nearly 26 per cent, 
short of Maine's standard. The prohibition state supports retail trade 
far better than does this license state. The same holds good in comparing 
Maine with many other states. 

Ohio had $1,207 per capita wealth and 4,157,545 population. Her 
ratio to Maine is 7.36. Maine had 14,661 business concerns in 1900 ; 
Ohio, 84,478. Ohio should have had 107,904, a shortage of 23,426, or 
nearly 22 per cent. 

Let us see for a moment what this shortage meant to the business in- 
terests of the State of Ohio. If Ohio had measured up to the standard of 
Maine, it would have meant approximately 23,000 additional stores, ware- 
rooms, factories and offices rented or built; many thousands of clerks, 
.salesmen and saleswomen, stenographers, typewriters, mechanics, working- 
men, superintendents, managers, commercial travelers, etc., employed ; enor- 
mous amounts used for freight, cartage, railroad fares, raw material and 
partly finished material ; homes needed for all these thousands of employes ; 
their deposited savings in banks, trust companies, building and loan asso- 
ciations and their purchases of real estate, provisions, shoes, clothing, etc. ; 
carfare to and from business, more support for schools and churches and 
a general stimulus to trade of every description. When Ohio gets ready 
for whole-hearted prohibition, here will be a part of the benefits to her 
business men. Can they ignore such results? 

Pennsylvania's "ratio" is 13.66. Maine had 8,938 carpenters. 
Pennsylvania employed 56,300, when she should have emplo} r ed 122,071 ; 
shortage, 65,771 or 54 per cent. In a single state, therefore, over half 
the carpenters were starved out of employment at their trade ! 

This is not exceptional. In Illinois, also, there is a shortage of more 
than half. In California, 15,916 are employed, when there should be 
42,187; in Massachusetts, 33,011, instead of 57,024, and so on. 

Labor is hard hit by the liquor traffic. Those figures prove what vast, 
benefits would come if these lacking hundreds of thousands of carpenters 
were employed, and thus a fair support obtained for them and their fam- 
ilies. They show conclusively that increased labor would be required to 
build thousands of new homes, erect additions to old homes, create more 4 
taxable property, meet the expansion of trade by these carpenters and their 
families in stores, on cars, and in all the relations of life. 

As the Inevitable result of this demand in nearly or quite every state 
for scores of thousands of additional carpenters, there would he an imme- 



52 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

diate and significant increase in wages. Now, the men who are starved 
out from that trade because liquor snatches the millions of dollars which 
would otherwise be paid them for wages, gravitate on lines of local least 
resistance to other trades already overcrowded, and thus help to keep down 
wages there, with semi-starvation for all. These facts prove that, under 
prohibition, the situation would be directly reversed. Thinking working- 
men should consider these facts. They are typical. In scores and scores 
of vocations, prohibition is labor's best friend, and the discovery I here 
set forth proves that fact over and over. 

There is practically no end to the illustrations which can be given 
along business and labor lines, showing by concrete figures how prohibition 
works as an economic benefit. I call attention to one more fact, one rela- 
tive to banking. Maine is largely a "backwoods state," sparsely settled 
and with considerable lumbering. It would be expected that banking and 
brokerage would be left to states richer and more densely populated. Yet 
it is true that all the bankers and brokers in "Continental United States" 
number 73,315. Maine has 570. The "ratio" of the country as a whole 
to Maine is 129.765. Therefore, if the entire country measured up to 
Maine's standard in bankers and brokers, it would have 73,966. So the 
rural state of Maine is a little ahead on that line, one generally supposed 
to pertain to city life. Thrifty people require banking conveniences. 

There seems to be no escape from the conclusion we reach. The pro- 
hibition state of Maine sets an example of thrifty and wise use of means 
which places her far in the van of progress. If other states would reach 
her standard they should adopt the prohibition policy which has set her 
in the van. This subject is commended earnestly to men of foresight in 
the business and labor world. 




HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, M. D., LL. D. 




CHAPTER V. 

PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 
By Henry Smith Williams, M. D., LL.D. 

Note. — The following article appeared in McCeure's Magazine, 
and is reprinted here by the courteous permission of the editor and pub- 
lisher. It is the latest word of science on the effects of alcohol upon the 
individual in health and sickness, and settles forever all possible question 
as to the evil effects of alcohol upon the human system, under all circum- 
stances. — G. M. H. 

OME very puzzling differences of opinion about the use of al- 
coholic beverages find expression. This is natural enough, 
since alcohol is a very curious drug and the human organism 
a very complex mechanism. The effects of this drug upon 
this mechanism are often very mystifying. Not many per- 
sons are competent to analyze these effects in their totality. Still fewer 
can examine any of them quite without prejudice. But in recent years a 
large number of scientific investigators have attempted to substitute 
H-nowledge for guesswork as to the effects of alcohol, through the institu- 
tion of definite experiments. Some have tested its effects on the digestive 
apparatus ; others, its power over the heart and voluntary muscles ; still 
others, its influence upon the brain. On the whole, the results of these 
experiments are singularly consistent. Undoubtedly they tend to upset 
a good many time-honored preconceptions. But they give better grounds 
for judgment as to what is the rational attitude toward alcohol than 
have hitherto been available. 

The traditional role of alcohol is that of a stimulant. It has been 
supposed to stimulate digestion and assimilation ; to stimulate the heart's 
action; to stimulate muscular activity and strength; to stimulate the 
mind. The new evidence seems to show that, in the final analysis, alcohol 
stimulates none of these activities ; that its final effect is everywhere de- 
pressive arid inhibitory (at any rate as regards higher functions) rather 
than stimulative; that, in short, it is properly to be classed with the 
anaesthetics and narcotics. The grounds for this view should be of interest 
to every user of alcohol ; of interest, for that matter, to every citizen, 
considering that more than one thousand million gallons of alcoholic bever- 
ages are consumed in the United States each year. 



54 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

I shall attempt to describe some of the more significant observations 
and experiments in sufficient detail to enable the reader to draw his own 
conclusions. To make room for this, I must deal with other portions of 
the testimony in a very summary manner. As regards digestion, for 
example, I must be content to note that the experiments show that alcohol 
does indeed stimulate the flow of digestive fluids, but that it also tends to 
interfere with their normal action ; so that ordinarily one effect neutralizes 
the other. As regards the action of the heart, I shall merely state that the 
ultimate effect of alcohol is to depress, in large doses to paralyze, that or- 
gan. These, after all, are matters that concern the physician rather than 
the general reader. 

The effect of alcohol on muscular activity has a larger measure of 
popular interest ; indeed, it is a question of the utmost practicality. The 
experiments show that alcohol does not increase the capacity to do muscular 
work, but distinctly decreases it. Doubtless this seems at variance with 
many a man's observation of himself; but the explanation is found in the 
fact that alcohol blurs the judgment. As Voit remarks, it gives, not 
strength, but, at most, the feeling of strength. A man may think he is 
working faster and better under the influence of alcohol than he would 
otherwise do; but rigidly conducted experiments do not confirm this opin- 
ion. "Both science and the experience of life," says Dr. John J. Abel, of 
Johns Hopkins University, "have exploded the pernicious theory that al- 
cohol gives any persistent increase of muscular power. The disappear- 
ance of this universal error will greatly reduce the consumption of alcohol 
among laboring men. It is well understood by all who control large bodies 
of men engaged in physical labor that alcohol and effective work are 
incompatible." 

It is even questionable whether the energy derived from the oxi- 
dation of alcohol in the body can be directly used at all as a source of 
muscular energy. Such competent observers as Schumberg and Scheffer 
independently reached the conclusion that it cannot. Dr. Abel inclines to 
the same opinion. He suggests that "alcohol is not a food in the sense in 
which fats and carbohydrates are food; it should be defined as an easily 
oxidizable drug with numerous untoward effects which inevitably appear 
when a certain minimum dose is exceeded." He thinks that alcohol should 
be classed "with the more or less dangerous stimulants and narcotics, such 
as hasheesh, tobacco, etc., rather than with truly sustaining foodstuffs." 
Some of the grounds for this view will appear presently, as we now turn to 
examine the alleged stimulating effects of alcohol upon the mental proc- 
esses. 

The celebrated physicist Von Helmholtz, one of the foremost thinkers 
of the nineteenth century, declared that the very smallest quantity of al- 



PHYSI0L0C4ICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 55 

cohol served effectively, while its influence lasted, to banish from Ins mind 
all possibility of creative effort ; all capacity to solve an abstruse problem. 
The results of recent experiments in the field of physiological ps3 T chology 
convince one that the same thing is true in some measure of every other 
mind capable of creative thinking. Certainly all the evidence goes to show 
that no mind is capable of its best efforts when influenced by even small 
quantities of alcohol. If any reader of these words is disposed to challenge 
this statement, on the strength of his own personal experience, I would ask 
him to reflect carefully as to whether what he has been disposed to regard 
as a stimulant effect may not be better explained along lines suggested by 
these words of Professor James : "The reason for craving alcohol is that 
it is an anaesthetic even in moderate quantities. It obliterates a part of the 
field of consciousness and abolishes collateral trains of thought." 

The experimental evidence that tends to establish the position of alco- 
hol as an inhibitor and disturber rather than a promoter of mental activity 
has been gathered largely by German investigators. Many of their ex- 
periments are of rather a technical character, aiming to test the basal oper- 
ations of mind. Others, however, are eminently practical, as we shall see. 
The earliest experiments, made by Exner in Vienna so long ago as 1873, 
aimed to determine the effect of alcohol upon the so-called reaction-time. 
The subject of the experiment sits at a table, with his finger upon a tele- 
graph key. At a given signal — say a flash of light — he releases the key. 
The time that elapses between signal and response — measured electrically 
in fractions of a second — is called the simple or direct reaction-time. This 
varies for different individuals, but is relatively constant, under given con- 
ditions, for the same individual. Exner found, however, that when an 
individual had imbibed a small quantity of alcohol, his reaction-time was 
lengthened, though the subject believed himself to be responding more 
promptly than before. 

These highly suggestive experiments attracted no very great amount 
of attention at the time. Some years later, however, they were repeated 
by several investigators, including Dietl, Vintschgau and, in particular, 
Kraepelin and his pupils. It was then discovered that, In the case of a 
robust young man, if the quantity of alcohol ingested was very small, and 
the tests were made immediately, the direct reaction-time was not length- 
ened, but appreciably shortened instead. If, however, the quantity of al- 
cohol was increased, or if the experiments were made at a considerable in- 
terval of time after its ingestion, the reaction-time fell below the normal, as 
in Exncr's experiments. 

Subsequent experiments tested mental processes of a somewhat more 
complicated eharaeter. For example, the subject would place each hand 
on a telegraph key, at right and left. The signals would then be varied. 



56 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

it being understood that one key or the other would be pressed promptly 
accordingly as a red or a white light appeared. It became necessary, 
therefore, to recognize the color of the light and to recall which hand was 
to be moved at that particular signal ; in other words, to make a choice not 
unlike that which a locomotive engineer is required to make when he en- 
counters an unexpected signal light. The tests showed that after the in- 
gestion of a small quantity of alcohol — say a glass of beer — there was a 
marked disturbance of the mental processes involved in this reaction. On 
the average, the keys were released more rapidly than before the alcohol 
was taken, but the wrong key was much more frequently released than un- 
der normal circumstances. Speed was attained at the cost of correct judg- 
ment. Thus, as Dr. Stier remarks, the experiment shows the elements of 
two of the most significant and persistent effects of alcohol, namely, the 
vitiating of mental processes and the increased tendency to hasty or inco- 
ordinate movements. Stated otherwise, a leveling down process is involved 
whereby the higher function is dulled, the lower function accentuated. 

Equally suggestive are the results of some experiments devised by 
Ach and Mai j arewski to test the effects of alcohol upon the perception and 
comprehension of printed symbols. The subject was required to read 
aloud a continuous series of letters or meaningless syllables or short words, 
as viewed through a small slit in a revolving cylinder. It was found that 
after taking a small quantity of alcohol, the subject was noticeably less 
able to read correctly. His capacity to repeat, after a short interval, a 
number of letters correctly read, was also much impaired. He made more 
omissions than before, and tended to substitute words and syllables for 
those actually seen. It is especially noteworthy that the largest number 
of mistakes were made in the reading of meaningless syllables ; that is to 
say, in the part of the task calling for the highest or most complicated 
type of mental activity. 

Another striking illustration of the tendency of alcohol to impair the 
higher mental processes was given by some experiments instituted by Kraep- 
elin to test the association of ideas. In these experiments, a word is pro- 
nounced, and the subject is required to pronounce the first word that sug- 
gests itself in response. Some very interesting secrets of the sub-conscious 
personality are revealed thereby, as was shown, for example, in a series of 
experiments conducted last year at Zurich by Dr. Frederick Peterson, of 
New York. But I cannot dwell on these here. Suffice it for our purpose 
that the possible responses are of two general types. The suggested word 
being, let us say, "book," the subject may (1) think of some word asso- 
ciated logically with the idea of a book, such as "read" or "'leaves" ; or he 
may (2) think of some word associated merely through similarity of sound, 
such as "cook" or "shook." In a large series of tests, any given individual 



PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 57 

tends to show a tolerably uniform proportion between the two types of as- 
sociation ; and this ratio is in a sense explicative of his type of mind. Gen- 
erally speaking, the higher the intelligence, the higher will be the ratio of 
logical to merely rhymed associations. Moreover, the same individual will 
exhibit more associations of the logical type when his mind is fresh than 
when it is exhausted, as after a hard day's work. 

In Kraepelin's experiments, it appeared that even the smallest quan- 
tity of alcohol had virtually the effect of fatiguing the mind of the sub- 
ject, so that the number of his rhymed responses rose far above the normal. 
That is to say, the lower form of association of ideas was accentuated, at 
the expense of the higher. In effect, the particular mind experimented 
upon was always brought for the time being to a lower level by the alcohol. 

When a single dose of alcohol is administered, its effects gradual!}- 
disappear, as a matter of course. But they are far more persistent than 
might be supposed. Some experiments conducted by Fiirer are illumina- 
tive as to this. He tested a person for several days, at a given hour, as to 
reaction-time, the association of ideas, the capacity to memorize and facil 
ity in adding. The subject was then allowed to drink two litres of beer in 
the course of a day. No intoxicating effects whatever were to be discov- 
ered by ordinary methods. The psychological tests, however, showed 
marked disturbance of all the reactions, a diminished capacity to memorize, 
decreased facility in adding, etc., not merely on the day when the alcohol 
was taken, but on succeeding days as well. Not until the third day was 
there a gradual restoration to complete normality ; although the sub j ect 
himself — and this should be particularly noted — felt absolutely fresh and 
free from after effects of alcohol on the day following that on which the 
beer was taken. 

Similarly, Riidin found the effects of a single dose of alcohol to per- 
sist, as regards some forms of mental disturbance, for twelve hours, for 
other forms twenty-four hours and for yet others thirty-six hours and 
more. But Riidin's experiments bring out another aspect of the subject, 
which no one who considers the alcohol question in any of its phases should 
overlook : the fact, namely, that individuals differ greatly in their response 
to a given quantity of the drug. Thus, of four healthy young students 
who formed the subjects of Riidin's experiment, two showed very marked 
disturbance of the mental functions for more than forty-eight hours, 
whereas the third was influenced for a shorter time and the fourth was 
scarcely affected at all. The student who was least affected was not, as 
might be supposed, one who had been accustomed to take alcoholics habit- 
ually, but, on the contrary, one who for six years had been a total ab- 
stainer. 

Noting thus that the effects of a single dose of alcohol may persist 



58 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

for two or three days, one is led to inquire what the result will be if the 
dose is repeated day after day. Will there then be a cumulative effect, or 
will the system become tolerant of the drug and hence unresponsive? Some 
experiments of Smith, and others of Kurz and Kraepelin have been direct- 
ed toward the solution of this all-important question. The results of the 
experiments show a piling up of the disturbing effects of alcohol. Kurz and 
Kraepelin estimate that after giving eighty grams per day to an individual 
for twelve successive days, the working capacity of that individual's mind 
was lessened by from twenty-five to forty per cent. Smith found an im- 
pairment of the power to add, after twelve days, amounting to forty per 
cent. ; the power to memorize was reduced by about seventy per cent. 

Forty to eighty grams of alcohol, the amounts used in producing 
these astounding results, is no more than the quantity contained in one or 
two litres of beer or in a half -bottle to a bottle of ordinary wine. Pro- 
fessor Aschaffenburg, commenting on these experiments, points the obvious 
moral that the so-called moderate drinker, who consumes his bottle of wine 
as a matter of course each day with his dinner — and who doubtless would 
declare that he is never under the influence of liquor — is in reality never 
actually sober from one week's end to another. Neither in bodily nor in 
mental activity is he ever up to what should be his normal level. 

That this fair inference from laboratory experiments may be demon- 
strated in a thoroughly practical field, has been shown by Professor Aschaff- 
enburg himself, through a series of tests made on four professional 
typesetters. The tests were made with all the rigor of the psychological 
laboratory (the experimenter is a former pupil of Kraepelin), but they 
were conducted in a printing office, where the subjects worked at their 
ordinary desks, and in precisely the ordinary way, except that the copy 
from which the type was set was always printed, to secure perfect uni- 
formity. The author summarizes the results of the experiments as follows : 

"The experiment extended over four days. The first and third days 
were observed as normal days, no alcohol being given. On the second and 
fourth days each worker received thirty-five grams — a little more than one 
ounce of alcohol, in the form of Greek wine. A comparison of the results 
of work on normal and on alcoholic days showed, in the case of one of the 
workers, no difference. But the remaining three showed greater or less 
retardation cf work, amounting in the most pronounced case to almost 
fourteen per cent. As typesetting is paid for by measure, such a worker 
would actually earn ten per cent, less on days when he consumed even this 
sma.ll quantity of alcohol." 

In the light of such observations, a glass of beer or even the cheapest 
bottle of wine is seen to be an expensive luxury. To forfeit ten per cent, 
of one's working efficiency is no trifling matter in these days of strenuous 




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PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 59 

competition. Perhaps it should be noted that the subjects of the experi- 
ment were all men habituated to the use of liquor, one of them being accus- 
tomed to take four glasses of beer each week day, and eight or ten on 
Sundays. This heaviest drinker was the one whose work was most influ- 
enced in the experiment just related. The one whose work was least influ- 
enced was the only one of the four who did not habitually drink beer every 
day ; and he drank regularly on Sundays. It goes without saying that 
all abstained from beer during the experiment. We may note, further, 
that all the men admitted that they habitually found it more difficult to 
work on Mondays, after the over-indulgence of Sunday, than on other 
days, and that they made more mistakes on that day. Aside from that, 
however, the men were by no means disposed to admit, before the experi- 
ment, that their habitual use of beer interfered with their work. That it 
really did so could not well be doubted after the experiment. 

Some doubly significant observations as to the practical effects of 
beer and wine in dulling the faculties were made by Bayer, who investigat- 
ed the habits of 591 children in a public school in Vienna. These pupils 
were ranked by their teachers into three groups, denoting progress as 
"good," "fair" or "poor," respectively. Bayer found, on investigation, 
that 134 of these pupils took no alcoholic drink; that 164 drank alcoholics 
very seldom ; but that 219 drank beer or wine once daily ; 71 drank it twice 
daily, and three drank it with every meal. Of the total abstainers, 42 per 
cent, ranked in the school as "good," 49 per cent, as "fair" and 9 per cent, 
as "poor." Of the occasional drinkers, 34 per cent, ranked as "good," 57 
per cent, as "fair" and 9 per cent, as "poor." Of the daily drinkers, 28 
per cent, ranked as "good," 58 per cent, as "fair" and 14 per cent, as 
"poor." Those who drank twice daily ranked 25 per cent, "good," 58 
per cent, "fair" and 18 per cent, "poor." Of the three who drank thrice 
daily, one ranked as "fair" and the other two as "poor." Statistics of 
this sort are rather tiresome, but these will repay a moment's examination. 
As Aschaffenburg, from whom I quote them, remarks, detailed comment 
is superfluous : the figures speak for themselves. 

Neither in England nor America, fortunately, would it be possible to 
gather statistics comparable to these as to the effects of alcohol on growing 
children ; for the Anglo-Saxon docs not believe in alcohol for the child, 
whatever his view as to its utility for adults. The effects of alcohol upon 
the growing organism have, however, been studied here wiih the aid of 
subjects drawn from lower orders of the animal kingdom. Professor ('. F, 
Hodge, of Clark University, gave alcohol to two kittens, with very striking 
results. "In beginning the experiment," he says, "it was remarkable how 
quickly and completely all the higher psychic characteristics of both the 
kittens dropped out. Playfulness, purring, cleanliness and care of coat, 



tfO THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

interest in mice, fear of dogs, while normally developed before the experi- 
ment began, all disappeared so suddenly that it could hardly be explained 
otherwise than as a direct influence of the alcohol upon the higher centers 
of the brain. The kittens simply ate and slept, and could scarcely have 
been less active had the greater part of their cerebral hemisphere been 
removed by the knife." 

Professor Hodge's experiments extended also to dogs. He found 
that the alcoholized dogs in his kennel were lacking in spontaneous activ- 
ity and in alertness in retrieving a ball. These defects must be in part 
explained by lack of cerebral energy, in part by weakening of the muscular 
system. Various other symptoms were presented that showed the lowered 
tone of the entire organism under the influence of alcohol ; but perhaps the 
most interesting phenomenon was the development of extreme timidity on 
the part of all the alcoholized dogs. The least thing out of the ordinary 
caused them to exhibit fear, while their kennel companions exhibited only 
curiosity or interest. "Whistles and bells, in the distance, never ceased to 
throw them into a panic in which they howled and yelped while the normal 
dogs simply barked." One of the dogs even had "paroxysms of causeless 
fear with some evidence of hallucination. He would apparently start at 
some imaginary object, and go into fits of howling." 

The characteristic timidity of the alcoholized dogs did not altogether 
disappear even when they no longer received alcohol in their diet. Timid- 
ity had become with them a "habit of life." As Professor Hodge suggests, 
we are here apparently dealing with "one of the profound psychological 
causes of fear, having wide application to its phenomena in man. Fear is 
commonly recognized as a characteristic feature in alcoholic insanity, and 
delirium tremens is the most terrible form of fear psychosis known." The 
development of the same psychosis, in a modified degree, through the con- 
tinued use of small quantities of alcohol, emphasizes the causal relation be- 
tween the use of alcohol and the genesis of timidity. It shows how pathet- 
ically mistaken is the popular notion that alcohol inspires courage; and 
to anyone who clearly appreciates the share courage plays in the battle of 
life, it suggests yet another lamentable way in which alcohol handicaps 
its devotees. 

It is perhaps hardly necessary to cite further experiments directly 
showing the depressing effects of alcohol, even in small quantities, upon 
the mental activities. Whoever examines the evidence in its entirety will 
scarcely avoid the conclusion reached by Smith, as the result of his experi- 
ments already referred to, which Dr. Abel summarizes thus : "One-half to 
one bottle of wine, or two to four glasses of beer a day, not only counter- 
act the beneficial effects of 'practice' in any given occupation, but also de- 
press every form of intellectual activity ; therefore, every man who, ac- 



PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 61 

cording to his own notions, is only a moderate drinker places liimself by 
this indulgence on a lower intellectual level and opposes the full and com- 
plete utilization of his intellectual powers." I content myself with repeat- 
ing that, to the thoughtful man, the beer and the wine must seem dear at 
such a price. 

To anyone who may reply that he is willing to pay this price for the 
sake of the pleasurable emotions and passions that are sometimes permitted 
to hold sway in the absence of those higher faculties of reason which alco- 
hol tends to banish, I would suggest that there is still another aspect of the 
account which we have not as yet examined. We have seen that alcohol 
may be a potent disturber of the functions of digestion, of muscular ac- 
tivity, and of mental energizing. But we have spoken all along of func- 
tion and not of structure. We have not even raised a question as to what 
might be the tangible effects of this disturber of functions upon the physi- 
cal organism through which these functions are manifested. We must 
complete our inquiry by asking whether alcohol, in disturbing digestion, 
ma}' not leave its mark upon the digestive apparatus. Whether in dis- 
turbing the circulation it may not put its stamp upon heart and blood 
vessels ; whether in disturbing the mind it may not leave some indelible rec- 
ord on the tissues of the brain. 

Stated otherwise, the question is this: Is alcohol a poison to the 
animal organism? A poison being, in the ordinary acceptance of the word, 
an agent that may injuriously affect the tissues of the body, and tend to 
shorten life. 

Students of pathology answer this question with no uncertain voice. 
The matter is presented in a nutshell by the Professor of Pathology at 
Johns Hopkins University, Dr. William H. Welch, when he says : "Alco- 
hol in sufficient quantities is a poison to all living organisms, both animal 
and vegetable." To that unequivocal pronouncement there is, I believe, no 
dissenting voice, except that a word-quibble was at one time raised over the 
claim that alcohol in exceedingly small doses might be harmless. The 
obvious answer is that the same thing is true of any and every poison what- 
soever. Arsenic and strychnine, in appropriate doses, are recognized by 
all physicians as admirable tonics; but no one argues in consequence that 
they are not virulent poisons. 

Open any work on the practice of medicine quite at random, and 
whether you chance to read of diseased stomach or heart or blood vessels 
or liver or kidneys or muscles or connective tissues or nerves or brain — it is 
all one: in any case you will learn that alcohol may be an active factor 
in the causation, and a retarding factor in the cure, of some, at least, of 
the important diseases of the organ or set of organs about which you are 
reading. You will rise with the conviction that alcohol is not merely a 



62 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

poison, but the most subtle, the most far-reaching and, judged by its ulti- 
mate effects, incomparably the most virulent, consequently the most to be 
dreaded, of all poisons. 

Here are a few corroborative facts, stated baldly, almost at random: 
Rauber found that a ten per cent, solution of alcohol "acted as a definite 
protoplasmic poison to all forms of cell life with which he experimented — 
including the hydra, tapeworms, earthworms, leeches, crayfish, various spe- 
cies of fish, Mexican axolotl, and mammals, including the human subject." 
Berkely found, in four rabbits out of five in which he had induced chronic 
alcohol poisoning, fatty degeneration of the heart muscle. This condi- 
tion, he says, "seems to be present in all animals subject to a continual ad- 
ministration of alcohol in which sufficient time between the doses is not al- 
lowed for complete elimination." Cowan finds that alcoholic cases "bear 
acute diseases badly, failure of the heart always ensuing at an earlier period 
than one would anticipate." Bollinger found the beer-drinkers of Munich 
so subject to hypertrophied or dilated hearts as to justify Liebe in declar- 
ing that "one man in sixteen in Munich drinks himself to death." 

Dr. Sims Woodhead, Professor of Pathology in the University of 
Cambridge, says of the effect of alcohol on the heart : "In addition to the 
fatty degeneration of the heart that is so frequently met with in chronic 
alcoholics, there appears in some cases to be an increase of fibrous tissue 
between the muscle fibers, accompanied by wasting of these tissues. 
Heart failure, one of the most frequent causes of death in people of adult 
and advanced years, is often due to fatty degeneration, and a patient who 
suffers from alcoholic degeneration necessarily runs a much greater risk 
of heart failure during the course of acute fevers or from overwork, ex- 
haustion and an overloaded stomach and the like, than does the man with 
a strong, healthy heart, unaffected by alcohol or similar poisons." 

It must be obvious that these words give a clue to the agency of al- 
cohol in shortening the lives of tens of thousands of persons with whose 
decease the name of alcohol is never associated in the minds of their friends 
or in the death certificates. 

Dr. Woodhead has this to say about the blood vessels: "In chronic 
alcoholism in which the poison is acting continuously over a long period, 
a peculiar fibrous condition of the vessels is met with ; this, apparently, is 
the result of a slight irritation of the connective tissue of the walls of these 
vessels. The wall of the vessel may become thickened throughout its whole 
extent or irregularly, and the muscular coat may waste away as a new 
fibrous or scar-like tissue is formed. The wasting muscles may undergo 
fatty degeneration, and, in these, lime salts may be deposited ; the rigid, 
brittle, so-called pipe-stem vessels are the result." Referring to these de- 
generated arteries, Dr. Welch says: "In this way alcoholic excess mav 



PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 63 

stand in a causative relation to cerebral disorders, such as apoplexy and 
paralysis, and also the diseases of the heart and kidneys." 

From our present standpoint it is particularly worthy of remark that 
Professor Woodhead states that this calcification of the blood vessels is 
likely to occur in persons who have never been either habitual or occasional 
drunkards, but who have taken only "what they are pleased to call 'mod- 
erate' quantities of alcohol." Similarly, Dr. Welch declares that "alco- 
holic diseases are certainly not limited to persons recognized as drunkards. 
Instances have been recorded in increasing number in recent years of the 
occurrence of diseases of the circulatory, renal and nervous systems, reason- 
ably or positively attributable to the use of alcoholic liquors, in persons 
who never became really intoxicated and were regarded by themselves and 
by others as 'moderate drinkers.' " 

"It is well established," adds Dr. Welch, "that the general mortality 
from diseases of the liver, kidney, heart, blood vessels and nervous system 
is much higher in those following occupations which expose them to the 
temptation of drinking than in others." Strumpell declares that chronic 
inflammation of the stomach and bowels is almost exclusively of alcoholic 
origin ; and that when a man in the prime of life dies of certain chronic 
kidney affections, one may safely infer that he has been a lover of beer and 
other alcoholic drinks. Similarly, cirrhosis of the liver is universally rec- 
ognized as being, nine times in ten, of alcoholic origin. The nervous af- 
fections of like origin are numerous and important, implicating both brain 
cells and peripheral fibers. 

Without going into further details as to the precise changes that 
alcohol may effect in the various organs of the body we may note that these 
pathological changes are everywhere of the same general type. There is 
an ever-present tendency to destroy the higher form of cells — those that 
are directly concerned with the vital processes — and to replace them with 
useless or harmful connective tissue. "Whether this scar tissue formation 
goes on in the heart, in the kidneys, in the liver, in the blood vessels, or in 
the nerves," says Woodhead, "the process is essential^ the same, and it 
must be associated with the accumulation of poisonous or waste products 
in the lymph spaces through which the nutrient fluids pass to the tissues. 
The contracting scar tissue of a wound has its exact homologue in the con- 
tracting scar tissue that is met with in the liver, in the kidney and in the 
brain." 

It is not altogether pleasant to think that one's bodily tissues — from 
the brain to the remotest nerve fibril, from the heart to the minutest arte- 
riol< — may perhaps be undergoing day by day such changes as these. Yet 
that is the possibility which every habitual drinker of alcoholic beverages 
■ — "moderate drinker" though he be — must face. This is an added toll 



64 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

that docs not appear in the first price of the glass of beer or bottle of wine, 
but it is a toll that may refuse to be overlooked or ignored in the final 
accounting. 

In connection with experiments in rendering animals and men im- 
mune from certain contagious diseases through inoculation with specific 
serums, Delearde, working in Calmette's laboratory in Lille, showed that 
alcoholized rabbits are not protected by inoculation, as normal ones are, 
against hydrophobia. Moreover, he reports the case of an intemperate 
man, bitten by a mad dog, who died notwithstanding anti-rabic treatment, 
whereas a boy of thirteen, much more severely bitten by the same dog on 
the same day, recovered under treatment. Delearde strongly advises any- 
one bitten by a mad dog to abstain from alcohol, not only during the anti- 
rabic treatment but for some months thereafter, lest the alcohol counter- 
act the effects of the protective serum. 

Similar laboratory experiments have been made by Laitenan, who be- 
came fully convinced that alcohol increases the susceptibility of animals to 
splenic fever, tuberculosis and diphtheria. Dr. A. C. Abbott, of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania, made an elaborate series of experiments to test the 
susceptibility of rabbits to various micro-organisms causing pus-formation 
and blood poisoning. He found that the normal resistance of rabbits to 
infection from this source was in most cases "markedly diminished through 
the influence of alcohol when given daily to a stage of acute intoxication." 
"It is interesting to note," Dr. Abbott adds, "that the results of inocula- 
tion of the alcoholized rabbits with the erysipelas coccus correspond in a 
way with clinical observations on human beings addicted to the excessive use 
of alcohol when infected by this organism." 

Additional confirmation of the deleterious effects of alcohol in this 
connection was furnished by the cats and dogs of Professor Hodge's ex- 
periments, already referred to. All of these showed peculiar susceptibility 
to infectious diseases, not only being attacked earlier than their normal com- 
panions, but also suffering more severely. This accords with numerous 
observations on the human subject; for example, with the claim made some 
years ago by McCleod and Milles that Europeans in Shanghai who used 
alcohol showed increased susceptibility to Asiatic cholera, and suffered from 
a more virulent type of the disease. Professor Woodhead points out that 
many of the foremost authorities now concede the justice of this view, 
and unreservedly condemn the giving of alcohol, even in medicinal doses, 
to patients suffering from cholera or from various other acute diseases and 
intoxications, including diphtheria, tetanus, snake-bite and pneumonia, as 
being not merely useless but positively harmful. Even when the patient 
has advanced far toward recovery from an acute infectious disease, it is 
held still to be highly unwise to administer alcohol, since this may inter- 






'- 



PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 65 

fere with the beneficent action of the anti-toxins that have developed in the 
tissues of the body, and in virtue of which the disease has been overcome. 

Not many physicians, perhaps, will go as far as Dr. Muirhead, of 
Edinburgh, who at one time claimed that he had scarcely known of a death 
in a case of pneumonia uncomplicated by alcoholism ; but almost every phy- 
sician will admit that he contemplates with increased solicitude every case 
of pneumonia thus complicated. Equally potent, seemingly, is alcohol in 
complicating that other ever-menacing lung disease, tuberculosis. Dr. 
Crothers long ago asserted that inebriety and tuberculosis are practically 
inter-convertible conditions ; a view that may be interpreted in the words of 
Dr. Dickinson's Baillie Lecture : "We may conclude, and that confidently, 
that alcohol promotes tubercle, not because it begets the bacilli, but because 
it impairs the tissues, and makes them ready to yield to the attacks of the 
parasites." Dr. Brouardel, at the Congress for the Study of Tuberculosis, 
in London, was equally emphatic as to the influence of alcohol in preparing 
the way for tuberculosis, and increasing its virulence ; and this view has now 
become general — curiously reversing the popular impression, once held by 
the medical profession as well, that alcohol is antagonistic to consumption. 

Corroborative evidence of the baleful alliance between alcohol and 
tuberculosis is furnished by the fact that in France the regions where 
tuberculosis is most prevalent correspond with those in which the consump- 
tion of alcohol is greatest. Where the average annual consumption was 
12.5 litres per person, the death rate from consumption was found by 
Baudron to be 32.8 per thousand. Where alcoholic consumption rose to 
S5.4 litres, the death rate from consumption increased to 107.8 per thou- 
sand. Equally suggestive are facts put forward by Guttstadt in regard 
to the causes of death in the various callings in Prussia. He found that 
tuberculosis claimed 160 victims in every thousand deaths of persons over 
twenty-five years of age. But the number of deaths from this disease per 
thousand deaths among gymnasium teachers, physicians and Protestant 
clergyman, for example, amounted, respectively, to 126, 113 and 76 only; 
whereas the number rose, for hotel keepers, to 237 ; for brewers, to 344, and 
for waiters, to 556. No doubt several factors complicate the problem here, 
but one hazards little in suggesting that a difference of habit as to the use 
of alcohol was the chief determinant in running up the death rate due to 
tuberculosis from 76 per thousand at one end of the scale to 556 at the 
other. 

Pneumonia and tuberculosis combined account for one-fifth of all 
deaths in the United States, year by year. In the light of what lias just 
been shown, it would appeal thai alcohol here has a hand in the Carrying 
off of untold thousands with whose untimely demise its name is not officially 
associated. I may add that certain German authorities, including, for ex- 



66 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ample, Dr. Liebe, present evidence — not as jet demonstrative — to show 
that cancer must also be added to the list of diseases to which alcohol pre- 
disposes the organism. 

If additional evidence of the all-pervading influence of alcohol is re- 
quired, it may be found in the thought-compelling fact that the effects are 
not limited to the individual who imbibes the alcohol, but may be passed on 
to his descendants. The offspring of alcoholics show impaired vitality of 
the most deep-seated character. Sometimes this impaired vitality is mani- 
fested in the non-viability of the offspring ; sometimes in deformity ; very 
frequently in neuroses, which ma} 7 take the severe forms of chorea, infan- 
tile convulsions, epilepsy 7 or idiocy. In examining into the history of 2,554 
idiotic, epileptic, hysterical or weak-minded children in the institution at 
Bicetre, France, Bourneville found that over 41 per cent, had alcoholic 
parents. In more than 9 per cent, of the cases, it was ascertained that one 
or both parents were under the influence of alcohol at the time of procrea- 
tion, — a fact of positively terrifying significance, when we reflect how 
alcohol inflames the passions while subordinating the judgment and the 
ethical scruples by which these passions are normally held in check. Of 
similar import are the observations of Bezzola and of Hartmann that a 
large proportion of the idiots and the criminals in Switzerland were con- 
ceived during the season of the year when the customs of the country — 
"May-fests," etc. — lead to the disproportionate consumption of alcohol. 

Experimental evidence of very striking character is furnished by the 
reproductive histories of Professor Hodge's alcoholized dogs. Of 23 
whelps born in four litters to a pair of tipplers, 9 were born dead, 8 were 
deformed, and only 4 were viable and seemingly normal — meantime, a pair 
of normal kennel companions produced 45 whelps of which 41 were viable 
and normal — a percentage of 90.2 against 17.4 per cent, of viable alco- 
holics. Professor Hodge points out that these results are strikingly sim- 
ilar to the observation of Demme on the progeny of ten alcoholic as com- 
pared with ten normal families of human beings. The ten alcoholic fam- 
ilies produced 57 children, of whom 10 were deformed, 6 idiotic, 6 choreic 
or epileptic, 25 non-viable and only 10, or 17 per cent, of the whole, were 
normal. The ten normal families produced 61 children, two of whom were 
deformed, 2 pronounced "backward," though not suffering from disease, 
and 3 non-viable, leaving 54, or 88.5 per cent., normal. 

As I am writing this article, the latest report of the Craig Colony for 
Epileptics, at Sonyea, New York, chances to come to my desk. Glancing 
at the tables of statistics, I find that the superintendent, Dr. Spratling, 
reports a history of alcoholism in the parents of 313 out of 950 recent 
cases. More than 22 per cent, of these unfortunates are thus suffering 
from the mistakes of their parents. Nor does this by any means tell the 



PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL. 67 

whole story, for the report shows the 577 additional cases — more than 60 
per cent, of the whole — suffer from "neuropathic heredity" ; which means 
that their parents were themselves the victims of one or another of those 
neuroses that are peculiarly heritable, and that unquestionably tell, in a 
large number of cases, of alcoholic indulgence on the part of their progen- 
itors. "Even to the third and fourth generation," said the wise Hebrew 
of old ; and the laws of heredity have not changed since then. 

I cite the data from this report of the Epileptic Colony, not because 
its record is in any way exceptional, but because it is absolutely typical. 
The mental image that it brings up is precisely comparable to that which 
would arise were we to examine the life histories of the inmates of any insti- 
tution whatever where dependent or delinquent children are cared for, be it 
idiot asylum, orphanage, hospital or reformatory. The same picture, 
with the same insistent moral, would be before us could we visit a clinic 
where nervous diseases are treated ; or — turning to the other end of the 
social scale — could we sit in the office of a fashionable specialist in nervous 
diseases and behold the succession of neurotics, epileptics, paratytics and 
degenerates that come day by day under his observation. It is this picture, 
along with others which the preceding pages may in some measure have 
suggested, that comes to mind and will not readily be banished when one 
hears advocated "on physiological grounds" the regular use of alcoholic 
drinks, "in moderation." A vast number of the misguided individuals who 
were responsible for all this misery never did use alcohol except in what 
they believed to be strict "moderation"; and of those that did use it to 
excess, there were few indeed who could not have restricted their use of 
alcohol to moderate quantities, or have abandoned its use altogether, had 
not the drug itself made them its slaves by depriving them of all power of 
choice. Few men indeed are voluntary inebriates. 

It does not fall within the scope of my present purpose to dwell upon 
the familiar aspect of the effects of alcohol suggested by the last sentence. 
It requires no scientific experiments to prove that one of the subtlest effects 
of this many-sided drug is to produce a craving for itself, while weaken- 
ing the will that could resist that craving. But beyond noting that this is 
precisely in line with what we have everywhere seen to be the typical effect 
of alcohol — the weakening of higher functions and faculties, with corre- 
sponding exaggeration of lower ones — I shall not comment here upon this 
all too familiar phase of the alcohol problem. Throughout this paper I 
have had in mind the hidden cumulative effects of relatively small quanti- 
of alcohol rather than the patent effects of excessive indulgence. I 
have had in mind the voluntary "social" drinker, rather than the drunk- 
ard. I have wished to raise a question in the mind of each and every habit- 
ual user of alcohol in "moderation" who chances to read this article, as to 



68 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

whether he is acting wisely in using alcohol habitually in any quantity 
whatever. 

If in reply the reader shall say : "There is some quantity of alcohol 
that constitutes actual moderation ; some quantity that will give me pleas- 
ure and yet not menace me with these evils," I answer thus : 

Conceivably that is true, though it is not proved. But in any event, 
no man can tell you what the safe quantity is — if safe quantity there be — 
in any individual case. We have seen how widely individuals differ in sus- 
ceptibility. In the laboratory some animals are killed by doses that seem 
harmless to their companions. These are matters of temperament that as 
yet elude explanation. But this much I can predict with confidence : what- 
ever the "safe" quantity of alcohol for you to take, you will unquestion- 
ably at times exceed it. In a tolerably wide experience of men of many 
nations, I have never known an habitual drinker who did not sometimes 
take more alcohol than even the most liberal scientific estimate could claim 
as harmless. Therefore, I believe that you must do the same. 

So I am bound to believe, on the evidence, that if you take alcohol 
habitually in any quantity whatever, it is to some extent a menace to you. I 
am bound to believe, in the light of what science has revealed : ( 1 ) that you 
are tangibly threatening the physical structures of your stomach, your 
liver, your kidneys, your heart, your blood vessels, your nerves, your brain ; 
(2) that you are unequivocally decreasing your capacity for work in any 
field, be it physical, intellectual, or artistic ; ( 3 ) that you are in some meas- 
ure lowering the grade of your mind, dulling your higher esthetic sense, and 
taking the finer edge off your morals ; ( 4 ) that you are distinctly lessening 
your chances of maintaining health and attaining longevity ; and ( 5 ) that 
you may be entailing upon your descendants yet unborn a bond of incal- 
culable misery. 

Such I am bound to believe, is the probable cost of your "moderate" 
indulgence in alcoholic beverages. Part of that cost you must pay in per- 
son; the balance will be the heritage of future generations. As a mere 
business proposition: Is your glass of beer, your bottle of wine, your 
high-ball, or your cocktail worth such a price? 



CHAPTER VI. 

SALOON SINS AS SEEN BY A SUFFERER. 

Note. — In The Independent for September 10, 1908, there ap- 
peared the following article which possesses the highest value as evidence 
against the saloon. Much of the hostility to that institution is based upon 
its visible effects upon the individual and social life. Few of the temper- 
ance orators and advocates have known the mside of the saloon, but this 
contributor had personal experience. In a note to the editor of The Inde- 
pendent, he says : "I am not a writer, and am not aware whether the in- 
closed strictly personal experiences and observations have any value for the 
public or not. During the present discussion of the astounding 'dry move- 
ment 9 , however, it has occurred to me that if there is any subject on earth 
on which I am competent to write, it should be that whose name heads the 
enclosed article. If original information gathered at first hand depends 
for its value upon the amount of money spent to secure it, said article should 
be a valuable one. A perusal of the article will convey the reason why it 
must be published anonymously, if at all" The article is reproduced 
here by permission. — G. M. H. 

N reviewing a rich and variegated personal experience of sa- 
loons, which extends from New York to Denver, the feature 
that stands out most prominently in my recollection as true 
of all of them is the hard, listless, unfeeling type of men who 
keep saloons. Saloonkeepers are all alike, and they are all of 
this type. The keeper of a swagger place on Broadway is of just the 
same type as the keeper of a humble little joint in Orange, N. J., only 
that he is harder. The bonhomie, the good fellowship, supposed by some 
to prevail among saloon habitues, is totally lacking in saloonkeepers. 
There is plenty of it of the artificial variety when a man has money, 
but a man may spend a hundred dollars in a saloon one night, and have 
the saloonkeeper refuse to give him a drink the next morning when he 
is suffering for it, or give it to him in such a way as to spoil the drink. 
I never know a saloonkeeper who was really a good fellow. 

Saloonkeepers as a class are of a different type from the grocers 
and other tradesmen around them, a harder, tougher type, singularly 
impervious to human sympathy or interest in any matter whatever ex- 
cept the coin. Even when pleasant young fellows who are like anybody 
else go into the business they lapse into this type in a few years. I liavo 
in mind two young men who a few years ago were semi-professional 

(10 




70 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

athletes, very popular, very jolly, cheerful, and good company. They 
went into the saloon business, and both today are typical saloonkeepers, 
hard, sneering, blase, saturnine. 

There is a reason for all this. One sees a lot of human nature in 
trade, even behind the ribbon counter. The saloonkeeper sees worse and 
more of it than anybody else. Everybody is trying to stick the saloon- 
keeper. I have known men who would never think of beating a board 
or grocery bill who would unhesitatingly hang up the saloonkeeper. 

Nobody feels any conscience about the matter. It is almost im- 
possible for any saloonkeeper to collect a bill without taking legal meas- 
ures. And they hesitate very much about doing this — first, because the 
judge doesn't greet them with open arms; more largely because it ren- 
ders them unpopular and hurts their business. I knew a saloonkeeper 
in Denver who would attach a man's wages for a bill, but it made him 
so unpopular that he finally went out of business. The saloonkeeper feels 
that every man's hand is against him, that he is despised and looked down 
upon, and that hardens him ; something, I suppose, as it does the prostitute. 

He is not equally hard everywhere, however. In New r Jersey the sa- 
loonkeepers are the most human, the most like other men, of any place 
where it has been my pleasure and privilege to make their acquaintance. 
They are harder in New York, in Denver; and they are hardest in Kansas 
City of any place I have known. I have seen a saloonkeeper lean his el- 
bows on his bar in Kansas City and watch two men beat up another and say 
not a word. Nothing of that kind could happen in Orange. A fight is 
stopped instantly. Many saloonkeepers give away a great deal of liquor. 
The most successful saloonkeeper who ever lived in a large Eastern city is 
said to have given away more drinks than many men sold. It was purely 
advertising on his part, and very cheap and good advertising. He became 
famous locally, and his place was alwa} r s crowded. I must say, however, 
that I never saw the thing referred to in the following clipping. In the 
recent campaign in Alabama an effective argument widely used in pam- 
phlets and newspaper advertisements by the anti-saloon party consisted of a 
brief speech by the opposition, from which we quote: 

"Men who drink liquor, like others, will die, and if there is no appe- 
tite created, our counters will be empty, as will be our money drawers. 
It will be needful, therefore, that missionarv work be done among 
the boys, and I make the suggestion, gentlemen, that nickels expended in 
treats to the bovs now will return in dollars to your tills after the appetites 
have been formed. Above all things, create appetites." 

I never saw that done, although I have known saloonkeepers who, in 
my opinion, would be quite capable of it, if they were capable of such a 
long look ahead. And T never saw any enticing of young girls into wine 




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SALOON SINS AS SEEN BY A SUFFERER. 71 

rooms to ruin them, though I have no doubt such things are done. Of 
course, girls have got to take their first drink some time, but I must confess 
diat I never saw a girl in a wine-room who looked to me as if she were 
getting her first drink. Different places are very different about that, as 
well as other things. In Denver, when I was there, the saloons were full 
of disreputable women, drinking with the men right at the bar. One 
would come up and nudge you and say, "How's things for a drink ?" The 
ba. % eeper would say, "Yes, go on, throw a drink into her." It cost twen- 
ty .1 » e cents at the cheapest to treat a woman there. If one took a five-cent 
drink and gave her the same, the bill was twenty-five cents. Of this the 
house kept a dime and gave her a check for fifteen, which she cashed in at 
the end of the evening. At this period in Denver gambling was all under 
cover. One couldn't get a game unless he knew where to go. In Pueblo, 
120 miles away in the same state, not a woman was to be seen in the saloons, 
but games were running full blast in every one, from the humblest dive to 
e most extravagant layout. I suppose some difference in city ordinances 
or in public sentiment made the difference. 

In New York it is not at all customary for women to mix with the 
men in '.he saloon proper, although one is occasionally seen there for a 
moment. But the wine-rooms back of the saloon are always full of women 
in the evening. The price for treating one of them is the same as in 
Denver, twenty-five cents for the cheapest drink. But the girl gets noth- 
ing: the house takes it all. The New York saloons consider that they pay 
the girls by giving them a safe place where they can come in off the street 
and be out of the way of the police. 

In my experience, laws, and particularly enforcement, make a very 
great difference in the conduct of saloons. In Orange, N. J., for instance, 
I have heard a saloonkeeper more than once refuse to sell to a minor who 
certainly looked to me to be twenty-one years old. Nothing but law pro- 
duced this. There are also no games run by the saloons in Orange. If 
there were no state law against gambling in New Jersey, I do not know as 
there would be faro layouts and other games, as in Western saloons. There 
never have been in Orange. But there would be slot machines in every 
saloon, as there were a few years ago. In these slot machines, which are 
run by a syndicate, one puts in a nickel, with the possibility of drawing 
mt up to twenty nickels. The saloonkeepers "holler" sadly because these 
have been taken out. One told me that his slot machine used to be worth 
$100 a Sunday, half of which went to the syndicate and half to him. His 
patronage was nearly all colored. Negroes are very fond of these ma- 
chines. They were, however, in the very highest grade saloons in great 
number and variety. I have seen high grade saloons throughout the coun- 
try fairly lined with them, and they collect probably more money in such 



72 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

places than in the colored saloons. The patrons do not plunge on them, 
like the colored brother. They put in a nickel to see what it will do and 
then run along. But as nickels are so much more plentiful among this 
class and the transient trade is so large, the collections are undoubtedly 
heavy. In Orange some saloonkeepers kept these in a side room, covered 
with a curtain, or in a cupboard or closet, after the gambling law began to 
be enforced. 

It is true also that there is practically no Sunday selling today in 
Orange under the enforcement of the "bishops' " law by Sheriff Frank II . 
Sommer, of Essex county. Saloons close on the stroke of midnight, Sat- 
urday, and the bar remains exposed to view all day Sunday. As a result, 
I know one place in Orange where I can get a drink Sunday, in a saloon- 
keeper's flat over his saloon. Others may know of another place, but the 
Sunday saloon business is practically closed. 

The saloonkeepers resent this fiercely. They refer to Sheriff Sommer 
in the most unprintable language; many of his deputies have been as- 
saulted, and I can truthfully say that I do not think there is a saloon- 
keeper in Orange who would not be glad to hear that he had been assassi- 
nated. This is not at all strange, for Sunday was their big day. Many 
of them would rather close all the rest of the week and open Saturday night 
and Sunday. One man told me that before the "bishops" law went into 
effect he was taking in $250 a Sunday in his saloon, which sum had been 
lifted bodily out of his weekly receipts. He says he is not making expenses, 
that he paid $3,000 for the place and cannot sell it at any price, and that he 
sees nothing but to throw up his license and quit, $3,000 out of pocket and 
livelihood gone. There are many subtle phases of this Sunday closing 
question. As every one knows, the Oranges are dormitory towns, filled 
with rich New Yorkers and the professional and trades people who serve 
them. But in Orange proper there is also an industrial population — the 
hatters in what is known as the Valley. These hatters are great patrons 
of the saloon, although they seldom drink anything but beer. 

One of these hatters said to me the other day : "This Sunday closing 
law is turning me from a beer drinker into a whisky drinker." He went 
on to explain that because it was so easy to carry home one or two quart 
bottles of whisky Saturday night he was taking that instead of beer. "Be- 
fore Sunday closing," said he, "my kids never saw me take a drink. They've 
seen me drunk twice on Sunday since." He also said that the law was 
turning houses into saloons. A number of men put together and order 
cases of beer sent to one house. Then they go there to drink and play 
cards on Sunday. The bottling business has certainly increased in Orange 
since the present regime began. I know personally of two saloonkeepers 
who have given up their business and gone into the bottling, delivering fit 



SALOON SINS AS SEEN BY A SUFFERER. 73 

the houses ; and there are others. Nevertheless, there must be a great deal 
less drinking, for there is not a saloonkeeper in Orange who wears a smiling 
face. 

The closing sharp at midnight has more to do with this than the Sun- 
day closing. It is pretty hard for an Orange Valley hatter to get outside 
enough beer before midnight to make him drunk, and if a man gets home 
before he is thoroughly soused, he gives up what is left in his pockets to 
his wife or his people. Parents are getting board money who didn't before, 
and wives are spending more for shoes and grub and such like vanities. 
And the fellows themselves have more loose change in their clothes through 
the week. They have admitted that to me. The hatter's drinking is very 
light through the week. Four or five beers a day will cover it till Satur- 
day night. 

Aside from the saloonkeeper's financial anxiety at this epoch, he has 
a moral grudge against the community. He says: "The rich people, 
with cellars full of wine and liqueurs that they can souse in all the time, 
want to keep the poor man from buying a pint of beer of Sunday." This 
is perfectly true ; i. e., it is true that the rich man can and does drink when 
he pleases. There is a certain club with which I am quite as familiar as I 
am with the hatters' saloons. The men who support it do so in order to 
have a place where they can drink and play cards exclusively with their 
own class. It is merely a saloon, a restricted, cooperative saloon. It 
draws its revenues from precisely the same sources as the saloon: from 
drinks, cigars and cards. The restaurant is run by a separate manage- 
ment. The club rents rooms, but so also do many saloonkeepers. The 
food, drinks and tobacco consumed at this club are more expensive than at 
the saloon ; the talk is also of more expensive things ; that is all the differ- 
ence. The club members also drink more than the hatters. They drink 
more steadily throughout the week, and they drink harder drinks. There 
is, however, far less drunkenness. The reasons for this, pursued to their 
end, lead one to a consideration of the whole difference between the two 
classes of men ; and a comparative study of the drinking habits of club 
men and working men results in most interesting discoveries. In the first 
place, the club man is better nourished than the hatter. That makes a 
threat difference in the effect the liquor has. In the second place, he dis- 
tributes his liquor evenly over seven days instead of crowding it into one. 
But there is more than this. With the typical club man there is not only 
no drunkenness, but no thought of drunkenness. Such a thing doesn't 
enter his scheme of life at all. The great body of the men I have in mind 
are in the active occupation of making money, either in good salaried posi- 
tions or in their own business. Such a man will commonly take a whisky 
and soda at 10 in the morning, and another before luncheon. Before din- 



74 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ner he will take a cocktail. With dinner he will drink wines ; and during 
the evening he will take perhaps a couple of whiskies with seltzer. Of 
course, there is a difference in the drinks ; some take more wines or brandies, 
but a great deal more whisky is drunk than anything else. By the time 
he goes to bed such a man has been stimulated all day ; he has taken a great 
deal more alcohol into his system than the hatter, and yet he has not even 
approached intoxication. He has drunk scientifically, so to speak. He 
has imbibed for a specific purpose ; for stimulant, not for intoxication. 

Now the workingman when he starts in on his Saturday night time, 
drinks to get drunk. His intention is to drink until he gets that happy 
feeling which makes him think he would not exchange places with Rocke- 
feller. There is nothing else on earth which can give him that feeling, 
and he wants the feeling. He wants the world and its cares and brutali- 
ties to fade away and leave him feeling like a prince. I have seen that in 
the Eastern factory operative, and I have seen it in the Leadville miner. 
I remember particularly one Christmas at Leadville in the late '90's. The 
saloons frequented by miners were full of a crazy, howling mob, singing, 
yelling, waving bottles, jumping on faro tables and dancing among the 
chips. In one corner stood a giant in the last stages before jimjams. He 
brandished a chair about his head and laid out everybody who came near 
him. Guns had to be used and a rush made before he was secured. I par- 
ticularly remember a big miner with a red shirt and a red beard, who had 
just enough when he came in to make him dignified. He stepped up to the 
bar, raised his hand, and "Give 'em all a drink," he said, with the dignity 
of a duke ; "Give 'em all a drink." It was a time when all the miners were 
coming in with money in their clothes, and many were giving similar or- 
ders. So the whole house was treated. When it was all over Red Shirt said 
solemnly to the barkeeper: "Well, it's on you; I haven't got a cent." The 
next minute he hit the floor. These men drank to get drunk. It was 
their deliberate intention. And they were a very dangerous crowd, for 
they were of a reckless, fearless, lawless type that one doesn't find among 
factory operatives, and nearly all of them carried guns. Now in any club 
I ever knew anything about there were a few older men — but only a very 
few — who had crossed the line and become drunkards. They would take 
liquor to their rooms and drink alone ; soak themselves. They were on their 
way to dipsomania, or already there, and irreclaimable. Such men have 
occasionally to be fired out of every club. They become uninhabitable, so 
to speak. There is also a set of young fellows, having their first fling, who 
drink for exactly the same purpose as the workingman: to get that happy 
feeling. They also become intoxicated. But the solid mass of successful 
men who make up club membership and keep the clubs going, never get 
drunk ; never drink to get drunk ; and if the young fellows graduate into 



SALOON SINS AS SEEN BY A SUFFERER. 75 

the same class, they stop getting drunk, too, and get their drinking down 
to a scientific routine. Such men work at high pressure, hard and fast, in 
business hours ; and they drink in order to work harder and go faster and 
get the pressure higher. They drink for stimulus. This is the difference, 
as I have seen it, between clubmen's drinking and workingmen's drinking ; 
and it leads me to the irresistible conclusion that the workingman never 
grows up mentally. He remains mentally immature, like the young fel- 
lows at the club, of whom I have spoken. He doesn't get past that stage ; 
does not acquire the will power, the force, to subordinate his desire for a 
present good time to the demands of health, reputation and business. Or, 
perhaps, he never, like the young clubman, sees the prizes of life within his 
grasp if he keeps straight. He knows instinctively, if not through logical 
reasoning, that there is nothing ahead of him but a dead succession of mo- 
notonous days, and that the only good times he will ever have are those he 
gets as he goes along. And we must add to this fact that when the work- 
ingman gets drunk it is always in public, where everybody knows all about 
it ; which is not true of the clubman. At all events, the difference between 
the two is not in any sense a moral difference. It is a difference in brains, 
in temperament, in self-control, a difference in what they see that they can 
get out of life. The clubman drinks more and spends more for his drinks 
than the workingman. Of course, in using these terms I speak only of 
drinking men. Not all business men frequent clubs, and not all working- 
men frequent saloons. 

Now it is a question whether the public has anything to do with any 
club. Men who drink there can afford to drink ; drink themselves into their 
graves, if they like. It is not likely that the clubman's family will ever 
come to charity or his children be deprived of proper care or education 
because of his drinking. I don't know that society has any business inter- 
fering with any vice or habit which does not entail a specific burden on so- 
ciety. There is this deeper fact, however, that just so long as men of 
wealth, power and influence in their respective communities, are drinking 
men, no sincere help can be expected from them in the control or extermina- 
tion of saloon evils. I have seen drinking in their clubs prosecuting attor- 
1, other men whose business it is to see that laws are enforced. 
The inference is obvious. 

A long course of observation in many towns has convinced me that 
the hours between midnight and 6 a. m. are the most dangerous in the 
1 v-four for the saloon to keep open. It. is during those hours that a 
man gets bo drunk that he goes to sleep in low-grade saloons and wakes up 
;n the alley, robbed of his money and perhaps of his clothes. It is in those 
hours that the majority of rights, thefts and killings occur in saloons. It is 
*n those hour, that a man gets so drunk that he doesn't go home that night, 



76 s THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

and as a consequence perhaps not for several nights ; and then perhaps to 
find himself out of a job and his wife gone home to her people. And those 
six hours on Saturday night — »r Sunday morning — are the most danger- 
ous in the whole week. If the saloon closes at twelve, almost any man will 
go home if he has a home to go to. And if he goes home then, he may lie 
around the house Sunday, and go to the saloon late in the day or not at all. 
If I were obliged to choose between the two, I would close from 12 to 6 
a. m., Sunday, rather than later in the day. Any community would get a 
return out of all proportion to the effort involved, by compelling closing 
during those hours Saturday night, and proportionately greater, of course, 
by closing those hours every night. In this connection I believe a universal 
custom of a Monday instead of a Saturday pay night would have an eco- 
nomic value to society greater than any other one thing equally small and 
easy to accomplish. 

Whether it is just or expedient to exterminate the saloon altogether or 
not, we certainly have a right to regulate, since we regulate other occupa- 
tions. The first and most important of all regulations is to close abso- 
lutely and inviolably, throughout the whole United States, every night at 
twelve. It is nonsense to say it cannot be done. If the police give the 
order, it will be done ; and if the people of this republic cannot control their 
police forces they are unworthy of self-government. One necessary fea- 
ture of any such law is that every bar must be exposed to full view during 
closed hours. 

Saloon conditions in Kansas City, Mo., are the worst I ever saw among 
the third-rate saloons ; the saloonkeepers the most brutalized, the saloons the 
most lawless and unregulated. It is an all-night town, the saloons never 
closed from one year's end to another. Men lie all over the saloon floors 
asleep all night, and of course their clothes are gone through regularly. 
"Strong-arm" work is a regular thing. In this one man catches another by 
the back of the neck with one hand and claps the other over his mouth. Then 
a pal goes through the victim. The saloonkeepers know this is going on 
all the time. 

In connection with saloon life in the West I want to mention "short 
changing." In many places in the West they run dance halls or concert 
halls in connection with the saloon, and the customer at these sits down at a 
table and is served by a waiter. It is a regular part of the system for these 
waiters to bring a man less change than he is entitled to when he pays his 
bill. They never try this on a crowd that comes in together. They try 
it on one fellow alone, or perhaps two, particularly when they seem to be 
half soused, so that they will not notice their change. If the victim shows 
himself in the least hostile, he is pounced upon by bouncer and waiters, 
beaten, kicked and thrown out. If he applies to a policeman, the latter will 




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SALOON SINS AS SEEN BY A SUFFERER. 77 

laugh and say, "Run along, little boy" ; or, if he insists, will tap him over 
the head with his club. 

I imagine it is conditions like these — the appurtenances of saloons 
rather than the actual drink itself — which has given the present prohibi- 
tion movement in this country its strength. Many drinking men have 
grown to hate the whole business and the way it is conducted, and, despair- 
ing of ever regulating it, have concluded that the only way to get back at 
it is to put it out of existence. One other thing I believe is influencing 
such men is the awful nature of the beer sold over the bar. It has changed 
abominably in my time, and my experience doesn't go back very many years. 
A barkeeper who had grown gray in the business told me that the beer 
would not keep three days in the kegs ; that they had to be extremely care- 
ful to order only the exact amount necessary, as, if they had only one keg 
too much, it would spoil. Another said to me, "I sell beer all day, but I 
never drink a glass of it ; it isn't fit to drink." It is a burning shame that 
if the government permits its manufacture it does not compel a pure prod- 
uct. There is no doubt that the hops in America go into beer. But there 
is so much beer and so few hops that the latter are used only in special 
brands such as one finds in clubs — brands that cost ten cents for a small 
bottle at wholesale. In the common saloons a "scuttle," which holds as 
much as three of these bottles, can be had for five cents, which shows the 
kind of stuff the workingmen are pouring into their unhappy stomachs. 

Now as to the deepest part of the whole question: the reason for the 
saloon's attraction. It is not the drink simply. A man could just as well 
order the stuff to his house and drink there. As a matter of fact, not one 
man in a hundred drinks alone at home ; and when he does, he is a gone 
duck. He never recovers. It is the social side of it, and the gang, or 
clique, element. A certain bunch of fellows gets to going to a saloon to 
play cards or other games, not necessarily gambling, of an evening ; to talk, 
sing, tell stories, have a good time generally. They are not drunkards, or 
crooks or toughs. They are honest working boys, or young fellows in sal- 
aried positions. Here is where the drink comes in. One treats, then an- 
other. Each must hold up his end and treat in his turn. After awhile they 
begin to feel happy. Cares clear away. The world begins to look cheer- 
ful. They forget their troubles. They are having a good time. A fel- 
low could take a soft drink each time and some of them do. But he isn't 
enjoying himself like the rest. The world is just the same to him. The 
songs and stories don't seem uproariously good. After awhile they get 
stupid; he gets tired and goes home. I have seen many a man start in on 
the soft drink plan. One of two things invariably happened to him. Either 
he began to drink alcoholics, or he pulled out altogether and stopped going 
to saloons. Soft drinks don't make a man happy. It's the liquor makes 



78 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

a man think he is having a gloriously good time. After awhile he wakes 
up and finds the taste for liquor fixed on him ; he can't get along without 
it; he's got the appetite, which, in nine cases out of ten, he did not have to 
start with. 

It is this good time that makes drunkards ; makes it of men who have 
not the slightest taste for liquor when they begin ; who even dislike it and 
are made sick by it. Neither a boy brought up in a total abstinence home, 
nor the boy accustomed to wine at every meal, is safe. The latter boy, like 
the former, may reach youth without the taste for liquor. He has never 
drunk enough at the family table to acquire the appetite. There has been 
no temptation there to over-indulgence. But neither method protects the 
boy when he gets into a bunch that gets its good times in this way. There 
are mighty few things in this world that give a man, particularly a work- 
ingman, who lives a sordid, ugly life, the happy feeling that comes from 
liquor in a social crowd. It is not the taste of the drink at first, it is the 
happy feeling it gives him. By the time he has got sense enough to see 
the consequences, the appetite is too often fixed upon him. Then it be- 
comes a physical as well as a moral and economic question. 

The woman's side of this question has often been written up from the 
standpoint of the wife and mother. I do not know, however, as I have ever 
seen brought out the fact that the saloon prevents many women from mar- 
rying at all. A young man who has got into the way of going to the 
saloon every night, in such a clique as I have described, finds his amusement 
and entertainment that way. He doesn't go to call on girls, he doesn't 
spend evenings at their houses, take them to dances, shows and so on. Other 
fellows may get their fun out of this sort of thing, but not he. And if he 
does see a girl to whom he would like to pay a little attention, he has no 
money and no good clothes. His system cuts girls out of lots of good 
times and entertainments, which would not cost men nearly as much as 
they spend in saloons. 

The above description, of course, is of the workingman's saloon, the 
"poor man's club." In the high-grade saloons there is a chillier and more 
formal atmosphere. These places have their habitues, like the other, but 
the very fact that they are expensive and attractive places implies that they 
cannot depend on local trade like the little neighborhood joints, but cater 
to a big transient custom, which keeps them filled with men who are stran- 
gers to each other. In these places there is no noise, no disturbance of any 
description. In some of them there are not even chairs. And yet they 
are tougher than the workingman's saloon : tougher because of the wine- 
rooms in behind filled with women ; still tougher because of the private rooms 
upstairs where men who are known to the place may take women to drink. 
I have in mind now high-class saloons in New York. Such a place has a 



SALOON SINS AS SEEN BY A SUFFERER 70 

quiet, unobtrusive, concentrated toughness quite lacking in the working- 
man's little neighborhood joint. 

Harking back to the workingman's saloon once more, the kind I have 
described as the resort of cliques of friends, I want to depose my honest 
belief that if the custom of treating could be absolutely done away with, 
drunkenness would almost cease. Any man who begins the evening sober, 
and especially if he has not yet acquired the taste for liquor, will, if he 
drinks nothing but what he pa}'s for himself, wait awhile between drinks. 
If, when the bunch sits down to play each man would order his own drink, 
he would not order another unless he really wanted it. He would play along 
and talk along happily enough, without drinking any great amount. Four 
or five in the evening would be enough ; he would get sleepy and go home in 
a reasonable hour. But with the custom of every man treating in turn, as 
they invariably do, the drinks come around so fast that they are fairly 
poured into a man. He gets happy very soon, and then he gets drunk, and 
then he gets the appetite fastened on him. 

Now, in combating the saloon, I want to register my sincere convic- 
tion that there is nothing that will take a saloon bunch away from the saloon 
except baseball. The masses are crazy over baseball. They like it better 
than the theater, better than any show, better than the saloon. On Sun- 
days all through summer, when baseball games are running, the saloons are 
emptied. And the men are not only not drinking, they are also saving 
money and sitting out in the open air. I believe Sunday baseball is the 
strongest enemy the saloon has got among saloon habitues. The churches 
fight Sunday amusements, and are particularly earnest against Sunday base- 
ball ; and I confess that baseball makes a lot of noise. Nevertheless, base- 
ball is a perfectly clean, decent, innocent amusement, and I solemnly reg- 
ister my belief that among drinking workingmen it is the saloon's only 
competitor. 




CHAPTER VII. 

THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 

By George S. Hawke, LL. B., 
Prohibition Candidate (1908) for Attorney General of Ohio, 

OWHERE have the charges against the traffic in intoxicating 
liquor had more pronounced and unequivocal expression than 
in the formal findings of the courts of the United States. 
Beginning with that august body, the Supreme Court of the 
United States, and following down through the various Fed- 
eral and State courts, there is an unbroken line of decisions which leaves 
the saloon no legal standing whatever. 

For instance, the courts have declared — 

That a citizen has no inherent right to traffic in intoxicants; 

That no state or municipality can be compelled to license or permit 
the traffic; 

That a license, if issued, is not a contract, and does not bind the state 
on the one hand, or confer special rights upon the traffic on the other ; 

That the traffic is inimical to public health, morals and safety ; 

That it is the chief source of crime, vice and misery ; 

That a license may be canceled at any time without redress ; 

That, wherever prohibition goes into effect, whether by constitutional 
amendment, state law or municipal ordinance, or local option by popular 
vote or otherwise, the traffic has no vested right to be protected, and the 
dealer has no ground for damages ; 

That personal liberty is limited by public welfare. 

Some courts hold that the saloon is a common nuisance, and as such 
may be abated at any time. 

There are also decisions presenting other phases of the question. But, 
taking the findings of the courts as a whole, it may be stated in general 
terms that — 

No saloon in the United States today has any legal right to exist. 
All of them may be closed permanently by the enforcement of existing 
laws, and the application of established precedents. 

In the last analysis, good law must always conform to good common 
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THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 81 

sense. Common sense has its basis in the lessons derived from common 
human experience. So, by common consent, no member of a community is 
permitted to scatter poison about, to store gunpowder among residences, 
to spread a contagious disease, or to perform any act or to engage in any 
occupation or traffic that imperils the welfare of the community. 

And so it happens that, as the race becomes more and more aware 
from experience of the evil effects of intoxicants, the sentiment against 
their manufacture and sale becomes more decided, and finds higher and 
clearer expression in ordinances, laws and court decisions. The higher 
sentiment of the present day regarding the traffic in intoxicating liquors 
is clearly expressed in a decision read by Justice Field of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, in which it is declared that : 

"The police power of the State is fully competent to regulate the 
business, to mitigate its evils, or to suppress it entirely. There is no inher- 
ent right in a citizen to sell intoxicating liquor by retail ; it is not a privi- 
lege of a citizen of the State or of a citizen of the United States." 

Judge Samuel R. Artman, of Indiana, says: 

"The United States Supreme Court has used the expression, 'There 
is no inherent right in a citizen to thus sell intoxicating liquor,' no less 
than twelve different times. And almost every state supreme court of the 
Union has declared that no person has an inherent right to keep a saloon. 
The cases in which such declarations have be£n made are so numerous that 
it would be a test of time, eyes and digests to collect and cite all of them, 
and to do so would serve no useful purpose. It is sufficient to say that the 
declaration has been made by the Supreme Courts of the States of Indiana, 
Illinois, South Carolina, Idaho, Iowa, Virginia, Alabama, South Dakota, 
Arkansas, Delaware, Kansas, Georgia, Pennsylvania, New York, North 
Carolina, New Jersey, Maryland, District of Columbia and perhaps others." 

In this chapter is given a digest of the more important decisions of 
the various State and Federal courts on the subject of the manufacture 
and sale of liquor. 

STATE PROHIBITION OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC CONSTITUTIONAL. 

In License Cases, 46 U. S. 504 (How), Chief Justice Taney said: 

"But I do not understand the law of Massachusetts and Rhode Island 
as interfering with the trade in ardent spirits while the article remains a 
part of foreign commerce, and is in the hands of the importer, in the cask 
or vessel in which the laws of Congress authorized it to be imported. These 
State laws act altogether upon the retail or domestic traffic within their 
respective borders. They act upon the article after it has passed the line 
of foreign commerce, and has become a part of the general mass of prop- 
erty in the State. These laws may, indeed, discourage imports, and dimin- 
ish the price which ardent snirits would otherwise bring. But, although 



82 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

a State is bound to receive and to permit the sale by the importer of any 
article of merchandise which Congress authorizes to be imported, it is not 
bound to furnish a market for it nor to abstain from the passage of any 
law which it may deem necessary or advisable to guard the health or morals 
of its citizens, although such law may discourage importation, or diminish 
the profits of the importer, or lessen the revenue of the general govern- 
ment. And if any State deems the retail and internal traffic in ardent 
spirits injurious to its citizens, and calculated to produce idleness, vice or 
debauchery, I see nothing in the Constitution of the United States to pre- 
vent it from regulating and restraining the traffic, or from prohibiting it 
altogether, if it thinks proper." 

LEGISLATURE CANNOT BARGAIN AWAY THE POLICE POWER OF A STATE. 

Stone vs. Mississippi, 101 U. S. 814, Syllabus: — "In 1867, the legis- 
lature of Mississippi granted a charter to a lottery company for twenty- 
five years in consideration of a stipulated sum in cash, an annual payment 
of a further sum, and a percentage of receipts from the sale of tickets. 
A provision of the Constitution adopted in 1868 declares that 'the legisla- 
ture shall never authorize any lottery, nor shall the sale of lottery tickets 
be allowed, nor shall any lottery heretofore authorized be permitted to be 
drawn, or tickets therein to be sold.' Held — 

"1. That this provision is not in conflict with Section 10, Article I, 
of the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits a state from 
'passing a law impairing the obligation of contracts'. 

"2. That such a charter is in legal effect nothing more than a 
license, to enjoy the privilege covered for the time and on the terms speci- 
fied, subject to future legislative or constitutional control or withdrawal. 

"3. The legislature cannot by chartering a lottery company defeat 
the will of the people of the State authoritatively expressed, in relation to 
the continuance of such business in their midst." 

Chief Justice Waite said: — "All agree that the legislature cannot 
bargain away the police power of a State. Irrevocable grants of prop- 
erty and franchises may be made, if they do not impair the supreme au- 
thority to make laws for the right government of the State; but no 
legislature can curtail the power of its successors to make such laws as they 
may deem proper in matters of police." 

"Many attempts have been made in this court and elsewhere to 
define the police power but never with entire success. It is always easier 
to determine whether a particular case comes within the general scope of 
the power, than to q;ive an abstract definition of the power itself which 
will be in all respects accurate. No one denies, however, that it extends 
to all matters affecting the public health or the public morals." 

"No legislature can bargain away the public health or the public 
morals. The people themselves cannot do it, much less their servants. The 
supervision of both these subjects of governmental power is continuing in 
its nature, and they are to be dealt with as the special exigencies of the 
moment may require. Government is organized with a view to their 
preservation, and cannot divest itself of the power to provide for them. 



THE SALOON AX OUTLAW. g3 

For this purpose the largest legislative discretion is allowed, and the dis- 
cretion cannot be parted with any more than the power itself." 



PROHIBITORY LIQUOR LAWS IMPAIR NO OBLIGATION OF CONTRACT. 

Beer Company vs. Massachusetts, 97 U. S. 25, Syllabus : — "The ques- 
tion raised in this case is whether the charter of the Beer Company, which 
was granted in 1828, contains any contract the obligation of which was 
impaired by the prohibitory liquor law of Massachusetts, passed in 1869. 

"The Company under its charter, has no greater right to manufac- 
ture or sell malt liquors than individuals possess, nor is it exempt from any 
legislative control therein to which they are subject. 

"All rights are held subject to the police power of the State; and if 
the public morals require the discontinuance of any manufacture or traf- 
fic, the legislature may provide for its discontinuance, notwithstanding in- 
dividuals or corporations may thereby suffer inconvenience. 

"As the police power of a State extends to the protection of the lives, 
health and property of her citizens, the maintenance of good order, and 
the preservation of the public morals, the legislature cannot, by any con- 
tract, divest itself of the power to provide for these objects. 

"As a measure of police regulations, a state law prohibiting the manu- 
facture and sale of intoxicating liquors is not repugnant to any clause of 
that Constitution." 



PROHIBITION LEGISLATION DOES NOT INFRINGE ANY RIGHT SECURED 
BY THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Mugler vs. Kansas and Kansas vs. Ziebold, 123 U. S. Reports, 623, 
Syllabus: — "State legislation which prohibits the manufacture of spiritu- 
ous, malt, vinous, fermented or other intoxicating liquors within the limits 
of the State, to be sold or bartered for general use as a beverage, does not 
necessarily infringe any right, privilege or immunity secured by the Con- 
stitution of the United States, or by the Amendments thereto. 

"Tho prohibition by the State of Kansas, in its constitution and by- 
laws, of tho manufacture or sale within the limits of the State of intox- 
icating liquors for general use there as a beverage, is fairly adapted to the 
enrl of protecting the community against the evils which result from exces- 
sive use of ardent spirits; and is not subject to the objection that, under 
the cruise of police regulations, the State is aiming to deprive the citizen 
of hlfl constitutional rights. 

"Lawful State legislation, in the exercise of the police powers of the 
State, to prohibit the manufacture and sale within the State of spirituous, 
malt, vinous, fermented, or other intoxicating liquors, to be used as a bev- 
erage, may be enforced against persona who, at the time, happen to own 
property whose chief value consists in its fitness for such manufacturing 
purposes, without compensating them for the diminution in its value re- 
sulting from such prohibitory enactments. 

''A prohibition upon the use of property i'nv purposes that are de- 
clared by valid legislation to be injurious to the health, morals or safety 



34 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

of the community, is not an appropriation of property for the public bene- 
fit, in a sense in which a taking of property by the exercise of the State's 
power of eminent domain is such a taking or appropriation. 

"The destruction in the exercise of the police power of the State of 
property used, in violation of law, in maintaining a public nuisance, is 
not a taking of property for public use, and does not deprive the owner 
of it without due process of law. 

"A State has constitutional power to declare that any place kept and 
maintained for the illegal manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors 
shall be deemed a common nuisance, and be abated ; and at the same time 
to provide for the indictment and trial of the offender. 

"There is nothing in the provisions of Section 13 of the Statutes of 
the State of Kansas of March 7, 1885, amendatory of the Act of February 
19, 1881, so far as they apply to the proceedings reviewed in these cases, 
which is inconsistent with the constitutional guarantees of liberty and 
property ; and the equity power conferred by it to abate a public nuisance 
without a trial by jury is in harmony with settled principles of equity 
jurisprudence. 

"If the provision that, in a prosecution by indictment or otherwise, 
the State need not in the first instance prove that the defendant has not 
the permit required by the Statute, as in any application to the proceed- 
ing in equity authorized by the Statute of Kansas of 1881, as amended 
in 1885, it does not deprive him of the presumption that he is innocent of 
any violation of law; and does him no injury, as, if he has such permit, 
he can produce it." 

Mugler vs. Kansas, 123 U. S. 623: — "It is not necessary, for the 
sake of justifying the State legislation now under consideration, to array 
the appalling statistics of misery, pauperism and crime which have their 
origin in the use or abuse of ardent spirits. For we cannot shut out of 
view the facts, within the knowledge of all, that the public health, the 
public morals and the public safety may be endangered by the general use 
of intoxicating drinks ; nor the fact established by statistics accessible to 
everyone, that the idleness, disorder, pauperism and crime existing in the 
country are, in some degree at least, traceable to this evil." 



THE RIGHT TO SELL INTOXICANTS CANNOT BE CLAIMED AS A 
COMMON LAW RIGHT. 

The People ex rel. Morrison vs. Cregier, 138 Illinois Reports, p. 401 : 
— "While it is true that anterior to any statute on the subject, the right 
to engage in the business of selling intoxicating liquors was a right rec- 
ognized and protected by the rules of common law, and stood substan- 
tially upon the same footing with other commercial pursuits, the rules of 
the common law in that respect have long since been abrogated by statute, 
and are no longer in force. The Dram-Shop Act, which so far as this 
matter is concerned only took the place of similar legislation which had 
been long on our statute books, declares the business of selling intoxicating: 
liquors in quantities less than one gallon to be criminal, except so far as it 
is expressly authorized and made lawful by license. The tendency of the 




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THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 



85 



liquor traffic is so completely shown by all human experience, that from an 
early day said traffic has been subjected in this state to the surveillance and 
control of the police power, and we presume such has been the case in 
most if not all civilized communities. The right therefore to engage in 
this business and to be protected by law in its prosecution can no longer 
be claimed as a common law right, but is a right which can be exercised 
only in the manner and upon the terms which the statute prescribes. The 
refusal to license deprives no man of any personal or property right, but 
merely deprives him of a privilege which it is in the discretion of the 
municipal authorities to grant or withhold. It also follows that to adopt 
the policy of prohibition requires no affirmative act on the part of the au- 
thorities authorized to provide for granting licenses. Mere non-action on 
their part of itself results in prohibition." 



POWER TO LICENSE LIQUOR TRAFFIC DORMANT. 

Idem, Syllabus: — "1. The statute confers upon municipal corpora- 
tions the power to license, regulate and prohibit the sale of intoxicating 
liquors, those powers being given, not in the alternative, but cumulatively, 
and to be exercised concurrently whenever the municipal authorities, in 
their discretion, see fit to exercise them. 

"2. The power to license, regulate and prohibit the sale of intoxi- 
cating liquors must be exercised by a city or village by means of an ordi- 
nance passed by the proper municipal authorities. The mere legislative 
grant of this power does not, of itself, authorize the corporate authorities 
to issue licenses. The power is dormant, until called into exercise by ap- 
propriate municipal legislation." 



THE RIGHT TO SELL INTOXICATING LIQUOR NOT AN INALIENABLE RIGHT. 

Sherlock vs. Stuart, 96 Michigan, 193, part of Syllabus: — "1. No 
one possesses a natural, inalienable or constitutional right to keep a saloon 
for the sale of intoxicating liquors (citing Black, Intox. Liq. y Sees. 46-48). 

"2. The principle upon which is based the regulation of the liquor 
traffic is found in the police power of the State. 

"3. The restrictions and conditions which may be imposed upon the 
liquor traffic are entirely within the discretion of the people, acting through 
the legislature; and they have the right to prohibit the low, vicious and 
the criminal from engaging in it." 



A LICENSE TO ENGAGE IN THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC NOT A CONTRACT. 

State vs. Gerhardt, 1 15 Indiana Reports, 439; part of Syllabus: — 
"A license to engage in the liquor traffic is not a contract or grant, but a 
mere permit, .and the applicant who receives it does so with the knowledge 
that it is at all times within the control of the legislature." 

Tart of Court's Opinion, 450: — u As preliminary to a decision of the 
questions herein involved it may be proper to call attention to the rule by 



86 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

which this court is controlled in the determination of the constitutionality 
of any particular law, and also to the extent to which the police power of 
the state may be invoked to sustain a legislative act. As to the expediency 
or wisdom of a statute, we have no concern ; that is a question lodged wholly 
within the discretion of the legislature. The court cannot declare a stat- 
ute unconstitutional and void solely on the grounds of unjust and oppres- 
sive provisions, or because it is supposed to violate the natural, social or 
political rights of the citizen, unless it can be shown that such injustice is 
prohibited, or such rights guaranteed or pro A ec^ed by the constitution. 

"It is said, and properly so, that the courts are not the guardians of 
the rights of the people, except as those rights are secured by constitutional 
provisions which come within judicial cognizance. An act of the legisla- 
ture comes to us as the will of the sovereign power. In the first instance, 
the members of that body must be deemed to be the judges of their own 
constitutional authority. The state's executive, and each member of its 
general assembly, take an oath to support the constitution, both federal 
and state, and as these can only be supported by obeying and enforcing 
their provisions, we must presume that these duties were discharged by our 
law makers in the passage of the particular act in question, and by the 
Governor when he officially gave to it his sanction and approval. For 
these reasons and others, all presumptions as to its validity must be in- 
dulged in its favor, and it is only when made to appear clearly, palpably, 
and plainly, and in such a manner as to leave no reasonable doubt or hesi- 
tation in our minds, that a statute violates some provisions of the consti- 
tution that we can consistently declare it void. This rule has been re- 
peatedly affirmed by this court, and by other courts generally, through- 
out the nation. 

"The police power of a state is recognized by the courts to be one of 
wide sweep. It is exercised by the state in order to promote the health, 
safetv, comfort, morals and welfare of the public. The right to exercise 
this power is said to be inherent in the people in every free government. 
It is not a grant, derived from or under any written constitution. It is 
not. however, without limitation, and it cannot be invoked so as to invade 
the fundamental rights of a citizen. As a general proposition, it may be 
asserted that it is the province of the legislature to decide when the exi- 
gency exists for the exercise of this power, but as to what are the subjects 
which come within it, is evidently a judicial question." 

A LICENSE TO SELL LIQUORS GIVES NO VESTED RIGHT. 

Board of Excise vs. Barrie, 34 N. Y., 657; part of Syllabus-. — "The 
legislature has the constitutional right to regulate and control the traffic 
in intoxicating liquors ; a license to sell liquors gives no vested ri^ht 
which is within the protection of the constitution : it is not a contract." 

A LAW PROHIBITING TRAFFIC IN INTOXICATING LIQUORS VIOLATES 
NO CONSTITUTIONAL RESTRAINTS. 

Idem, p. 666: — "A law prohibiting the indiscriminate traffic in intoxi- 
cating liquors, and placing the trade under public regulation, to prevent 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 



87 



abuse in their sale and use, violates no constitutional restraints. Is it not 
an absurd proposition that such a law, by its own mere force, deprives any 
person of his liability or property, within the meaning of the constitution, 
or that it infringes upon either of these secure private rights ? " 



PROHIBITORY LAWS VIOLATE NO RIGHTS IN PROPERTY. 

Idem, p. 667 : — "These licenses to sell liquors are not contracts be- 
tween the state and the persons licensed, giving the latter vested rights, 
protected on general principles and by the constitution of the United 
States, against subsequent legislation ; nor are they property, in any legal 
or constitutional sense. They have neither the qualities of a contract nor 
of property, but are merely temporary permits to do what otherwise would 
be an offense against a general law. They form a portion of the internal 
police system of the state ; are issued in the exercise of its police powers 
and are subject to the discretion of the state government, which may mod- 
ify, revoke, or continue them, as it may deem fit." 

People vs. Village of Crotty, 93 Illinois Reports, 180; Syllabus: — 
"An incorporated village bein.cr a municipal corporation, can properly do 
only such acts as the law enables it to perform, and, being a creature of 
the law, it can exercise the powers conferred upon it only in the manner 
provided by law. 

"The mere grant of power by the legislature to a municipal corpora- 
tion to license, regulate and prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors, will 
not, of itself, authorize its authorities to issue a license. This power is a 
dormant one, and affords no authority to issue licenses until called into life 
and put into operation by appropriate legislation by the municipalities." 



CLAIM FOR COMPENSATION CANNOT BE MAINTAINED BY BREWERS 
IN A PROHIBITION STATE. 

During the October term, 1887, three cases came up by appeal to 
the Supreme Court of the United States, two in error from the Supreme 
Court of the State of Kansas, and one, on appeal, from the Circuit Court 
of the United States for the District of Kansas. 

Opinion of Jujjticc Harlan, p. 653 : — "These cases involve an inquiry 
into the validity of certain statutes of Kansas relating to the manufacture 
and sale of intoxicating liquors. The first two are indictments charging 
Mugler, the plaintiff in error, in one case with having sold, and in the other 
with having manufactured, spirituous, vinous, malt, fermented and intoxi- 
cating liquors in Saline county, Kansas, without having the License or per- 
mit required by the statute. The defendant, having been found guilty, 
was fined in each case $100, and ordered to be committed to the county jail 
until the fine was paid. Each judgment was affirmed by the Supreme 
Court of Kansas, and thereby it is contended the defendant was denied 
rights, privileges and immunities guaranteed by the Constitution of the 
United States. 



88 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"The third case (Kansas vs. Ziebold & Hagelm) was commenced by 
petition filed in one of the courts of the state. The relief sought is : 

"1. That the group of buildings constituting the brewery of the de- 
fendants, partners, as Ziebold & Hagelin, in Atchison county, Kansas, be 
adjudged a common nuisance, and the sheriff, or other proper officer, 
directed to shut up or abate the same. 

"2. That the defendants be enjoined from using or permitting to be 
used, the said premises as a place where intoxicating liquors may be sold, 
bartered or given away, or kept for barter, sale or gift, otherwise than 
by authority of the law. 

"The defendants answered, denying the allegations of the petition and 
averring : 

"1. That said buildings were erected hy them prior to the adoption 
by the people of Kansas of the Constitutional Amendment prohibiting the 
manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors for other than medicinal, 
scientific and mechanical purposes, and before the passage of the prohib- 
itory liquor statute of that state. 

"£. That they were erected for the purpose of manufacturing beer, 
and cannot be put to any other use; and, if not so used, they will be of 
little value. 

"3. That the statute under which said suit was brought is void under 
the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States. 

Page 656: — "The facts necessary to a clear understanding of the 
questions common to these cases are the following: 

"Mugler and Ziebold & Hagelin were engaged in manufacturing beer 
at their respective establishments (constructed specially for that purpose) 
for several years prior to the adoption of the Constitutional Amendment 
of 1880. They continued in such business in defiance of the Statute of 
1881, and without having the required permit. Nor did Mugler have a 
license or permit to sell beer. The single sale of which he was found 
guilty, occurred in the State, and after May 1, 1881, that is, after the 
Act of February 19, 1881, took effect, and was of beer manufactured 
before its passage. 

"The buildings and machinery constituting these breweries are of little 
value if not used for the purpose of manufacturing beer ; that is to say, 
if the statutes are enforced against the defendants the value of their 
property will be very materially diminished. The general question in 
each case is whether the foregoing statutes of Kansas are in conflict with 
that clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which provides that — 

" 'No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge 
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States, nor 
shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, 
without due process of law.' 

"That legislation by a state prohibiting the manufacture within her 
limits of intoxicating liquors, to be there sold or bartered for general use 
as a beverage, does not necessarily infringe any right, privilege or im- 
munity secured by the Constitution of the United States, is made clear 
by the decisions of this court, rendered before and since the adoption of 





JONATHAN S. LEWIS, 

Chairman Massachusetts Prohibition State 

Comnrttee. 



W. D. COX, 

Chairman Wisconsin Prohibition State 

Committee. 





W. (,. CALDERWOOD, 

Secretan Minnesota Prohibition State 

( Committee, 



Ji >:i\ B LEWIS, Jr., 

Member National Committee, Prohibition 

Part} . Massachusetts. 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 89 

the Fourteenth Amendment, to some of which, in view of questions to be 
presently considered, it will be well to refer." 

In determining the question it became necessary to inquire whether 
there was any conflict between the exercise by Congress of its power to 
regulate commerce with foreign countries, or among the several states, and 
the exercise by a state of what are called police powers. Although the 
members of the court did not fully agree as to the grounds upon which the 
decision should be placed, they were unanimous in holding that the stat- 
utes then under examination were not inconsistent with the Constitution of 
the United States, or with any act of Congress. 

Page 659: — "It is, however, contended that, although the state may 
prohibit the manufacture of intoxicating liquors for sale or barter within 
her limits, for general use as a beverage, 'No convention or legislature has 
the right, under our form of government, to prohibit any citizen from man- 
ufacturing for his own use, or for export, or storage, any article of food or 
drink not endangering or affecting the rights of others.' The argument 
made in support of the first branch of this proposition, briefly stated, is : 

"That in the implied contract between the state and the citizen, certain 
rights are reserved by the latter which are guaranteed by the constitu- 
tional provision protecting persons against being deprived of life, liberty 
or property, without due process of law, and with which the state cannot 
interfere ; that among those rights is that of manufacturing for one's 
own use either food or drink; and that while, according to the doctrines 
of the Commune, the state may control the tastes, appetites, habits, dress, 
food and drink of the people, our system of government, based upon the 
individuality and intelligence of the citizen, does not claim to control him, 
except as to his conduct toward others, leaving him the sole judge as to 
all that onlv affects himself. 

"It will be observed that the proposition, and the argument made in 
support of it, equally concede that the right to manufacture drink for 
personal use is subject to the condition that such manufacture does not 
endanger or affect the rights of others. If such manufacture does pre- 
judicially affect the rights and interests of the community, it follows, 
from the very premises stated, that society has the power to protect itself, 
by legislation, against the injurious consequences of that business. As 
was said in Munn vs. Illinois, 94 U. S. 124: 'While power does not exist 
with the whole people to control rights that are purely and exclusively 
private, government may require each citizen to so conduct himself, and 
so use his own property, as not unnecessarily to injure another.' 

"By whom, or by what authority, 18 it to be determined whether the 
manufacture of particular articles of drink will injuriously affect the 
public? Tender our system that power is lodged with the legislative 
branch of the government. There are of necessity limits beyond which 
legislation cannot rightfully go. While every possible presumption is to 
he Indulged in favor of the validity of a statute, the courts must obey the 
constitution rather than the law-making department of government. They 
are at liberty to look at the substance of things. If, therefore, a statute, 



90 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

purporting to have been enacted to protect the public health, the public 
morals, or the public safety, has no real or substantial relations to those 
objects, or is a palpable invasion of rights secured by the fundamental 
law, it is the duty of the courts to so adjudge, and thereby give effect to 
the constitution. 

"Keeping in view these principles, it is difficult to perceive any ground 
for the judiciary to declare that the prohibition by Kansas of the raanu-j 
facture or sale within her limits of intoxicating liquors for general use as 
a beverage, is not fairly adapted to the end of protecting the community 
against the evils which confessedly result frcm the excessive use of ardent 
spirits. 

"If, therefore, a state deems the absolute prohibition of the manufac- 
ture and sale within her limits of intoxicating liquors for other than medic- 
inal, scientific and manufacturing purposes, to be necessary to the peace 
and security of society, the courts cannot, without usurping legislative 
functions, override the will of the people as thus expressed by their chosen 
representatives. They have nothing to do with the mere policy of legisla- 
tion. Indeed, it is a fundamental principle in our institutions, indispensa- 
ble to the preservation of public liberty, that one of the separate depart- 
ments of government shall not usurp powers committed by the constitution 
to another department. And so, if, in the judgment of the legislature, 
the manufacture of intoxicating liquors for the maker's own use as a bev- 
erage, would tend to cripple, if it did not defeat, the effort to guard the 
community against the evils attending the excessive use of such liquors, 
it is not for the courts, upon their views as to what is best and safest for 
the community, to disregard the legislative determination of that question. 

"Power which states have of prohibiting such use by individuals of 
their property as will be prejudicial to the health, morals, or safety of the 
public, cannot be burdened with a condition that the state must compen- 
sate such individual owners for pecuniary losses they sustain by reason of 
their not being permitted by a noxious use of their property to inflict 
injury upon the community. The exercise of the police power by the 
destruction of property which is itself a public nuisance, or the prohibi- 
tion of its use in a particular way, whereby its value becomes depreciated, 
is very different from taking property for public use, or from depriving a 
person of his property without due process of lav/. In the one case, a 
nuisance only is abated ; in the other, unoffending property is taken away 
from the innocent owner. 

"It is true that, when the defendants in these cases purchased or erect- 
ed their breweries, the laws of the state did not forbid the manufacture of 
intoxicating liquors. But the state did not thereby give any assurance, or 
come under any obligation, that its legislation upon that subject would re- 
main unchanged. Indeed, as was said in Stone vs. Mississippi, 101 U. S., 
the supervision of the public health and the public morals is a govern- 
mental power, 'continuing in its nature,' and 'to be dealt with as the special 
exigencies of the moment may require' ; and that, 'for this purpose, the 
largest legislative discretion is allowed, and the discretion cannot be parted 
with any more than the power itself.' 

"It is contended in the case that the entire scheme of Section IS, Act 



THE SALOON AX OUTLAW. 91 

of 1885, is an attempt to deprive persons who come within its provisions 
of their property and liberty without due process of law. 

"It is said that by the section of the Act of 1885 the legislature, find- 
ing a brewery within the state in actual operation, without notice, trial or 
hearing, by the mere exercise of its arbitrary caprice declares it to be a 
common nuisance, and then prescribes the consequences which are to fol- 
low by judicial mandate required by the statute. 

"This is a formidable arraignment of the legislation of Kansas and, if 
it were founded upon a just interpretation of its statutes, the court would 
have no difficulty in declaring 1 that they could not be enforced without in- 
fringing the constitutional rights of the citizen. 

"But these statutes have no such scope, and are not attended with any 
such results as the defendants suppose. The court is not required to give 
effect to a legislative 'decree' or 'edict,' unless every enactment by the law- 
making power of a state is to be so characterized. 

"It is not declared that every establishment is to be deemed a common 
nuisance, because it may have been maintained prior to the passage of the 
statute as a place for manufacturing intoxicating liquors. The statute 
is prospective in its operation ; that is, it does not put the brand of a com- 
mon nuisance upon anv place, unless, after its passage, that place is 
kept and maintained for purposes declared by the legislature to be in- 
jurious to the communitv. Nor is the court required to adjudge any 
place to be a common nuisance simply because it is charged by the state 
to be such. It must first find it to be of that character ; that is, must as- 
certain, in some legal mode, whether, since the statute was passed, the place 
in question has been, or is being, so used as would make it a common nui- 
sance. 

Page 672: — "Equally untenable is the proposition that proceedings 
in equity for the purposes indicated in the thirteenth section of the statute 
are inconsistent with the due process of law. 

"As to the objection that the statute makes no provision for a jury 
trial in cases like this, it is sufficient to say that such a mode of trial is not 
required in suits in equity brought to enjoin a public nuisance. 

"It cannot be denied that the defendants kept and maintained a place 
that is within the statutory definition of a common nuisance. Their peti- 
tion for the removal cf the cause from the state court, and their answer 
to the bill, admitted every fact necessary to maintain this suit, if the stat- 
ute under which it was brought was constitutional. 

"Touching the provision that in prosecutions, by indictment or other- 
wise, the state need not. in the first instance, prove that the defendant has 
the permit required by the statute, we may remark that, if it has any appli- 
cation to a proceeding like this, it does not deprive him of the presumption 
that he is innocent of anv violation of law. It is only a declaration that, 
when the state has proved that the place described is kept and maintained 
for the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors, such manufacture or 
sale being unlawful except for specified purposes, and then only under a 
permit, the prosecution need not prove a negative, namely, that the defend- 
ant has not the required license or permit. If the defendant has such li- 



92 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

cense or permit, he can easily produce it, and thus overthrow the prima 
facie case established by the state. 

"A portion of the argument in behalf of the defendants is to the effect 
that the statutes of Kansas forbid the manufacture of intoxicating liquors 
to be exported, or to be carried to other states, and upon that ground are 
repugnant to the clause of the constitution of the United States giving 
Congress power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the 
several states. We need only say upon this point that there is no intimation 
in the record that the beer which the respective defendants manufactured 
was intended to be carried out of the state or to foreign countries. And, 
without expressing an opinion as to whether such facts would have consti- 
tuted a good defense, we observe that it will be time enough to decide a 
case of that character when it shall come before us. 

"For the reasons stated, we are of opinion that the judgments of the 
Supreme Court of Kansas have not denied to Mugler, the plaintiff in error, 
any right, privilege, or immunity secured to him by the Constitution of 
the United States, and its judgment, in each case, is accordingly affirmed. 

"We are also of opinion that the Circuit Court of the United States 
erred in dismissing the bill of the State against Ziebold & Hagelin. The 
decree in that case is reversed and the cause remanded, with direction to 
enter a decree granting to the state such relief as the Act of March 7, 
1885, authorizes." 

When the Constitution of the United States of America was framed 
there existed an inter-relation of "States" since impossible. Thirteen sov- 
ereign, free and independent commonwealths, which had been leagued to- 
gether for common defense, security of liberties, mutual and general wel- 
fare, dissolved the Confederation and organized a "more perfect union." 
When the Constitutional Convention provided for a grant of power to 
Congress for the purpose of regulating commerce among the States, it is 
evident that the constitution-makers had no intention to force a traffic of 
any kind upon an unwilling State. While the constituent States surren- 
dered certain rights, they retained their "police powers" undiminished, and 
these involved rights of self -protection against any form of commerce 
which should imperil the peace or health of their citizen subjects. It was 
upon questions of interstate commerce that the Confederation of 1778 had 
split ; it was the purpose of the Union of 1787 to regulate that commerce, 
so as to free it from the burdens of tariff that had hampered its develop- 
ment. 

As the new States were created they entered the Union with constitu- 
tions providing for the exercise of self -protective police powers. To these 
powers the Supreme Court concedes the right to abolish the liquor traffic 
— a right which the Federal government may not impair in the name of 
"regulating" commerce. For, if the term "regulate" does not involve the 
abolition or prohibition of a traffic, neither does it imply the creation of 
such traffic where a State has outlawed it. When a State, by law, pro- 




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THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 93 

hibits a traffic, there is no "interstate commerce" in the interdicted com- 
modity — and, therefore, no commerce to "regulate" — for it takes two 
parties to constitute trade. 



THE RIGHT TO SELL INTOXICATING LIQUORS BY RETAIL NOT INALIENABLE. 

Crowley vs. Christ ens en, 137 United States Reports 86 — Henry 
Christensen, a saloonkeeper of San Francisco, was arrested upon the 
charge of having carried on the business of selling intoxicating liquors 
without the license required by the ordinance of the city and county. In 
order to secure a license, it was necessary for the applicant first to secure 
the written consent of a majority of the Board of Police Commissioners of 
the city and county of San Francisco, or the written recommendation of 
not less than twelve citizens of San Francisco, owning real estate in the 
block in which said business was to be carried on. 

The Police Commissioners having withdrawn their consent to the 
further issue of a license to him, he continued business without it, and was 
arrested. 

The Circuit Court of the United States held that the ordinance made 
the business of the saloonkeeper depend upon the arbitrary will of others, 
and in that respect denied to him the equal protection of the laws. This 
judgment was reversed by the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Part of Syllabus: — "The sale of spirituous and intoxicating liquors 
by retail and in small quantities may be regulated, or may be absolutely 
prohibited by state legislation without violating the constitution or laws 
of the United States." 

After stating the case as above, Justice Field delivered the opinion 
of the Court, page 89 : — "It is undoubtedly true, that it is the right of 
every citizen of the United States to pursue any lawful trade or business, 
under such restrictions as are imposed upon all persons of the same age, 
sex and condition. But the possession and enjoyment of all rights are 
subject to such reasonable conditions as may be deemed by the governing 
authoritv of the country essential to the safety, health, peace, good order 
and morals of the community. Even liberty itself, the greatest of all 
rights, is not unrestricted license to act according to one's own will. It is 
only freedom from restraint under conditions essential to equal enjoyment 
of the same right by others. It is liberty regulated by law. The right 
to acquire, enjoy find dispose of property is declared in the constitutions 
of several states to be one of the inalienable rights of man. But this dec- 
laration is not held to preclude the legislature of any state from passing 
laws rcspeetinjr the acquisition, enjovment and disposition of property. 
What contracts respecting its acquisition and disposition shall be valid, 
and what void and voidable; when thev shall be in writing, and when they 
mav be made orallv, and by what instruments it may be conveyed or mort- 
gaged, are subjects of constant legislation. And as to the enjoyment of 



94 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

property, the rule is general that it must be accompanied with such limita- 
tions as will not impair the equal enjoyment by others of their property. 
Sic utere tuo ut alienum non laedas, is a maxim of universal application. 

"For the pursuit of any lawful trade or business, the law imposes 
similar conditions. Regulations respecting them are almost infinite, vary- 
ing with the nature of the business. Some occupations by the noise made 
in their pursuit, some by the odors they engender and some by the dangers 
accompanying them, require regulation as to the locality in which they 
shall be conducted. Some because of the dangerous character of the arti- 
cles used, manufactured or sold require, also, special qualifications in the 
parties permitted to use, manufacture or sell them. All this is but common 
knowledge, and would hardly be mentioned were it not for the position 
often taken, and vehemently pressed, that there is something wrong in prin- 
ciple and objectionable in similar restrictions, when applied to the business 
of selling by retail, in small quantities, spirituous and intoxicating liquors. 
It is urged that, as the liquors are used as a beverage, and the injury fol- 
lowing them, if taken in excess, is voluntarily inflicted and is confined to the 
party offending, their sale should be without restrictions, the contention 
being that what a man shall drink, equally with what he shall eat, is not 
properly matter for legislation. 

"There is in this position an assumption of a fact which does not exist, 
that when liquors are taken in excess the injuries are confined to the party 
offending. The injury, it is true, first falls upon him in his health, which 
habit undermines ; in his morals, which it weakens, and in the self-abase- 
ment, which it creates. But, as it leads to neglect of business and waste 
of property and general demoralization, it affects those who are immedi- 
ately connected with and dependent upon him. By the general concur- 
rence of opinion of every civilized and Christian community, there are few 
sources of crime and misery to society equal to the dram-shop, where in- 
toxicating liquors, in small quantities, to be drunk at the time, are sold in- 
discriminately to all parties applying. The statistics of every state show 
a greater amount of crime and misery attributable to the use of ardent 
spirits obtained at these retail liquor saloons than to any other source. The 
sale of such liquors in this way has therefore been, at all times, by the 
courts of every state, considered as the proper subject of legislative regu- 
lation. Not only may a license be exacted from a keeper of the saloon, 
before a glass of his liquors can be disposed of, but restrictions may be 
imposed as to the class of persons to whom they may be sold, and the hours 
of the day and the days of the week on which the saloon may be opened. 
Their sale in that form may be absolutely prohibited. It is a question of 
public expediency and public morality, and not of federal law. The po- 
lice power of the state is fully competent to regulate the business, to miti- 
gate its evils or to suppress it entirely. There is no inherent right in a 
citizen to thus sell intoxicating liquors by retail; it is not a privilege of a 
citizen of the state or a citizen of the United States. As it is a business 
attended with danger to the community, it may, as already said, be entirely 
prohibited, or be permitted under such conditions as will limit to the ut- 
most its evils. The manner and extent of regulation rest in the discretion 
of the governing authority. That authority may vest in such officers as 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 95 

it may deem proper, the power of passing upon application for permission 
to carry it on, and to issue license for that purpose. It is a matter of leg- 
islative will only. As in many other cases, the officers may not always 
exercise the power conferred upon them with wisdom or justice to the par- 
ties affected. But that is a matter which does not affect the authority of 
the state ; or one which can be brought under the cognizance of the courts 
of the United States." 



LIQUOR NOT TO BE PLACED OX THE SAME FOOTING WITH ORDINARY 
COMMODITIES OF LIFE. 

The Supreme Court of South Carolina, in the case of The State ex 
rel. George vs. Aiken, 26 L. R. A. 345, said: — "Liquor, in its nature, is 
dangerous to the morals, good order, health and safety of the people, and 
is not to be placed upon the same footing with the ordinary commodities 
of life, such as corn, wheat, cotton, potatoes, etc." 



DRUNKENNESS PRODUCES AT LEAST FOUR-FIFTHS OF CRIME THE TES- 
TIMONY OF THOSE WHO ADMINISTER CRIMINAL LAW. 

The Supreme Court of Kansas, in the case of Durien vs. State, 80 
Pac. 987, said: — "The commodity in controversy is intoxicating liquor. 
The article is one whose moderate use even is taken into account by actu- 
aries of insurance companies, and which bars employment in classes of 
service involving prudent and careful conduct — an article conceded to be 
fraught with such contagious peril to society that it occupies a different 
status before the courts and the legislatures from other kinds of property, 
and places traffic in it upon a different plane from other kinds of business. 
Tt is still the prolific source of disease, misery, pauperism, vice and crime. 
lit power to weaken, corrupt, debauch and slay human character and 
human life is not destroyed or impaired because it may be susceptible of 
name innocent uses, or may be used with propriety on some occasions. The 
health, morals, peace and safety of the community at large are still threat- 
ened." 

Judge Gookins, in the case of Beebe vs. The State, 6 Ind. 542, said : 
— "That drunkenness is an evil, both to the individual and to the state, will 
bablv he admitted. That its legitimate consequences are disease and 
destruction to the mind and body, will also be granted. That it produces 
from four-fifths to nine-tenths of all the crimes commit led is the united 
testimony of those judges, prison-keepers, sheriffs and others engaged in 
the administration of the criminal law, who have investigated the subject. 
Tliat taxation to meet the expenses of pauperism and crime, falls upon and 
is borne bv the people, follows as a matter of course. That its tendencv 
is to destroy the peace, safetv and wcll-beine; of the people, to serure which 
the first article in the Bill of Rights declares ;ill free governments are in- 
stituted, is too obvious to be denied." 



96 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



THE EIGHT TO PURSUE A LAWFUL BUSINESS AN INALIENABLE RIGHT. 

In Butchers 9 Union Slaughter House Co. vs. Crescent City Live Stock 
Landing Co., Ill U. S. 746, Justice Field said: — "Among the inalienable 
rights, as proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, 'is the right of 
men to pursue any lawful business or avocation, in any manner not incon- 
sistent with the equal rights of others, which may increase their property 
or develop their faculties, so as to give them their highest enjoyment.' 
The common business and callings of life, the ordinary trades and pur- 
suits, which are innocent in themselves, and have been followed in all com- 
munities from time immemorial, must, therefore, be free in this country, to 
all alike, upon the same terms. The right to pursue them without let or 
hindrance, except that which is applied to all persons of the same age, sex 
and conditions, is a distinguishing privilege of citizens of the United 
States, and an essential element of that freedom which they claim as their 
birthright." 

In the same case Justice Bradley used the following language : "The 
right to follow any of the common occupations of life is an inalienable 
right ; it was formulated as such under the phrase 'pursuit of happiness' 
in the Declaration of Independence, which commenced with the funda- 
mental proposition that 'All men are created equal ; that they are endowed 
bv their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'* This right is a large ingredient 
in the civil liberty of the citizen." 



A LICENSE THE GRANT OF A SPECIAL PRIVILEGE. 

In State vs. Frame, 39 Ohio State 413, the Supreme Court of Ohio 
said: — "A license is essentially the granting of a special privilege to one 
or more persons, not enjoyed by citizens generally, or, at least, not enjoyed 
by a class of citizens to which the licensee belongs." (This is a saloon 
license case.) 

POLICE POWER INCLUDES EVERYTHING ESSENTIAL TO PUBLIC SAFETY, 
HEALTH AND MORALS. 

In Lawton vs. Steele, 152 U. S. 133, the United States Supreme Court 
said: — "The extent and limits of what is known as the police power have 
been a fruitful subject of discussion in the appellate courts of nearly every 
state in the Union. It is universally conceded to include everything essen- 
tial to the public safety, health and morals, and to justify the destruction 
of a house falling to decay or otherwise endangering the lives of passers-by ; 
the demolition of such as are in the path of a conflagration ; the slaughter 
of diseased cattle; the destruction of decaved or unwholesome food; the 
prohibition of wooden buildings in cities ; the regulation of railways and 
other means of public conveyance, and of interments in burial grounds; 
the restriction of objectionable trades to certain localities ; the compulsory 
vaccination of children; the confinement of the insane, or those afflicted 
with contagious diseases ; the restraint of vagrants, beggars and habitual 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 97 

drunkards ; the suppression of obscene publications and houses of ill fame ; 
and the prohibition of gambling houses, and places where intoxicating 
liquors are sold." 

THE IOWA MULCT LAW UNCONSTITUTIONAL. 

The Iowa "mulct" law was enacted in 1894. It provided for an an- 
nual tax of $600 to be assessed against "every person, partnership or 
corporation, other than pharmacists holding permits, engaged in selling 
or keeping for sale any intoxicating liquors." 

After having been in operation fourteen years it was pronounced null 
and void by Judge Smith McPherson, of the United States Circuit Court. 

Liquor legislation in Iowa has had a varied history. In 1855, a pro- 
hibitory law was enacted but repealed in 1858. Thirty years passed. A 
constitutional amendment was submitted to the people and adopted by a 
"substantial majority," as Fehlandt says in his "Century of Drink Re- 
form in the United States." But the Supreme Court pronounced the 
vote unconstitutional on the ground that three words appeared in the text 
of the amendment as submitted to the people which were not found in the 
Journal of the General Assembly. 

This decision aroused the temperance people of the state to such a 
pitch and climax of revolt that they threatened to hold the party in power 
responsible for failure to carry out the evident desire of the majority of 
the citizen voters. Under this potent influence, the legislature of 1884 
enacted a prohibition law. Ten years later a mulct or tax law was en- 
acted, practically nullifying the law of 188-i, by permitting the traffic in 
intoxicating liquors on payment of an assessment of $600. 

Thus it appears the "tax" law of 1894?, popularly known as the 
"nnilet law," was a mere subterfuge. The legislature, having power to 
strengthen the law of 1884, and the magistracy of the slate having author- 
ity to enforce it to the letter, compromised on a so-called "tax." 

On the same day on which Judge McPherson handed down this deci- 
sion, he denied to the United Breweries of New Jersey an injunction re- 
straining the Civic Federation of Davenport, Iowa, from interfering with 
one of its saloons in Princeton, Iowa, holding, in effect, that to enjoin the 
Federation would be similar to an injunction of the police powers of the 
State; also, that the Iowa law does not legalize the sale of Liquor, merely 
making it conditional— the law of 1884- forbidding the sale of liquors, ex- 
cept hv "persons holding permits*' for specified purposes. 

If the Iowa tax law had no constitutional basis and was in actual 

contravention of an unrepealed statute, there is reason to think that the 

Ohio liquor tax law, known as the Dow-Aik. n law, is al80 Mil] and void, 

and will he so pronounced by an unprejudiced tribunal. For, though 



98 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Iowa has a prohibitory law, Ohio has a constitution that prohibits license. 
The Iowa law contemplates the continuance of a business which has been 
placed under ban of law, the Ohio law contemplates the continuance of a 
business which the state refuses to permit. In either case, the legislature 
compromises with an illegal business, despite the fact that both in Ohio 
and Iowa the people had voted by large majority in favor of amending the 
state constitution so as to prohibit the business of trafficking in intoxicat- 
ing liquors. In Iowa, the tax was assessed as a "mulct" or pecuniary for- 
feiture as a punishment for violating law. In Ohio, it was assessed to 
provide against "evils" resulting from a business to which the state denies 
a license. 

TRANSPORTATION OF LIQUOR FROM ONE LOCAL OPTION COUNTY TO 
ANOTHER ILLEGAL. 

Kentucky vs. Adams Express Company. Judgment against defend- 
ant affirmed on appeal, September 23, 1908. 

Justice O'Rear discussed the difference between a person and a cor- 
poration, and showed how a corporation is humanized under the law, and 
held that, while the person indicted is a stock company, it was not intended 
that such an artificial person should be embraced within such exceptions of 
the bill as are designed for natural purposes. He said: 

"The liquor was shipped from Mercer county to Springfield, in Wash- 
ington county, all of which territory is wholly within the state of Kentucky. 
There was nothing to indicate the contents of the package and the con- 
signee was a painter. The evidence indicates that the object of shipping 
the goods in that way was to deceive. 

"Common carriers ought to obey the law like other persons, not mere- 
ly in keeping the statute while breaking its spirit, but both in letter and 
spirit as others are expected to do. Agents employed by corporations 
ought to inquire and act on knowledge, probabilities, information, experi- 
ences, judgment, inferred facts from established facts, as men generally 
do in similar matters when thinking and acting for themselves. In this 
way a corporation is humanized and is made to see, hear, know, exercise 
care, skill, judgment, prudence, and is made amenable to the laws when 
the intent, motive, knowledge, etc., are elements of wrong." 



THE RETAIL SALE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS CANNOT BE LEGALLY LICENSED. 

Albert Soltau vs. Schuyler Young, 20 Judicial Circuit Court, Indiana. 
Samuel R. Artman, Judge. 

At the January session, 1907, of the Board of County Commissioners 
of Marion County, Albert Soltau filed his application for a license to sell 
intoxicating liquors at retail in the Tenth Ward of the city of Indianap- 





m 



V. ^ 



'X g 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 99 

olis. Schuyler Young and William J. Trefz, voters of said ward, ap- 
peared before said board and filed their remonstrance. Such proceedings 
were had before the board that a license was granted to the applicant, and, 
from this order of the board the remonstrators appealed to the Marion Cir- 
cuit Court. From that court the case came to Judge Artman's court on 
a change of venue. 

Judge Artman said : — "Waiving all questions as to the form and suffi- 
ciency of the demurrer, the ultimate question for decision in this case is 
whether or not the sale of intoxicating liquors, at retail, for beverage pur- 
poses, can be legally licensed. 

"The court has no inclination to evade or side-step this proposition. 
The conclusions at which it has arrived have been reached after long, pa- 
tient and mature deliberation, and the most careful consideration that the 
court is capable of giving the question. 

"The position of this court then is this : The highest judicial author- 
ity of the state has declared a less injurious business inherently unlawful, 
and beyond the power of the state to delegate to it a legal existence, and 
this court is now asked, in the face of this declaration, to hold that the 
business, which has been declared by the highest judicial authority in the 
nation to be the most unlawful business in any state, can be given a legal 
existence bv the state, for a fixed consideration. This court will not walk 
into this dilemma. The law should be harmonious. 

"In the case of Commonwealth vs. Douglass, 100 Ky. 116, £4 S. W. 
Rep. 233 : 66 Am. St. Rep. 328, the Court of Appeals of Kentucky dis- 
tinguished the exercise of the police power from contract obligations, hold- 
ing that a license to conduct a lottery was not a contract, but an attempted 
delegation of a right, which the state could not grant, because a lottery is 
vicious and demoralizing in the community. I quote from this opinion 
the following: 

" 'The reason for this distinction must be apparent to all ; for, when 
we consider that honesty, morality, religion and education are the main 
pillars of the state, and for the protection and promotion of which govern- 
ment was instituted among men, : t at once strikes the mind that the gov- 
ernment, through its agents, cannot throw off these trust duties by selling, 
bartering or giving them away. The preservation of the trust is essential 
to the happiness and welfare oi" the beneficiaries, which the trustees have 
no power to sell or give awav. If it be conceded that the state can give, 
sell and barter any one of them, it follows that it can thus surrender its 
control of all. and convert the state into dens of bawdy houses, gambling 
shops, and otber places of vice and demoralization, provided the grantees 
paid for tlie privileges, and thus deprive the state of its power to repeal 
the grants and all control of the subjects as far as the grantees are con- 
cerned : and the trust duty of proteetinc nnd fostering the honesty, health, 
morals^ and good °™Vr of the state would be cast to the winds, and vice 
and crime would triumph in their stead. Now it seems to us that the essen- 
tial principles of self-preservation forbid that the commonwealth should 
possess a power so revolting, because destructive of the main pillars of 
government. 



!00 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

" 'The power of the state to grant a license to carry on any species 
of gambling, with the privilege of revoking the same at any time, has an 
unwholesome effect upon the community, and tends to make honest men re- 
volt at the injustice of punishing others for engaging in like vices. We 
have, for instance, at this day, men confined in the state penitentiary for 
setting up and carrying on gambling shops whose tendencies are not 
much more demoralizing, if any, than the licensed lottery operator, who 
goes free under the protection of the law. The one wears a felon's garb, 
and the other is protected by license, which he claims is an irrevocable 
contract bcause he has paid for the privilege. The privilege ought never 
to be granted, and under the present constitution can never be. As said, 
to impress the privilege with the idea of contract because it was paid for, 
might fill the whole state, and especially the cities, with gambling shops and 
enterprises, protected b}' contract, and the few gamblers that might not 
be thus protected and who would be liable to be punished for gambling, 
would not be, because it would strike the honest man as unjust to punish 
the poor wretch for doing that which was made lawful for others to do by 
paying for the privilege.' 

"To the same effect is the holding of the United States Supreme 
Court in the case of Stone vs. Mississippi, 101 U. S. 814, in which the 
court said: 'The question is, therefore, directly presented, whether, in 
view of these facts, the legislature of a state can, by the charter of a lot- 
tery company, defeat the will of the people, authoritatively expressed, in 
relation to the further continuance of such business in their midst. We 
think it cannot. No legislature can bargain away the public health or 
the public morals. The people themselves cannot do it, much less their 
servants. The supervision of both of these subjects of governmental power 
is continuing in its nature, and they are to be dealt with as the special 
exigencies of the moment may require. Government is organized with a 
view to their preservation, and cannot divest itself of the power to provide 
for them. For this purpose, the largest legislative discretion is allowed, 
and the discretion cannot be parted with any more than the power itself.' 

"To the same effect in Ritter's Moral and Civil Law, Chapt. X ; Peo- 
ple ex rel, vs. Squire, etc., 15 N. E. 820, and cases there cited. 

"In view of these holdings, based, as they certainly are, upon good 
reason and sound common sense, it must be held that the state cannot, 
under the guise of a license, delegate to the saloon business a legal existence, 
because, to hold that it can, is to hold that the state may sell and delegate 
the right to make widows and orphans, the right to break up homes, the 
right to create misery and crime, the right to make murderers, the right 
to produce idiots and lunatics, the right to fill orphanages, poor-houses, 
insane asylums, jails and penitentiaries, and the right to furnish subjects 
for the hangman's gallows. 

"The Supreme Court of Indiana, the Supreme Courts of many other 
states, and the Supreme Court of the United States, have already so far 
nn.ssed the middle of the stream upon the question involved in this case, 
that return would now be more difficult than to go over. To go over is mere- 
lv to draw the natural, logical and inevitable conclusion from the declara- 
tions and judgments of the courts. To return would mean either to aban- 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 101 

don the adjudication that the saloon business is unlawful at common law, 
or to hold that a business which has been adjudged by the courts to be un- 
lawful at common law, because it naturally and inherently endangers the 
health, comfort, safety, morals and welfare of the people, may be legal- 
ized for money. Some court may so hold in this case, but it will not be 
done bv this court. If it is done by any court, it must be done by the 
court that has already held the business to be unlawful, because of its in- 
herently destructive effects upon society. 

"With due appreciation of the responsibility of the occasion, conscious 
of my obligation, under my oath to Almighty God and to my fellowman, 
T cannot, bv a judgment of this court, authorize the granting of a saloon 
license, and the demurrer to the amended remonstrance is, therefore, over- 
ruled, the amended remonstrance is sustained, and the application is dis- 
missed at the costs of the applicant." 

A RETAIL LIQUOR SALOON IS WITHIN ITSELF A PUBLIC NUISANCE. 

FINDING REVERSED. 

On April 13, 1907, in the Circuit Court of Hamilton County, Indiana, 
in the case of the State of Indiana vs. Edward Sopher, Judge Ira W. 
Christian rendered an opinion holding that a retail liquor saloon is within 
itself a public nuisance, and that the statute authorizing the licensing of 
the saloon, is unconstitutional, and, therefore, that the saloon license was 
no defense. This opinion was rendered upon a motion to quash the 
affidavit. 

Following the rendition of the opinion, the defendant applied for 
and was granted a change of venue from Judge Christian. Reed Hol- 
loman, former Prosecuting Attorney of the Boone Circuit Court, was ap- 
pointed Special Judge to try the case. The trial was held on the Ilth 
day of May, 1907, and, upon proof of the operation of the saloon, the 
judge found the defendant guilty of maintaining a public nuisance. 

On June 25. 1907, only forty days after the case was filed in the 
Supreme Court, a decision, which had apparently been made before the 
- filed in that court, was announced, in the Sophcr case, reversing 
Hie decision of the trial court. 



MUNICIPALITIES HAVE POWER TO REGULATE THE SALOON. 

The Dow law of 1886 (83 Ohio Laws, 161) provided that, "Any 
municipal corporation shall have full power to regulate, restrain and pro- 
hibit ale, bier arid porter houses, and other places where intoxicating 
liquors are sold at retail, etc." As to the validity of the Dow Law (Section 
43(51-20, Revised Statutes), see Madden V8 Swell::, g ('. C. 168; Van Wert 
vs. Brown, 47 0. S. 477. 

These two leading cases, and Alliance vs. Jo//ee, 49 O. S. 7, held that 



102 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

the council of a municipality in the State of Ohio had the right by ordi- 
nance to prohibit saloons within the boundaries of the municipality. This 
Dow law was amended in 1902, by what is known as the Beal Local Option 
Law (95 Ohio Laws, 87). The above section of the Revised Statutes 
(4364-20) was amended by the Beal Law, and now reads as follows: 

"Any municipal corporation shall have full power to regulate the sell- 
ing, furnishing, or giving away of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, and 
places where intoxicating liquors are sold, furnished or given away as a 
beverage, except as provided for in Section 4361 20c of this act. (1902, 
95 v. 87)." 

Under the original Section 4364-20, a municipal corporation had full 
power to "regulate, restrain and prohibit" ; while under the present statute 
of the Beal Law, the corporation has full power only to "regulate the 
selling. 9 * The words "restrain and prohibit" in the original Dow Law 
have been dropped in the Beal Law. Under the general powers of mu- 
nicipalities as given in the Municipal Code, Section 7, Clause 5 (96 Ohio 
Laws, 22), municipalities are given the powers "to regulate." 

This brings us to consider the meaning of the word "regulate." For 
consideration of the scope of the word "regulate" see Brown v. Van Wert, 
4 C. C. 407-411, and the same case, 47 Ohio State, 477; also Bronson vs. 
Oberlin, 41 O. S. 476, 483. 

The Court's opinion, p. 483 : — "Whether the legislature could confer 
the power to prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors, or whether the coun- 
cil by ordinance could prohibit with this power conferred, are questions 
not involved in this case. The question simply is, What power did this 
act confer? We are of the opinion that it did not give authority to 
prohibit. As expressed in the body of the law, it was a power to provide 
against the evils resulting from the sale of intoxicating liquors. Section 
16, Article II. of the Constitution, provides that the subject of a bill 
pending before the General Assembly shall be clearly expressed in its title. 
The title of the law under consideration is 'An act authorizing certain 
incorporated villages to regulate the sale of intoxicating liquors therein.' 
Considering the words of this act, together with its title, we conclude that 
the power conferred was to regulate the sale of intoxicating liquors, and 
to provide against evils resulting therefrom, but not to prohibit. We are 
confirmed in this conclusion from the fact that in previous legislation the 
word 'prohibit' has been used when that was the object sought, and not 
alone the words 'to regulate' and 'to provide against evils.' " 

An examination of the Supreme Court Reports since the enactment 
of the Beal Law of 1902, fails to discover that the Court has passed upon 
Section 4364-20 as revised by the Beal Law, in which a municipal corpo- 
ration has power "to regulate the selling" ; but, following the opinion in 
the case of Bronson vs. Oberlin, 41 O. S. 476, from which case the above 
quotation is made, it would appear that it is not possible under the present 





SAM P. JONES, 
Evangelist and Lecturer. 



DR. BILLY JAMES CLARK, 
Organizer First Temperance Society in U. S. 




.1 \mks McNeill, 

Member New York Prohibition State 
( lommittee. 




CLINTON X. HOWARD, 
I .ecturer. 



THE SALOON AN OUTLAW. 103 

law, for the council of a municipal corporation in Ohio by ordinance to 
prohibit places where intoxicating liquors are sold at retail. 

The legislature of any state has the constitutional power to prohibit 
the sale of liquor or beer by retail. The courts say that it is no longer an 
open question. Kettering vs. Jacksonville, 50 His. 39: 

"Such a law is subject only to the laws of the United States regu- 
lating imports, and these protect it only in the hands of the importer, in 
the original cask or package. Though a state is bound to admit an article 
thus imported under the laws of Congress, it is not bound to find a market 
for its sale. When sold by the importer in the original cask or package, 
or when broken up for retail sale, it becomes subject to the state laws; and 
may be taxed, or the sale prohibited." 

To the same effect see rulings in — 

State vs. 'Allmond, 2 Houst. (Del.) 612. 
Mason vs. Luncortes, 4 Bush (Ky.) 406. 
Perdue vs. Ellis, 18 Ga. 586. 
Dorman vs. State, 34 Ala. 216. 
Lincoln vs. Smith, 2Tt Vt. 328. 
State vs. Robinson, 49 Me. 285. 
People vs. Rowley, 3 Mich. 330. 
People vs. Collins, S Mich. 343. 




CHAPTER VIII. 

HEROES AND MARTYRS. 

HE Great Reform has its confessors and martyrs, heroes and 
saints — fearless women and men, who, in the face of uni- 
versal drink-habits, with their attendant product of moral 
lethargy, uttered protest against defiant custom, and raised 
the standards of total abstinence for the individual, and 
prohibition as the policy of the state. Some of them emerged triumphant 
from the thralldom of drunkenness ; others were aroused to effort by obser- 
vation of the appalling effects of the drink traffic. Some ascended from 
the so-called "lower classes" ; others appeared as representatives of the 
aristocracy. 

From all the churches, or from the un-churched world, they came to 
bear their witness against drink and the dram-shops. Denounced as 
visionary, fanatic, insane, they assailed the demon drink in speech fiery 
with hate of the trade, and hot with pity for the trader and his victim. 
Many of their names long have been written on grave-stones, — 
but they are engraved in the hearts of a grateful multitude, who, in the 
days of the New Movement against the saloon, fulfil duty because of 
their splendid inspiration. In some Hall of Fame the Pioneers of the 
Great Reform will find fit memorial, when, at last, the Great Republic 
shall have freed itself from all complicity with the infamous traffic of the 
dram-shop. Untainted by compromise, clean of hand and heart, they are 
the blessed and canonized, whose names the allied enemies of the saloon 
invoke in the midst of the mightiest battle of the modern age. 

Working alone, in the first days of their career, their propaganda 
became magnetic. They founded societies and orders, and inaugurated 
world-wide movements which today bear rich fruit to their memories. 

THEOBALD MATHEW. 

Alone in the church at midnight a young Franciscan friar, Theobald 

Mathew, had a vision. He saw a priest standing on the altar steps — the 

figure of Father Donovan, who had been one of his closest friends — dead 

for many years. He addressed the ghost — and received replies. Indeed, 

Father Mathew was wont to say afterward, that his commission to preach 
104 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 



105 



total abstinence was conferred upon him during that memorable inter- 
view. At any rate, it was soon after the midnight vision that he sent 
for William Martin, the Quaker, who had first urged upon him the obli- 
gation of advocating total abstinence, and signed the Quaker's pledge. 

"The news that Father Mathew had joined the teetotalers," says 
Katherine Tynan in her delightful biography, "was received at first with 
incredulous amazement, by the better classes at all events." But when 
the poor folk heard that their beloved father confessor and spiritual 
director had signed the pledge, they thronged his meetings, and in less 
than three months he had enrolled twenty-five thousand people in Cork 
alone. In five months, a hundred and thirty thousand ; in nine, a hundred 
and fifty thousand; and by January, 1839, two hundred thousand had 
taken the vow of total abstinence from intoxicating drink. The Fran- 
ciscan Friary became the goal of pilgrimages from Kerry, Waterford, 
Limerick, Clare, Tipperary and Galway. 

In December, 1839, Father Mathew began his temperance mission at 
Limerick. "With a serious and solemn purpose in their minds," runs the 
record, "the people rushed towards him, as if possessed by a frenzy. They 
struggled and fought their way through living masses, through every 
obstacle, until they found themselves in his presence, at his feet, listening 
to his voice, receiving his blessing, repeating after him the words which 
emancipated them, as they felt, from sin, sorrow and temptation." From 
Limerick to Waterford, to Maynooth, to Parsonstown, to Dublin. In 
1841, he went to Ulster, stronghold of Orangeism. Here he triumphed 
as in the South among his own Catholics. "It is amazing," wrote Maria 
Edgeworth, "and proves the power of moral and religious influence be- 
yond any other example on record in history. I consider Father 
Mathew the greatest benefactor to this country ; the most true friend 
to Irishmen and to Ireland. Everywhere he went, wherever the coach 
stopped, he was surrounded by a crowd of the poor, the blind, the lame, 
the afflicted. He rained silver on such a crowd." To the imaginative 
Irish, he was a saint, a miracle-worker. The writer adds: "One thing he 
could not prevent the people from believing, and that was that his admin- 
istration of the pledge carried with it a miraculous power of resisting 
temptation: this was, doubtless, a potent factor in the overwhelming tide 
of his success." 

In August, 1842, Father Mathew extended his mission to Glasgow. 
A year later he went to England. Everywhere the fruits of his mission 
showed themselves by a lessening of crime, by an increased prosperity and 
happiness in the homes of the people, by a greater diligence on the part 
of the workers, by the quietness and order of the streets. 

Unfortunately, Father Mathew's Temperance movement, much against 



106 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

his will, became entangled with Daniel O'Connell's Repeal movement. 
When the* good friar returned to Cork, he said : 

"What we should pray for is the growth of common sense. When 
the English get the common sense to give us justice, and we get the com- 
mon sense to be content with justice and stop quarreling among ourselves, 
there will be fair days for the Old Country yet." 

But the fair days never came. The Repeal movement was crushed 
by British troops, and the Temperance movement suffered with it and lost 
its glory. The famine of 1846 smote the Old Country, and Father 
Mathew's work went down with a million dead peasants. 

In 1849 he came to the United States. Seven years before he had 
signed a declaration in favor of abolition, never expecting to see America. 
This act, performed in good faith, became an embarrassment to him. He 
wished to preserve his movement free from politics, with the result that 
abolitionists grew cool and pro-slavery men suspicious. However, he vis- 
ited twenty -five states, administered the pledge in more than three hundred 
towns and cities, and added more than half a million names to the long 
muster roll of his disciples. 

He was now sixty years old. He returned to Ireland only to see 
signs everywhere of the failure of a movement that had begun so glo- 
riously. He abandoned the Friary, associated with the splendid days of 
his apostleship, and went to live with a brother at Lehenagh House near 
Cork. Touching little stories are told of his last days — days dark with 
sense of failure and fear of Ireland's future. He died December 8, 1856 
— and fifty thousand men, women and children followed him to his grave. 

Channing said : "Here is a minister who deserves to be canonized, and 
whose name should be placed in the calendar not far below Apostles." 

— G. M. H. 

JUSTIN EDWARDS. 

Justin Edwards was the ablest organizer and promoter of the original 
temperance movement in America. From 1829 to 1836 he was General 
Secretary of the American Temperance Society, and foremost among its 
founders in 1826. His reports, compiled as "Permanent American Tem- 
perance Documents," have become classic sources of information in regard 
to the early history of the reform, and his addresses and tracts contributed 
immeasurably to the creation and maintenance of temperance sentiment. 
Of his "Temperance Manual" 193,625 copies were distributed prior 
to 1857. 

The radical position taken from the first by Edwards and his asso- 
ciates is shown in the declaration made in the Temperance Society's con- 
stitution, that the principal object of the organization was, not the recla- 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 10 y 

mation and reformation of the inebriate, but the prevention of intem- 
perance. 

During Dr. Edward's career as Corresponding Secretary and Gen- 
eral Agent of the original American Temperance Society, he inaugurated 
a movement in Washington, D. C, which resulted in establishing the Con- 
gressional Temperance Society, and he organized, in 1830, one of the 
earliest temperance societies in Canada. 

SAMUEL FRAIZER. 

Samuel Fraizer was one of the earliest pioneers of temperance and 
total abstinence in the West. In 1834, he and five of his neighbors or- 
ganized a total abstinence society, thereby pledging themselves not to have 
any intoxicating drinks at their house-raisings, log-rollings and other gath- 
erings. Out of this organization grew a strong temperance society, which 
exerted a great influence for good throughout that region. Soon after 
the formation of that, society he began to preach and lecture, and devoted 
nearly forty years of his life to the cause of temperance. He was an elo- 
quent speaker, a man of fine presence and goodly countenance, a bold and 
energetic worker, and wherever he went he shed the light of the gospel of 
temperance. He was for years what might be called a temperance circuit- 
rider, going everywhere in spite of bad weather and bad roads, to lecture 
and circulate total abstinence pledges in the worst neighborhoods he could 
find. He had a fine voice for singing, and an important feature of his 
work was to teach children to sing temperance songs from books which he 
always carried with him. He was also a very good composer and prepared 
both the words and music of several of the best temperance songs published 
at that time. 

In 1859, he removed from Indiana to Jasper county, Iowa, where he 
began anew his pioneer work in the cause of temperance. From this 
time his field of labor really extended from Iowa through Illinois to his old 
home in Indiana ; and there are now living thousands of young and middle- 
aged men who signed the pledge for the first time in response to his teach- 
ings. — The Cyclopaedia of Temperance and Prohibition. 

LUCRETIA MOTT. 

Lucretia Mott, daughter of Thomas Coffin, was a pioneer Abolitionist, 
a leader in the earliest efforts to win equality for woman, one of the first 
to champion total abstinence principles, and a preacher of celebrity among 
the Hicksite Quakers. She was born in Nantucket, January 3, 1793, and 
WBB descended from the original proprietors of the island. Her father 
removed to Boston when she was twelve vears old. Although h* ponessed 



108 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ample means, he sent his daughter to the public school, desiring that she 
should esteem herself no better than others. When she had passed beyond 
the lower grades he placed her in a Friends' boarding-school in New York. 
There she met James Mott, whom she married at the age of eighteen. 

After her marriage, Philadelphia became her place of residence. Here 
i he found abundant work to do in behalf of the slaves and woman's rights. 
At the age of twenty-five she began her career as a minister, receiving offi- 
cial recognition from her church. In 1883, a convention was held in Phil- 
adelphia to organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, and her aggressive 
speeches had an effect no less stimulating than the impression made by 
the appearance of a woman on the platform at such an assemblage was 
sensational. The toleration shown to Mrs. Mott on this occasion was cer- 
tainly uncommon. Seven years later eight women were among the dele- 
gates sent to the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in London, but they 
were excluded from the floor. 

For half a century Lucretia Mott was a pronounced total abstainer. 
She was quick to realize the full significance of the evils of the prevailing 
social drinking customs, and her influence, example and pen were devoted 
to the cause of reform. As a propagandist of radical and unpopular 
ideas she suffered great persecution, ridicule and denunciation, but in her 
old age she was regarded with peculiar tenderness and veneration. She 
died at the age of eighty-seven. 

"Far beyond the common limit," said Samuel Longfellow, at the me- 
morial meeting held in the Unitarian Church in Germantown, Pa., "the light 
of that countenance has been before us and that voice heard wherever an 
unpopular truth needed defense, wherever a popular evil needed to be testi- 
fied against, wherever a wronged man or woman needed a champion. There 
she stood, there she spoke the word that the spirit of truth and right bade 
her speak. How tranquil and serene her presence in the midst of multi- 
tudes that might become mobs. How calm yet how searching her judg- 
ment against wrong-doing. No whirlwind of passion or lighting of elo- 
quence ; it was rather the dawn of clear day upon dark places and hidden." 
— Abridged from The Cyclopaedia of Temperance and Prohibition. 



BENJAMIN JOY. 

By Theodore L. Cuyleb, D. D. 
Benjamin Joy was one of the most active and indomitable pioneers 
of the temperance reform. He spent the larger portion of his life in Lud- 
lowville, Tompkins county, N. Y. Being a merchant and manufacturer, 
his business interests caused him to travel extensively through the central 
and western Darts of his State. In 1827, while visiting the neighboring 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 109 

town of Hector, he learned from Dr. Jewell that a society had been formed 
there on the pledge of total abstinence from wine, cider and all intoxicants. 
He returned home and organized a society on the same basis at Ludlow- 
ville, December 31 of the same year. This was one of the earliest teetotal 
societies in the world. 

In his frequent trips through all that region, driving from school- 
house to schoolhouse and church to church, he denounced the drinking 
usages and formed societies for the promotion of abstinence. His labors 
of love were without any "pay", except the persecutions of the rumsellers, 
who cut the harness from his horse and endeavored to break up his meet- 
ings. Once they broke a whisky bottle near his head and the old hero 
shouted with great glee : "Good ! my boys, good ! served him right ! One 
more devil cast out ! I came here to help smash rumbottles !" 

Benjamin Joy was a most zealous Christian, and it was at a religious 
service held at his house, in February, 1843, that the author of this sketch 
decided to enter the Christian ministry. In 1865, he took a prominent 
part in the National Temperance Convention at Saratoga and stood with 
Mr. Delavan and Gerrit Smith in the leadership of the cause in the State 
of New York. The closing years of his noble life of philanthropy were 
spent in Penn Yan. His last evening on earth was in a meeting of Good 
Templars, where he spoke with great power. Before morning he died. 

Rev. Dr. David Magee writes: 

"No one can forget the addresses of Mr. Joy. How his eye kindled 
and the tones of his voice deepened as he became more and more engaged, 
his address overflowing with wit and humor, then melting into pathos, ris- 
ing at times into the keenest sarcasm and occasionally into terrible invec- 
tive. For forty-five years he gave, without remuneration, his time and 
•^ron.ith and talents to this work. In 1853, he was elected to the legisla- 
ture on the temperance issue, and of him a journalist of that day (T. W. 
Brown ) wrote: 'No man at the capital, as a man, a temperance advocate, 
or a legislator, wields more moral power than he. As a debater he is 
cVar-hca dcd. cool, self-poised and ready, and never surprised in any of the 
ctrateo-v which marks the stirring conflicts of the session. His enemies 
love him while they fear him. As a speaker no man holds in more com- 
nVtn subjection the turbulent elements of the House.' Mr. Joy was espe- 
cially instrumental in framing the prohibitory law which was finally passed, 
r-nlv to bo votood bv Governor Horatio Seymour. Only three weeks be- 
fore his death he delivered his annual address to the people of Tompkins 
ronntv. in which he said: 'By every throb of affection, by every memory 
^f the kindness of the people of Tompkins to myself, I long and pray for 
their deliverance and the deliverance of their children from the scourge and 
nurse of strong drink. And now, after a world of experience and obser- 
vation, chastened bv many trials, far along in the autumn of life, with the 
headlands of another world plainly visible, I solemnly declare that Un- 
importance of the subject of temperance grows in my esteem with ad vain-- 



HO THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ing years, and I thoroughly justify every endeavor, every labor, every 
forced march and exposure, every sacrifice I have ever made for the cause, 
and I have only to regret that I could not have done more.' " 



JOSIAH FLOURNOY. 

As a temperance leader, Josiah Flournoy is remembered for his con- 
nection with the Georgia agitation of 1839, known as the Flournoy Move- 
ment, whose object was to secure the abolition by the State legislature of 
the liquor license laws. In the spring of 1839, a meeting of citizens of 
Putnam county, Georgia, through a committee of which Mr. Flournoy was 
a member, issued an address to the people of Georgia, published in the 
Atlanta Christian Index for March 21, 1839, asking whether the evil of 
the legalized liquor traffic "ought not to be exterminated." A petition to 
the State legislature was published in the Index in March of the same year, 
signed by about three hundred citizens of the county. It contained the 
following words: 

"The undersigned, citizens of this State, believing that the retail of 
spirituous liquors is an evil of great magnitude among us, come to the leg- 
islature by petition and ask you, in your wisdom, to pass such a law as will 
effectually put a stop to it. Your petitioners come with the 

more confidence, because several states in the Union have already passed 
such a law as to make penal the retailing of intoxicating drinks." 

Mr. Flournoy canvassed the State for signatures to the petition, visit- 
ing nearly every part of the commonwealth. His example aroused the peo- 
ple and public meetings were called everywhere. In one of his addresses 
Mr. Flournoy said : 

"I have addressed thousands in public meetings, and spoken to hun- 
dreds in private. I find the number of those who favor the plan of a law 
to banish the tippling-shops from the land to be as eight or nine in ten. 
No proposition can be offered to the citizens of Georgia that will meet 
with the same unanimity, nor any ten combined can produce the same good. 
I have just returned from a trip of ten days to the South. In one of the 
lower counties I believe every man would sign our petition, and nowhere, 
even among the worst drunkards, do I meet with opposition. I find more 
difficulty with men who call themselves politicians than any others; as a 
class they are least to be expected to do anything to promote the morality 
of the country. With a few exceptions, they seem desirous to keep back 
all that would elevate the great mass of society, I suppose for fear they 
will lose their own importance. I freely warn them that the man who op- 
poses this law, and knows what he is doing at the same time, will deserve 
and receive the anathemas of the country. He is one who for his own 
honor's exaltation could drink the tears of female suffering and eat the 
bread of starving children." 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. Ill 

How aptly that speech, though made sixty years ago, fits conditions 
today ! That "there is nothing new under the sun" is illustrated further 
by what followed. When it became apparent from the indifference of the 
politicians that. the legislature would probably disregard the petition, some 
of the petitioners began to nominate independent legislative candidates. 
The political aspect which the movement now took on commanded the atten- 
tion of partisan leaders and newspapers, and in the contest for Governor, 
which was decided by a majority of only a few hundreds, party spirit ran 
high. Shortly before the election the success of the petitioners seemed 
certain, but the politicians appealed to prejudice by declaring that party 
interests were endangered, and the popular movement was checked. The 
legislature refused to act. 

Mr. Flournoy's death, which occurred soon after, was attributed to 
disappointment at the defeat of the cause. — G. M. H. 



EDWARD CORNELIUS DELAVAN. 

Edward C. Delavan occupied a unique place in the history of the 
Temperance Reform. He was one of its few financiers. He organized 
the New York Temperance Society, paid the expense of Hewitt's mission 
to Europe, controlled the two most influential temperance journals in the 
United States, paid all expenses of his defense against suits at lav/ insti- 
tuted by brewers on charges of libel, and paid the cost of the various forms 
of temperance propaganda which he had introduced. When the American 
Temperance Union was organized in 1836, he became chairman of its Exec- 
utive Committee, and contributed $10,000 to the cause. On his visit to 
Europe in the interest of the movement, he took with him a large supply 
of literature, including eight hundred volumes of Justin Edward's "Per- 
manent Temperance Documents," paid for out of his own purse. 

At his suggestion Dr. Edwards prepared a declaration to which lie 
secured the signatures of Presidents Jackson, Madison, John Quincy Ad- 
ams, Van Buren, Tyler, Polk, Taylor, Fillmore, Pierce, Buchanan, Lincoln 
and Johnson. It is known as "Delavan's Declaration" and roads as fol- 
lows: 

"Being satisfied from observation and experience, as well as from 
medical testimony, that ardent spirit, as a drink, is not only needless but 
hurtful, and that the entire disuse of it would tend to promote the health, 
the virtue and the happiness of the community, we hereby express our con- 
viction that, should the citizens of the United States, and especially the 
young men, discontinue entirely the use of it, they would not only pro- 
mote their own personal benefit, but the good of our countrv and of the 
world." 



112 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

THOMAS L. CARSON. 

Thomas L. Carson deserves memorial as one of the most aggressive 
opponents of the retail liquor traffic in the days before the rise of the 
"Temperance Tidal Wave." When a young man he observed that, 
though many towns in his native state, New York, voted "no license," 
liquor dealers continued their business, unwhipped by the law. That is 
to say, they defied the people; and the sworn officialdom of the common- 
wealth perjured itself for the sake of salary, and victory in the next elec- 
tion. Carson conceived a plan of organizing citizens who believed that 
law should be enforced, that offenders should be duly tried and punished, 
and that the liquor traffic should be suppressed. That was in 1846, nearly 
a quarter of a century before the organization of the Prohibition move- 
ment. The "Carson League" was organized, composed cf persons com- 
mitted to the enforcement of anti-liquor-selling laws, and pledged to ob- 
tain evidence against lawbreakers, and to provide funds for the prosecu- 
tion of cases against them. This, of course, was a self-imposed burden, 
because officers had already been elected to "faithfully enforce all laws of 
the State of New York." But the Leaguers paid their assessments, and 
performed their extra duties in the spirit of martyrs. The organization 
spread through many sections of New York, and even into other states. 

Not only did Mr. Carson lead his "League" in its campaign, he ran a 
paper called The Carson League, in support of his movement, and in oppo- 
sition to the so-called "legalized" traffic in intoxicating liquors. By 
means of this organ Mr. Carson did much toward securing the nomination 
and election of Myron H. Clark as Governor of New York, in 1854, and 
the enactment of the prohibitory law of 1855. Believing that his cause 
had triumphed, Mr. Carson discontinued the publication of his paper, and 
the League disbanded. But the Court of Appeals discovered a technical 
flaw in the prohibitory statute and it was repealed. In its stead a license 
lav/ was reenacted and Mr. Carson resumed his fight against the "legalized 
outlaw." A new society, known as the State League, was organized, a 
new paper was established and, from 1857 until his death in 1868, he 
waged unceasing war against the dram-shop traffic of New York. A 
brave, energetic, self-denying lover of his fellowmen, he was forced by the 
compromises of his state government to spend his life in combating an 
organized trade which the chief executive and all other officials were under 
obligation to suppress. 

Although a true representative of the people, he was stripped of au- 
thority to administer government, under that s} T stem which converts de- 
mocracy into aristocracy and plutocracy. The deeds of Carson were the 
seeds from which have grown the better promise of the present day. 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. HJ 



NEAL DOW A PROPHET OF GOD. 

By John G. Woolley. 

An Address Delivered in Willard Hall, Chicago, on the Occasion of the Nineteenth 
Anniversary of Neal Dow's Birth. 

"Yea, I say unto you a prophet." 

An old man sits at life's west window ; on his head a glorious crown 
of hoary hair, for he has walked the way of righteousness for seventy 
years of life and twenty of immortality ; in his face the flush of the cen- 
tury's afterglow, and in his eyes the quiet mystery of lights far out at sea. 
He is a statesman, who years ago pronounced sentence of death upon his 
own "prospects" for truth's sake, and duty's — a Yankee Cato ; a politician 
who came upon the stage of action when "Drink" was governor, and the 
church tetrarch to the animalism and moral incapacity of the usurper. 
And he is a prophet, not one who in a gloomy frenzy seizes a pen and 
writes he knows not what; or with transcendent vision outwits the future 
and lays bare its strategies ; or, nightly wandering in Egerian groves, 
hears the gestation of events to come ; but one who, having eyes, sees what 
lies about him here in the open — a seer. 

Much of what passes current as "spiritual insight" is strabismus, got- 
ten by trying not to see the shapes that crowd our paths and shame our 
lust of indolence, claiming consanguinity — and, as to many, rightfully — 
for that mere introversion of the e} r es is all the motherhood the crime-germ 
needs or knows. And Christian apathy, like a sleeping sow, suckles the 
saloon and all its loathsome brood ; and when, betimes, it looks the "good 
man" in the face and says: "Speak to me, I am thy child," it is no an- 
swer to reply with face averted, "Begone, I love thee not !" It never asked 
for love, nor wished it, but only recognition, and that it has, for Congress 
and some forty legislatures vouch today for its legitimacy as our proper 
offspring, out of wedlock, to be sure, but ours indisputably. 

They lie. The brute is none of ours, but a mongrel monster of 
genealogy untraceable, unclassable, sexless, soulless, something of louse, 
hog and devil mixed, and only ours by estoppel, because we did not, would 
not, see that calling us "father" unrebukcd, and so being endured and 
trusted for our sake and upon our credit, it made us liable for its support 
and all the debts it may incur. God help us at the pay day ! 

"Where there is no vision the people perish." But this man saw 
every fact that touched him, and looked into the face of every form that 
walked his way of life, and to every salutation answered like a man, shirk- 
ing nothing; and now resting here, wearied by the heat and burden of the 
day, if the whole peerage of the saloon, the quarter of a million liquor 



114 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

lords, each with his royal letters patent in his hand, should file into the 
room to taunt and greet him "kinsman," he would look straight into their 
eyes and say, "You lie !" 

What a palatial memory is this, lifting its splendid front here in the 
gloaming, with the century's sunset beams illumining its window panes! 
Enter reverently, and let us look about, for there must be some wondrous 
paintings on the walls. Take off your shoes, walk softly. I will be guide, 
rnd where I know the portraits they shall act again and speak to you. 

Himself, in the first picture, a young rich man, taking his ease in his 
own parlor, before an open fire whose piny resins shoot delicious pyrotech- 
nics, odor-laden, into the weak eyes of many lamps. His wife, almost too 
happy, opposite, with gleaming needles that click like frostbells, knitting 
a song of her own heart into meshes of soft, bright wools for dainty feet 
that she has never seen, except in dreams. Entering there, a neighbor 
woman, young too, and beautiful, a wife and mother, with a face that 
fairly chills the mind to see it, and eyes dilated to the iris edge by an 
unspeakable horror, about to speak. Listen ! "I can keep my secret no 
longer; my husband is a drunkard; my children are starving; my heart is 
breaking ; you are his friend ; find him for me ; bring him home to me 
quickly, for the love of God!" 

What is to be said when a woman talks like that? The terrific calm- 
ness of it is noisier than a riot, and confuses sense and banishes speech, 
except the shallowest. Out into the night he fares, the blindest man in 
Maine, because the adder "drink" has never stung his heart, nor made him 
hang his head in shame, nor struck his wife's sweet face with its foul lash, 
nor goaded him to borrow, lie or steal. He has seen men and women, but 
as trees walking, and has inhaled the hot breath of the saloon for a gen- 
eration, and yet not seen it save as one catches glimpses of some slimy, 
crawling thing, and turns his eyes away no wiser. 

A saloon, the squid of life's high sea, with vibrant tentacles that suck 
the sap of business honor and the pride and strength of youth, and labor's 
wages, and the blood of human hearts; and squirts ink into the crystal 
wave of every providence of rescue, while it seeks its cave, and slams the 
door of Christian law into the face of Christ. 

Pyramids of barrels, each monogramed with the nation's signet. 
Ranks and platoons of bottles dressed to a city license on the right; the 
liquor laws, militia, bodyguard, each bemedaled on its helmet with federal 
insignia; the keeper, cuffed and aproned, brusque and business-like, on 
duty at the bar. In the closet, in the rear, hidden away like a stolen dog, 
a man, dead drunk in his soul, but in his body writhing on the grill of rest- 
lessness, a good man three days since, but now a creature ready to commit 
murder for a stoup of rum. 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 115 

His friend, no coward — the blind are brave — though forbidden, finds 
him out, and in horror turns to the master of the place and says: "Help 
me to take him away." 

And the master replies: "What is it to you? Let him alone to go 
home when he pleases." 

"But his children are crying for food, and his wife weeping her eyes 
out for love for him ; we must get him to them, I tell you. I'll call a car- 
riage. Don't sell him any more drink." 

And the man says : "No, not if he hasn't the price." 

"What, man ! Do you mean to say you would sell him more drink 
when he is already mad with it, and his home is without a crust, and his 
wife lies on the floor yonder just a clot of sorrow?" 

"Yes. By ! I sell whisky. It is my trade and as lawful as 

tanning: more lawful. What have you to show for your tannery? Look 
at that license, d'ye see, with the names of the selectmen, and the city seal, 

and the arms of the state of Maine? To with your preaching. Get 

out ! Go to the meeting-house and talk through your sleek hat I" 

Propped in the corner of the carriage, like a sack of sodden rags, 
the drunkard and his friend. The clock in the stone tower strikes mid- 
night — tolls midnight — and the moon rolls down behind the pine woods 
like a tear of God. 

Now driver, home ; home to the snowy marriage bed with the bride- 
groom ; home to the bride's empty arms, with her lover ; home to the true 
wife, with her husband; home to the prattlers, with their father! 

The drunkard in his bed, tossing and moaning, with throat that 
cracks with its gasping thirst, and blood that crawls like a migration of 
maggots along the flaccid veins, and breath that sickens and stinks, and 
makes one look for red-crested grave-worms to crawl out of lips and eyes 
and nostrils, and burrow into the puffy cheeks of the cadaver, sloughing 
visibly. 

Still the same scene; the night wears on, children sit up in bed and 
mock the sleepless watcher — crying, "Drink, mamma, drink !" The lamp 
burns low, goes out; the darkness turns gray. The hot evening horror 
has boiled down, and the tortured ones are still, at last, rigid, like flies in 
tar; out of the shadow a form stoops and searches for live coals in the 
ashes vainly. It is the drunkard's wife. 

The young rich man is back by his parlor fire, sitting alone. There 
is about his mouth that which was not there before. For once a saloon has 
given value to the world. Neal Dow sees. 

Leave the pictures. Sit here, and I will tell you what he saw. Drink, 
everywhere! Nero — Drink on the throne, fiddling while the city burned; 
Tarquinia — Drink in the chariot, crushing her dead father's face beneath 



116 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

the bloody wheels ; Catherine — Drink at the altar, murdering the innocents ; 
Borgia — Drink in the castle, with butchery and incest ; Lucretia — Drink in 
the home, mad with her wrongs, poisoning her parents ; Machiavelli — 
Drink in the cabinet, publishing lies ; Rahab — Drink in the brothel, put- 
ting out Virtue's eyes ; Barabbas — Drink on the road, robbing the poor ; 
Pizarro — Drink in commerce, plundering the simple; Simon — Drink be- 
traying cities with gifts ; Elialtes — Drink leading the enemy through the 
defenses of his native land ; Arnold — Drink selling his country ; Belshaz- 
zar — Drink scorning Heaven and praising the Gods of Gold; Jeffrey — 
Drink on the bench, wresting the law ; Lord Chancellor — Drink selling 
injustice ; Juror — Drink in the box, ignoring law ; Sheriff — Drink in 
charge of the j ail ; Alderman — Drink in the council, taking bribes ; Mayor 
— Drink in the chair, selling indulgence to corrupters of the youth ; Chief 
— Drink in charge of the police ; Drink — M. C. in the Congress ; Drink — 
M. D. at the cradle; Drink — D. D. in the pulpit; Drink — LL. D. in the 
college ; Judea — Drink with the disciples, selling the Son of God for silver. 

You ask me if this is really memory, or pictures painted by a mad- 
man's mind on memory's walls? It is memory, true as light, and this man 
saw it all, and looked at it and pondered it in his heart, and then stood 
up and said : "By God's help we will stop all this !" And the Quaker 
went to war, and one honest mayor shook the continent. Had there been 
then a church, clean-handed, clear-eyed, faithful, militant, to take on board 
this Viking, it would have swept the sea of licensed pirates, and filled the 
earth with the knowledge and glory of our God. 

Yesterday I heard this gallant man impeached for lack of loyalty to 
a sect because he took his name from a church book. But he had given 
his heart to God, aye, and his two hands, and his feet and his shoulders. 
And his name is written in the sacred history of the holiest warfare ever 
waged for home and country. Tonight heaven kindles in his soul, uni- 
versal humanity honors him by public meetings in a thousand cities in his 
own and foreign lands, and posterity will bless his name when sects have 
ceased in dusty desuetude. For I do hold that he lifts up the Son of God 
who lifts another man without a scrap of creed beyond the testimony of the 
act itself. And he did that not only, but a sovereign state as well, and a 
great cause. For when Maine's homes were lighted up, and industry re- 
vived, and wealth began to flow into her lap, and jails gave way to schools, 
and saloons to savings banks, the whole world recognized that the time was 
epochal. 

JOHN BARTHOLOMEW GOUGH. 

On an October day, 1842, Joel Stratton, a Quaker, persuaded John B. 
Gough to sign the total abstinence pledge. The famous "Washingtonian" 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 117 

movement was then in full swing, and Stratton, availing himself of the 
moral enthusiasm created by it, approached poor Gough in the hope of 
"saving his soul" by rescuing his body from the grip of intoxicating liquor. 

Gough had become hopeless. He had entered the domain of that 
earthly purgatory in which the air is filled with tantalizing threats of a 
deeper descent to shame, and the sky is black with the sweeping clouds of 
a coming tempest of death. With a bottle of laudanum in his trembling 
hand, he had stood at the side of the railway afraid to live, afraid to die. 
He was only twenty-five years of age, and yet he had become a mere drunk- 
en sot — the sodden wreck of body and soul — thrown upon the rocks in a 
storm bred in the dram-shops of the New World, to which, a boy of twelve, 
he had come to make his way to fortune. 

Born in Sandgate, Kent county, England, his early years had been 
stripped of boyish freshness and ambition, under the crush of that poverty 
which exists in the shadow of English aristocracy, pagan in selfishness, 
Christian in creed. His mother taught the village school, and the govern- 
ment paid a hundred dollars a year to the support of the family, because 
the father had fought in one of England's wars. Gough was wont to tell 
in after years, that he had not known in childhood what it was to have a 
slice of bread with butter, except as the slice was first thinly coated, and 
then scraped ! 

In 1829, a neighbor family set sail for the United States, and the 
boy Gough left home under protection of his mother's friends. Four 
years afterward he sent back enough money to pay ship passage for his 
mother and sister — the father having died — and, together, the three set 
up their home in New York city, where Gough was at work in the Metho- 
dist Book Concern as a binder. In 1834, his mother died, and he began to 
drink — because his "friends" drank. Five years later he married, the 
young wife hoping to reform him. Unable to make a living at his trade, 
he went from city to city, doing small jobs, or playing minor parts in low 
theaters that even then existed in Bristol, Providence, Boston, Newbury port 
and Worcester. 

At Worcester his wife and child died. "Soon it was whispered from 
one to another," he writes in his autobiography, "that my wife and child 
were lying dead, and that I was drunk ! There in the room, where all who 
had loved me were lying in the unconscious slumber of death, was I gazing, 
with a maudlin melancholy imprinted on my features, on the dead forms 
of those who were flesh of my flesh and bone of my bone. During the mis- 
erable hours of darkness I would steal from my lonely bed to the place 
where mv dead wife and child lay, and in agony of soul pass my shaking 
hand over their cold faces, and then return to my bed, after a draught of 



118 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

rum, which I had obtained and hidden under the pillow of my wretched 
couch." 

He was a murderer ! For he had vowed to "cherish" the woman who 
in 1839 had taken his name. And he had not cherished her. Instead of 
providing for her and her babe, he had spent his wages for drink — always 
for drink. Instead of making a home for her, he had made a hell. And, 
now, she was dead — starved to death, and his baby was dead — starved to 
death. 

Then it was that he contemplated suicide, and that Joel Stratton per- 
suaded him to sign the pledge. For several months he kept his promise, 
then broke it, confessed his fall, signed again, fell again under a devilish 
scheme to disgrace him as a pledge-breaker, signed again, and kept it until 
that February day in 1886, when he was stricken with paralysis on the 
platform in Frankford, Pennsylvania. 

After his victory in 1845, he resolved to devote himself to the restora- 
tion of men who, like himself, had descended to the depths. Too poor 
to pay carfare, he tramped through New England, carrying his carpetbag 
in hand, and telling the story of his life — at seventy-five cents per lecture. 
Eight years later he was in England, guest of the London Temperance 
League, one of the most eloquent advocates of temperance in that day or 
any other. For two years he went to and fro through England, a marvel 
of oratorical power, and added to his platform appeals the tragic story of 
his career in an autobiography which sold twenty thousand copies in the 
first year of its issue. And so, for seventeen years, he traveled abroad and 
at home, delivering nearly nine thousand addresses on temperance, and 
lectures on miscellaneous literary and general subjects. 

It is just to him as a temperance lecturer to say that, in 1884, he al- 
lied himself with that political party which declared itself in favor of pro- 
hibiting the traffic in intoxicating liquor. He said : 

"I have one vote to be responsible for. . . . This year, however, 
has seen strange things. Surprising disintegrations have been going on 
in the two old parties. Both have either open affiliations with, or a cow- 
ardly and shameful servility to, the arrogant set of rings and lobbies of 
this drink trade which lifts its monstrous front of $750,000,000 of money 
spent directly in it, with an equal sum in addition taxed upon the people 
to take care of its miserable results." 

He had waited long, in hope that he would not be obliged to sever 
political relations that had become dear to him ; but he saw his duty clearly 
at last, and so, because he believed in prohibiting and annihilating the 
liquor traffic, he functioned as a citizen with the party that had been or- 
ganized in 1869, for the purpose of overthrowing it by the organized 
powers of state. 




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HEROES AND MARTYRS. 119 

Then came the end, and the marvelous voice that had charmed the 
ear and moved the heart for forty years, was hushed in the myster}^ of 
death. — G. M. H. 

HENRY A. REYNOLDS. 

Red ribbon, white ribbon, blue ribbon ! Blue ribbon, Francis Mur- 
phy ; white ribbon, Frances E. Willard ; red ribbon, Henry A. Reynolds. 

Reynolds was a graduate of Harvard Medical School, who, during his 
practice in Bangor, Maine, fell under the influence of that anaesthetic which 
is known as "alcohol." Again and again he had summoned all his will power 
to combat with the appetite that had threatened to destroy him, until, at a 
woman's prayer-meeting he made the supreme effort at self-mastery, and 
signed the total abstinence pledge. Not content with this achievement, he 
dedicated himself to efforts for the reclamation of other drinkers of alco- 
holics, and conceived the plan of organizing a club of self-reformed men — 
men, who, by sheer effort of will had freed themselves from the enslaving 
habit. And so, on the tenth of September, 1874, the Bangor Reform 
Club was organized. The membership increased so rapidly, and the out- 
look for success in the new movement was so auspicious that Reynolds, be- 
lieving himself commissioned by God, abandoned his profession and under- 
took the mission of reclaiming drunkards. In one year, it is said that 
forty-five thousand men (in Maine!) were enrolled in the Reform Clubs. 
Reynolds then went to Massachusetts and the West. To those who signed 
the pledge and joined the club, he gave a bit of red ribbon, and the clubs 
became known as the Red Ribbon Reform Club — the little bow of red, 
worn as proudly as a Frenchman wears the ribbon of the Legion of Honor. 
Among Dr. Reynolds' most efficient associates was John B. Finch, who can- 
vassed Nebraska and secured a hundred thousand signatures to the pledge. 

JOHN BIRD FINCH. 

It is conceded that, as John B. Gough was the greatest of all moral 
suasion advocates of the Temperance Reform of the Nineteenth Century, 
John B. Finch was the greatest of oolitical Prohibition orators and or- 
ganizers. 

Finch's life, in contrast with that of Gough's, was free from the 
blight of drink. When a boy of fifteen he joined the Good Templars, and 
soon became Grand Lodge Lecturer for the State of New York ; afterwards 
being elected Grand Worthy Counselor of the Nebraska Grand Lodge, 
Grand Worthy Chief Templar of Nebraska and Right Worthy Grand 
Templar of the Order in the United States. During the high days of the 
Red Ribbon movement, he secured a hundred thousand signatures to the 



220 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

temperance pledge, and, later, founded six Good Templar lodges, three Red 
Ribbon clubs and one Temple of Honor. 

In 1880, Mr. Finch, who, as a Democrat, had stood aloof from the 
Prohibition party, abandoned his political beliefs because of their lack of 
harmony with his views as a Good Templar, and identified himself with the 
organized movement to abolish the saloon by exercise of the state's political 
powers. His superb powers of oratory and organization were immediately 
recognized, and he was made chairman of the National Committee in 1884. 
But, before the next campaign had been organized he was in his grave, 
dead at thirty -five — but dead at the post of duty. He spoke at Lynn, 
Mass., on the last night of his life, a martyr to the Great Reform : for 
physicians had warned him of his danger. Ke chose to work to the top 
and climax of his powers, while the day lasted. 

Traditions of his eloquence are living and current ; those who heard 
him remember his handsome face, strong and kind, his noble bearing, his 
fine voice, his clear speech, his magnanimous spirit. He was fit represen- 
tative of the People against the Liquor Traffic. — G. M. H. 

FRANCIS MURPHY. 

Francis Murphy was a "moral suasionist." He stood persistently 
aloof from the Prohibition movement of his time, but lived long enough to 
see that even his splendid success as a temperance evangelist could not pre- 
vent the dominance of the saloon in politics nor destroy the liquor traffic. 
His career, which began in 1870, at Portland, Maine, where Neal Dow had 
battled with the dram-shop so spectacularly, terminated in an anti-climax 
— and the name of "Francis Murphy," which had been so brilliant and 
magnetic, ceased to attract. Perhaps it was the apparent failure of the 
police method of dealing with the traffic in drink that suggested his "Gos- 
pel" method of treating it ; and for awhile it appeared as if, at last, he had 
found the secret of suppressing it. Llis mission was even more popular 
than John B. Gough's and his story of struggle and triumph was almost 
as marvelous as that of the great Washingtonian. The clubs that he or- 
ganized were nuclei of wide-reaching influence, and the pledge-signers 
who accepted his leadership numbered at least ten million. From state to 
state he went in triumph of appeal to reason and conscience, gaining a 
hearing where the Prohibition orator was refused audience. Then the 
clubs began to disintegrate and the crowds lessened, until, at last, he passed 
away, just on the eve of the great prohibition revival, to which he had con- 
tributed so much. His adopted country will remember that, in his young 
manhood, he fought beneath her flag, and in his later years acted as chap- 
lain in her war with Spain. — G. M. H. 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 121 



GEORGE W. BAIN. 

Born in 1840, George W. Bain began the life that has distinguished 
him as a temperance reformer, when, in 1869, he joined the Good Tem- 
plars. A year later, he became editor of The Good Templars' Advocate, 
then Grand Worthy Chief Templar of Kentucky, and organizer. To him, 
perhaps more than to any other Kentuckian, is due the fact that I. O. G. T. 
is one of the great governing forces in the moral welfare of his native 
state. 

When the Prohibition party was organized it was natural that Colonel 
Bain should become a member of it, and quite as natural that his gifts of 
speech and personal popularity should make him a possible candidate for 
the highest office in the republic. At the Cincinnati convention, in 1892, 
his name came before the delegates, but he declined the nomination. Since 
then he has not been prominent as a party Prohibitionist, but it may be 
said of him that, while popular as a lyceum lecturer, he is nowhere so much 
in his element as when engaged in a local option battle. 

In the lyceum lecture field no one is more popular than George W. 
Bain. During the 1907 season, he appeared at fifty -two Chautauquas, 
and his calls for lectures outnumber the days of the year. He claims 
to have lived longer than most people, because each day away from his 
home (he is away from his old Kentucky home eight months out of every 
twelve) hangs with the weight of two days. 

Of him the gifted Gunsaulus, one of America's greatest lecturers, 
has said: 

"Several years back, Colonel Bain took the place in public esteem 
and affection which was once occupied by John B. Gough. From that 
time he has been growing in depth of intellectual and spiritual life, and 
in his effectiveness and charm as an orator. I know of no more wholesome 
influence in our American public life than the career and message of this 
rich and vital man." 

And Dr. McArthur finely says: 

"He and his lectures are the synonym of intelligence, popular power 
and righteous inspiration." 

— G. If. H. 

SEABORN WRIGHT. 

To this man more than all others, Georgia owes most for obtaining 
her prohibition law. In his public life he has stood for the most advanced 
temperance ideas, and everywhere and always these ideas have been put 
to the fore. Some of the facts in connection with the public life of Mr. 
Wright are as follows: 



122 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

He ran for Governor in 1896, favoring state prohibition as against 
the nominee of the Democratic party favoring "local option." He polled 
96,000 votes, but was defeated by the heaviest negro registration ever made 
in Georgia. He went back into the Democratic party with his prohibition 
following and won out on the same issue in 1907. 

He and his friends did not oppose local option, but contended that the 
time had come for state prohibition. 

He has for many years been in the local option contests throughout 
the South, in which he has rendered most valuable service. 

He has frequently been urged in his state for both Congress and the 
United States Senate, but has declined in order to work out his ideas in the 
state legislature. 

We asked Mr. Wright for some statement of the ideas and objects 
of his public life, and what measures he had been interested in procuring. 
The following is his response : 

"Very early in life I became deeply impressed with the idea that the 
first and highest duty of our government was to make men. If the perpe- 
tuity of our institutions depends upon the 'virtue and intelligence of the 
people,' then it follows that the government is interested above all things 
in its citizenship. The character of the average man is practically formed 
by the time he reaches manhood ; no influence so greatly impresses the 
youth of the land as the character and enforcement of the laws under which 
he lives. If under our laws, drunkenness, gambling, lewdness and kindred 
vices, are openly tolerated or licensed, in spite of the influence of home and 
school and church, the average youth follows the standard set by the law. 

"The second idea of almost equal importance that came to me was that 
the people are paying too little attention to the character of the men who 
compose our state legislatures. Nine-tenths of the laws under which we 
live are state laws. Therefore it follows that the man who enters public 
life with the idea of doing good, honestly and faithfully serving the people, 
can accomplish more in his state legislature than in any other office. 

"I have consistently carried out these ideas in my public life. Most of 
the time for the last twenty years I have been a member of the Georgia 
legislature. The great measures which have interested me, some of which 
I have introduced, all of which I have advocated, are : 

"1. Local option laws, under which nine-tenths of the territory of 
Georgia voted dry. 

"2. Our public school law, under which we are now annually appro- 
priating $2,000,000 out of the state treasury to public education. 

"3. Our pure food law, more rigid than the national law. 

"4. Our laws abolishing bucket-shop or exchange gambling. 

"5. Drastic laws re^ulatins: the sale of dangerous drugs. 

"6. Legislation against child labor in factories. 

"7. Our great laws, outlawing the manufacture and sale of intox- 
icating liquors in Georgia. 

"In the advocacy of these measures I have been controlled by the one 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 123 

idea — to array the law of my state against the great evils working the de- 
struction of the people. 

"This, in brief, is the history of my public life." 

It will be seen that the life of Mr. Wright has been crowded actively 
with efforts for the betterment of humanity. The record is not yet fin- 
ished, but it already holds enough to be an inspiration to every servant of 
the public. — The American Issue. 

RODERICK DHU GAMBREI/L. 

He was only twenty-two years old when he died in the streets of Jack- 
son, Mississippi, Roderick Dhu Gambrell, journalist. Had he been a mere 
newsmonger and editor of "Society Notes," he might have lived in peace 
until his hair whitened on his temples. But he had fight in him, and knew 
no better use to make of his paper than to attack the "gang" in his town. 
And so the gang marked him for death. 

There are journalists who know the fine art of making attacks without 
stirring blood, but Gambrell was in to kill or be killed — a true soldier. 
Perhaps he inherited his instinct for war in the high field of honor, where 
issues of truth, beauty and goodness are at stake, for both father and moth- 
er were temperance workers, charging their child's blood with an infinite 
and changeless horror of the liquor traffic. The father, the Rev. J. B. 
Gambrell, made his pulpit a point of attack upon the foul trade, and the 
mother, because she loved her boy, spoke and prayed with all of a mother's 
passion against the dram-shop and the heartless vendors of death. 

Removing from old Nansemond county, Virginia, where Roderick Dhu 
was born, father and mother went to Mississippi, and the father became an 
editor as well as a preacher, and smote hip and thigh, not only with voice 
but with pen. The boy grew up in an atmosphere of combat. Even his 
work at the State University and at Mississippi College was only a whet- 
ting of a short sword. And so it was fitting that when, only nineteen 
years old, he became editor, he should call his organ The Sword and the 
Shield, although he had little use for the shield. 

As soon as he took the editor's chair he began to write paragraphs 
that cut to the marrow, and his sword dripped blood. He observed that a 
saloonkeeper violated the ordinances, and he reported the fact once, twice, 
thrice, until the reports became offensive, and the saloonkeeper retaliated. 
At first, threats were employed, but the young editor, being a Virginian, 
and by descent a Scot, defied the drinkseller, and continued to report viola- 
tions of the law. 

One night an alarm of fire was sounded. The office of The Sword 
and the Shield vent up in flames. The saloonkeeper was avenged. Per- 



124 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

haps Roderick Dhu suspected him of setting fire to the plant, but he had 
no witnesses, and, perhaps, no insurance. In two weeks, however, the pub- 
lication of the paper was resumed, and the editor, aroused to new energy by 
the fire, began to gather material for an advance on the hereditary foe. 
For a score of weeks he pored over the records of legislative proceedings 
and filled a library of note books with the records of Mississippi politicians, 
who hoped and believed that the books would never be opened. But Rod- 
erick began to publish biographies of eminent representatives of the peo- 
ple, not always welcome to their subjects, and the mail began 'o bring 
threats of death, of course always anonymous. Saloonkeepers, unaccus- 
tomed to newspaper dictation, grew more and more vicious, and the air 
grew hot with hatred of the young fellow who had made it his business to 
interfere with his fellow citizens' "personal liberty." 

Meanwhile, the "good people" of Mississippi, having other uses for 
their medium of exchange, did not subscribe for The Sword and the Shield 
and young Gambrell became not only editor, but compositor, pressman, sub- 
scription clerk, bookkeeper, cashier and office-boy. 

The crisis began to become acute in 1886. In that year a local op- 
tion contest was conducted in Hinds county, of which Jackson is capital. 
Gambrell, of course, went into the combat with his Sword and Shield, and, 
with John Martin, published a daily paper. 

One "Colonel" J. S. Hamilton led the liquor forces, a gentleman who 
was reputed to have been a defaulter to the State, and otherwise interested 
in suppressing hostile legislation. In spite of his appeal to the negroes 
and the slum vote, he was defeated in the county option contest and his 
"influence" declined. However, in April, 1887, he became candidate for 
State Senator, and the editor of The Sword and the Shield set up an anti- 
Hamilton fight, using the material gathered from the records of the legis- 
lature. Hamilton, unable to efface his record, withdrew from the cam- 
paign, and the young fighting editor abandoned his opposition. 

But, on the night of the fifth of May there were pistol shots heard 
on a street in Jackson, a cry of "Murder !" the sound of crushing blows. 
Certain pedestrians passing dared to go to the scene of the tragedy, and 
found Gambrell dying. Hamilton was there, his coat sleeve on fire and two 
pistol wounds on his body. Gambrell, it seems, knew how to shoot as well 
as to write. Albrecht was there, a saloonkeeper and a gambler ; Eubanks 
was there, a henchman of Hamilton. Figures, a gambler, was there. The 
City Marshal was there, Corraway ; but Corraway was a "friend" of Ham- 
ilton. 

A coroner's inquest was held. Evidence indicated assassination, and 
there was high talk of lynching Hamilton and his gang, but Gambrell's 
father appealed to the people to permit the law to take its course. The 




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HEROES AND MARTYRS. 125 

law took its course. At the first trial, Albrecht was released on bond, Fig- 
ures was discharged, Eubanks and Hamilton were sent to prison. Ham- 
ilton was re-tried in an adjoining county, but the deputy sheriff who sum- 
moned the jury boasted, it has been charged, of having "fixed" four 
members of that high tribunal, and Hamilton was acquitted. 

This story was published in 1891 in New York, London and Toronto, 
and no suit for libel has ever been entered against its publishers. The pre- 
sumption is that it is true, whole truth and nothing but the truth. 

But the blood of agitators is the seed of reform. 

In 1907, seventy out of seventy-six counties in Mississippi had be- 
come dry, and a prohibition campaign was being waged with every indica- 
tion of success. And in The Union Signal, February 20, 1908, this news 
item appeared: 

"The Cavett statutory prohibition bill, which was unanimously passed 
by the Mississippi house February 7, passed the senate by a vote of 36 to 4 
February 14. The Governor's signature is a foregone conclusion, and 
the law will go into effect January 1, 1909. 

"The announcement of the vote was greeted with cheers and general 
rejoicing from the floor as well as from the well-filled galleries, where young 
men and maidens awaited as breathlessly as their seniors the result of the 
roll-call. It had taken but an hour in the house a week earlier to settle the 
"bole matter with a unanimous vote. But the discussion in the senate of- 
fered a last opportunity for the liquor members to prove their devotion to 
their 'wet' constituency ; so for two hours the brilliant and impatient audi- 
ence listened to exhaustive and exhausting arguments that did not change 
one vote. 

"There was practically no opposition in the legislature to a prohibit- 
ory statute. The people intended it in the last election. A 'wet' Jackson 
paper says : 

" 'It is doubtful if ever before in the history of liquor traffic legisla- 
tion a law of this far-reaching importance has been enacted with so little 
dissent. The saloon men surrendered much more cheerfully than the pro- 
hibitionists had reason to expect. They foresaw the inevitable and yielded 
with as much grace as possible under the circumstances.' " 

— G. M. H. 

GEORGE C. HADDOCK. 

He was a preacher, an Episcopalian Methodist, who meddled in poli- 
tics after the fashion of Isaiah, Ezekiel, Jeremiah, Daniel. After their 
fashion lie paid the price of prophetism by dying at the hands of his 
enemies. 

Haddock came to Sioux City, Towa, in 1885, appointed io serve a 
church there. lie might have had a "good time" as good times go among 
preachers who know how to keep tilings sweet where the dead are. But 



126 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

he was surcharged with moral, political and religious convictions, and 
therefore likely to shock the parish by his utterance of unwelcome opinions. 
.He was fifty-three years of age when he began his pastorate, having al- 
ready distinguished himself for hostility to the liquor traffic, and by free- 
dom of thought in theology. At Sheboygan, Wisconsin, in 1874, he had 
been assaulted by three men for saying things against the saloon, and ten 
years later he had withdrawn from the Republican party and united with 
the Prohibition party, voting for John P. St. John and William Daniel — 
in that crucial year when the vote that had been 12,576 "scattering" in 
1880, became 151,809 for the heroic Governor of Kansas. Perhaps he 
threw Ins vote away, but he argued that a part}' which no longer stood for 
his opinions on the temperance question did not deserve it, and so he went 
out of one party into another. 

Sioux City was under prohibitory law, but its hundred saloons were 
running as if the liquor traffic were free or licensed. The fifteen churches 
had been terrified into silence by threats of destruction. Anarchists held 
sway. 

Haddock ignored the saloonkeepers' threats and started a campaign 
for the enforcement of the law which had been enacted at the demand of 
the majority of 29,759 citizen voters. He became the leader of anti- 
saloon forces against a corrupt city press, an inert court and an arrogant 
liquor league. To his eye it seemed as if Sioux City were in a state of 
rebellion against the commonwealth, and he said so in a circular letter ad- 
dressed to his brother preachers. Not content merely to perform the 
routine duties of a parish minister, he went out into surrounding towns, 
making eloquent appeals for help in the fight that he had undertaken. 
Not only so, he did the necessary but unwelcome work of "getting evi- 
dence," one of the most difficult tasks under the existing political system. 
It was while so engaged that he was killed, August 3, 1886. 

Weeks passed before the authorities of Sioux City took any steps to 
avenge the murder, and it was not until the 23d day of March of the 
next year that the case came to trial. One John Arensdorf was charged 
with unlawfully killing George C. Haddock, with malice aforethought, 
aided and abetted by certain other persons described as saloonkeepers and 
roughs. 

It is not difficult to imagine the circumstance of the killing. Had- 
dock, having returned to Sioux City from a trip to Greenville, had taken 
his horse and buggy to the stable, and was on his way home, when he met 
a crowd of armed cowards, ready to "do him up" as an open enemy of the 
Liquor Trade. It is said that Arensdorf thrust a pistol full into the de- 
fenseless minister's face and fired. Haddock fell and died. 

Arensdorf's "peers," sworn to bring in a verdict according to law and 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 127 

testimony in the case, disagreed, eleven for acquittal, one for murder in 
the first degree. If the twelfth man had had his price, the verdict would 
have been unanimous, but he refused to be bought. A second trial was 
held in November of the same year and a verdict of acquittal was secured, 
in spite of the fact that a Mr. Munchrath, who had been convicted as one 
of a band of conspirators against Haddock's life, testified that, at a meet- 
ing of the Saloonkeepers' Association of Sioux City, August 2, 1886, the 
assassination of Haddock had been discussed, and Arensdorf had made the 
remark that there were funds enough in the treasury of the Association 
to reward the man who would put the offending preacher out of the way. 

The years have come and gone over the grave of George C. Haddock. 
The Iowa prohibitory law adopted in 1884, was nullified in 1894, and 4491 
saloonkeepers do business by paying fines in advance for violating a fun- 
damental laws of the commonwealth. (The mulct law has been declared 
"null and void" by decision of Judge McPherson.) 

Perhaps Haddock threw away his life as he had thrown away his vote, 
but his martyr blood consecrates Iowa to the outlawry of the liquor traffic. 
Is there no stone to mark the spot where he fell? Or do the sun and the 
stars as they look down through the days and the nights shine on a city's 
shame ? 

Writing of this, Mr. E. J. Wheeler has said: 

"In Sioux City, Iowa, the law had been openly defied, no effort at 
concealment even being made. The officials of the city and the entire sec- 
ular press upheld this defiance of the law and opposed any effort to en- 
force it. The public sentiment of the city, that portion at least which 
found expression, was in sympathy with the violators of the law, and a pub- 
lic request was made, signed by a large number of representative business 
men, that no attempt be made to disturb the existing condition of things. 
Yet with such an unfavorable state of things, a mere handful of determined 
men and women, with the Rev. George C. Haddock at their head, and with 
the injunction law of the state behind them, began proceedings, and, in 
spite of public sentiment and official opposition, soon wrought terror to the 
entire traffic in that city. It was as much in desperation as in hate that 
the assault was made by saloonkeepers on Mr. Haddock, resulting in his 
murder. But the proceedings still went on, and resulted in closing every 
saloon in Sioux City." — G. M. H. 

D. R. COX AND .7. W. BEALL. 

On a February day, 1907, the public schools in Maiden, Missouri, 
were closed, the churches draped and business suspended. Maiden is not 
a large town and its affairs usually have no wide importance as "news." 
But there are reasons why all the public schools of the United States should 
have been closed an that day, all the churches draped and all business BUS- 



128 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

pcnded. Two citizens, eminent for obedience to the law, devotion to fam- 
ily, and loyalty to church, had been assassinated at the close of a hot local 
option campaign in which they had taken prominent part — Judge D. R. 
Cox and Dr. J. W. Beall. 

The judge was an able lawyer, widely known through southeastern 
Missouri, and the doctor was a popular practitioner. Maiden had no no- 
bler types of manhood. She knew how to honor them while living, and she 
knows how to honor them dead. But they had their enemies, created by 
their impolitic hostility to the liquor traffic. The judge might have saved 
his life by acting as attorney for St. Louis brewers, but he announced his in- 
tention to prosecute boodlers and other criminals as long as he had life and 
authority. The doctor might have saved his life by preserving a shrewd 
neutrality. 

Instead of compromising, they cooperated with the Anti-Saloon 
League, contributing money and devoting time to the canvass. They 
were acting within their civil rights, and, as they thought, were performing 
a duty to the town, the church, the home. No one could say that they 
were violating any law of God and man, but one of them at least knew 
that he carried his life in his hands. For years Judge Cox knew that he 
was a branded man, and that at any time he might be killed by emissaries 
of the political gang that dominated Missouri politics. All the same he 
led the fight that carried his county for local option, and was in his place 
when, on the night of Monday, eighteenth of February, "Dr." Brannum 
fired the cowardly shot that ended his life. 

A reporter brands the murderer as a "human monster — the spawn of 
the iniquitous environments of the criminal liquor traffic." Why? Be- 
cause the liquor traffic refuses to obey any law which interferes with its so- 
called "rights." Its advocates are afraid of the open field and the fail- 
light, and accomplish their purpose by inaugurating a regime of terror. 
It has no real argument. It makes no defense of the saloon. After it has 
been defeated at the polls, it assassinates, boycotts, runs blind-tigers, blind- 
pigs, speak-easies, holes-in-the-wall, the jug trade and other dark agen- 
cies. 

Judge Cox and Dr. Beall were killed at eight o'clock. Brannum was 
arrested, and the sheriff attempted to take him to jail through the excited 
crowd. Some one fired a shot and Brannum was dead. 

EDWARD WARD CARMACK. 

As the pages of this book are closing comes the shocking news of the 
cruel assassination of E. W. Carmack, stalwart son of the South, truly 
a hero and martyr of the Great Reform. 




EDWARD W. CARMACK, 
Ex-United States Senator, Tennessee. 



HEROES AND MARTYRS. 129 

The Nashville W. C. T. U., representing the temperance women of 
the entire commonwealth, voted the following resolution as an official ex- 
pression of their attitude toward the assassination of the brilliant gen- 
tleman who championed their cause in the arena of politics: 

"On Monday, November 9, ex-Senator Edward W. Carmack, as he 
quietly walked on the streets of our city, was, without the shadow of a 
chance to defend himself, shot down in cold blood by the murderous hand 
of an assassin for no other reason than that he stood fearlessly and squarely 
for civic righteousness as opposed to political frauds and corruptions, and 
for the protection of the homes of Tennessee from the blighting curse of 
the legalized liquor traffic." 

The Christian Advocate, Nashville, one of the official organs of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, South, and one of the most influential relig- 
ious journals in the South, paid this editorial tribute to the memory of 
the dead editor: 

"Tennessee sits in a great shadow. The deadly shot of a personal 
enemy on the afternoon of November 9 put out the most brilliant light 
in the public life of this great commonwealth. Not only the state, but the 
South and even the nation, felt the keenest shock when the news was flashed 
over the wires of the country that former Senator E. W. Carmack had 
been killed in Nashville. The sorrow of the best people of the state and 
nation is profound ; for a brilliant editor, a wise and astute statesman, a 
courageous defender of truth and righteousness, a gallant standard bearer 
for the cause of sobriety, public morals and clean citizenship has fallen, 
and the country is robbed of the noble service of one of the most capable 
•?nd fearless men and one of the most valued and honored leaders which 
the South has produced in this generation. 

"Edward Ward Carmack was born November 5, 1858, near Castalian 
Springs, Sumner County, Tennessee. He grew to manhood with the op- 
portunities of only an academic education. But he was a reader of good 
and great books, and he remedied to a great extent the lack of his earlier 
years. He studied law and began its practice in Columbia, Tenn. At 
t went v -six years of age he entered the Tennessee legislature, but after one 
term turned his attention to editorial work, and was a member of the edi- 
torial staff of the Nashville American from 1886 to 1888, when he founded 
the Nashville Democrat, of which he was editor until it was merged with 
the American, and then he became the editor-in-chief of the American. 
In 1892 he was called to the editor-in-chief's position on the Memphis 
Commercial Appeal. After five years he was elected to the House of Rep- 
resentatives of the United States Congress from the Memphis district. 
At the end of his second term, in 1901, he succeeded Senator Turlcy in 
the United States Senate, where he made a brilliant record and impressed 
the nation with the superiority of his gifts and the stalwartness of his 
character. In 1907 he was defeated for re-election to the Senate by Gov. 
Robert L. Taylor, the most popular politician in Tennessee. In 1908 he 
was a candidate before the people in a Democratic primary for the office 



230 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

of Governor against the present incumbent, the Hon. M. R. Patterson. 
The chief issue in the campaign was state-wide prohibition, and Senator 
Carmack espoused the cause of the people against the sale and manufacture 
of intoxicating liquors. He was defeated, as he was opposed by the state 
administration machine and by all the liquor men of the state. He was 
then made editor-in-chief of The Xashville Tennesseean, a paper that had 
stood nobly with Mr. Carmack for the prohibition of the liquor traffic. 
In his editorials he has attacked fearlessly the combination that has looked 
to the overthrow of all legislation on the question of the sale and manu- 
facture of liquors. 

"Senator Carmack has died the death of a martyr to the cause of 
civic righteousness and public sobriety, but his cause is not dead. Ten- 
nessee will rise in her majestic strength, and with ten thousand scourging 
thongs drive from her borders her social enemies who have brought about 
the lamented death of her most gifted and gallant son. The prohibitionist 
is dead, but prohibition, the choicest flower in our public life, will spring 
from his grave to give fragrance and beauty to this fair state of the 
South." 

The Washington Post says: 

"He would have been an ornament to British parliaments that knew 
Burke and Fox and Pitt. He would have been distinguished in American 
senates that contained Clay and Calhoun and Webster. He mi^ht have 
been rich. He had but to stoop. But in the true sense who dares say 
this American Senator is poor? Where is the man who does not respect 
him? All the wealth of either Ind would not buy for the base of his lofty 
character, his unblemished honor." 



Of other heroes and martyrs, many of whose names may not have been 
lifted into the light of fame, there is a history, not less glorious than that 
which has been recorded. It is known and pondered in quiet places, where 
hidden souls cherish the memory of faithful men and patient women who 
have suffered for truth's sake without thought of renown. Should refer- 
ence be made to some one lowly woman who, from the first days of the 
Crusade until the last days of her life, faithfully protested against the 
drink traffic, and regularly attended meetings of her beloved "Union," 
when her poor body was racked with pain and worn thin by hidden ail- 
ment, immediately the names of hundreds of other women suggest them- 
selves — women who could not do more for the Great Reform and would 
not do less. They also did what they could, and the triumphs of the 
movement against the saloon are due, not alone to the gifted leaders but 
to the willing followers, the heroic, loyal rank and file, on whom falls the 
burden of battle. 




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CHAPTER IX. 

EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. 

GENCIES, primarily organized to create and crystallize moral 
sentiment against the liquor traffic, have existed in the United 
States for a hundred years. Varied in form, their spirit has 
been identical, and their purpose has affiliated their methods. 
Commanding universal confidence by the dignity of their 
representative men and women, and the logic of their program, they have 
co-acted with other movements to direct the energies of temperance people 
on the basis of that craving for fellowship which arises in the soul of every 
reformer. 

At the World's Temperance Congress, held in Chicago, 1893, there 
were present delegates from twenty-two national bodies, devoted to tem- 
perance reform — not one of which was political in organization. Theii 
paramount object was education. 

Of these bodies — ecclesiastical, beneficial, medical and military — the 
history is so important that a volume might be compiled, reciting events in 
their rise and development. But for lack of space, it is imperative to con- 
fine recognition to four of the greater societies. 

If it be said that they have directly or indirectly influenced legisla- 
tion it may be replied that they were logically compelled to demand enact- 
ment of law as a means of educating the people and reconstructing the 
state on the foundation of their ideal. 

THE NATIONAL TEMPERANCE SOCIETY. 
Compiled from data furnished by John W. Cummings, Treasurer. 

The full title of the Society is. "The National Temperance Society 
and Publication House." In the usual sense of the term, however, the So- 
ciety is not a publication house ; it was not organized to make money. Its 
mission has been to produce a temperance literature for the use of church, 
Sunday-school and temperance workers generally, and to distribute this 
practically at cost or free. It has always been a benevolent institution, de- 
pending upon free-will offerings for its support. 

Through good report and evil report for nearly half a century the 

Society has been "pegging away," bearing the burden and heat of the day. 

131 



132 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Along conservative and dignified lines it has pursued the even tenor of ite 
way, not seeking human plaudits, but desiring to do its part in freeing 
our beloved land from the thraldom of the rum power, and, particularly, 
to train children in temperance principles. 

The Society was called into existence immediately after the close of 
Ihc Civil War. Temperance societies had been largely disbanded both 
north and south, and the temperance sentiment of the country was at its 
lowest ebb. The land was flooded with drunkenness. The drink habit had 
become fastened upon hundreds of thousands of soldiers who had just re- 
turned to their homes. Work among children had been almost universally 
abandoned. There was no temperance literature, but little temperance 
education and few temperance organizations anywhere in existence. 

A widespread desire was expressed for something to be done, and a 
spontaneous call came from all parts of the land, especially from among 
the churches, that there should be an organization that could rally all good 
men, women and children to the work of saving the people from becoming 
a nation of drunkards. The beer and liquor interest had become active 
and aggressive. It flourished as the war progressed. The beer brewers 
had organized themselves into a national congress, with millions of money 
at its command. The friends of temperance saw clearly that something 
must be done at once if the land was to be saved from all these downward 
influences. 

In August, 1865, a national temperance convention, composed of 325 
delegates from twenty-five states and territories, assembled in Saratoga 
Springs, and organized "The National Temperance Society and Publica- 
tion House." The convention was composed of representatives from the 
religious denominations and temperance organizations of the country. The 
object was to create and circulate a sound temperance literature, and to 
unify and concentrate the temperance sentiment against the drink habit 
and the drink traffic. 

This Society is genuinely non-partisan in politics and non-sectarian 
in religion. It avoids all side issues. It bends all its efforts to secure a 
sound public sentiment in favor of total abstinence and the suppression of 
the liquor traffic. 

Its more than two thousand publications are designed for the educa- 
tion of the people, and especially for the young, in the habits of total ab- 
stinence, law and order, and the suppression of the drink traffic. Its cata- 
logue embraces over 2,000 different publications, from the one-page tract 
up to the bound volume of 1,000 pages. It has printed over 850,000,000 
pages of temperance literature, which has been circulated in every state in 
the Union and in every country on the globe. 

It publishes three monthly papers, and has over three hundred first* 




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EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. 133 

class writers. The Youth's Temperance Banner has a monthly circulation 
of a hundred thousand. The Water Lily, with about forty thousand 
monthly, is suitable for circulation in Sunday-schools. The National Tem- 
perance Advocate, a 16-page monthly paper, contains arguments, statis- 
tics and temperance tables, by some of the ablest writers in the world, and 
gives a condensed history of the cause everywhere. 

The Society has published 189 different books adapted to Sunday- 
school libraries. Of these books it has printed 510,000 volumes, which are 
changing hands weekly in many thousands of libraries throughout the 
land, reaching millions of children who otherwise would have no temperance 
instruction. 

It has published the ablest text-books ever issued upon the nature and 
effects of alcohol on the human system. Its scientific, economic, religious 
and legal publications are from the foremost writers of the day. 

It published the first "Temperance Lesson Book" for public schools 
ever issued in the country, and has spent large sums of money in the initial 
agitation for its introduction into the schools of the land. 

It has published fifty-six "Temperance Lesson Leaves," giving Bible 
texts, questions, notes, teaching hints, etc., of which over 900,000 have 
been circulated. 

Twelve different music and song books have been issued, of which 
500,000 copies have been published. 

Of the "Temperance Catechisms," the one on "Alcohol and Tobacco" 
has reached a circulation of over 300,000. 

Three American Standard Prize Essays have been published, for 
which the sum of $1,500 was paid: "Alcohol and Science," 366 pages; 
"Alcohol in History," 481 pages, and "Alcohol in Society," 398 pages. 
These volumes cover every phase of the temperance question, and should 
be in the hands of every temperance worker, student, writer or speaker, 
and in every library in the land. 

It is not only a publication house, but also a great missionary society. 
In fact, its entire work is essentially a missionary work. The missionary 
work covers the country, and extends to foreign lands, and consists in 
part as follows: 

1. Work among the colored people in the South, employing colored 
missionaries, sending literature to ministers, churches, educational institu- 
tions, and furnishing libraries for colleges, theological seminaries, etc. 

2. Scattering literature in prisons, hospitals, penitentiaries, jails, 
ships, army posts and other needy localities. 

3. The work in Congress for a National Commission of Inquiry and 



134 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

to look after other national temperance interests at the capital of the 
nation. 

4. Holding conferences, conventions, mass-meetings, congresses, Sab- 
bath-evening services and other public gatherings in different parts of the 
country. 

5. The supplying of special literature to pastors, editors, lecturers, 
foreign nations, etc. 

6. To publish the National Temperance Advocate, together with 
tracts and pamphlets on the medical, religious, economic, social, educational 
and legislative questions, which as a pecuniar}- investment never make a 
return, but which are of great value to the cause. 

The Society has called and arranged for the holding of five great 
National Conventions in different cities of the Nation. 

It called an International Temperance Conference to be held in Phila- 
delphia in 1876, during the progress of the International Exhibition, 
which was attended by 428 regularly appointed delegates. Its results were 
gathered up and bound in a volume of over nine hundred pages. 

A Centennial Temperance Conference was called to meet in Philadel- 
phia in 1885, to celebrate the temperance progress of the country, as re- 
lated to science, legislation, local option, prohibition, Sabbath and public 
schools, Congress, literature, etc. Five hundred and nine delegates were 
registered, and its proceedings were published in a volume of six hundred 
and fifty pages. 

Its great missionary work has been among the colored people of the 
South. Eight or ten colored missionaries have been employed in different 
states, visiting churches, schools, families, institutions of learning", to lec- 
ture and to circulate a temperance literature among their people. They 
endeavor to convince and persuade their own race into habits of sobriety 
and steadfast opposition to the saloon. The weekly and monthly reports 
from these missionaries are most encouraging. Their services are eagerly 
sought after, and they are cordially welcomed by their people. Their 
meetings are largely attended, and their influence is felt all through the 
community. They have greatly aided in the local option and prohibition 
contests in different parts of the South. 

It has carried on a large educational work in colleges and institutions 
of learning for the colored people, through the study of Dr. Richardson's 
"Temperance Lesson Book" and "Alcohol and Hygiene," published by 
the Society, and by the placing of a great number of volumes in the libra- 
ries of schools and colleges accessible to students preparing to be teachers 
and preachers among their own people. 

While the Society is strictly non-partisan, it has persistently fought 
to secure, in cooperation with other organizations, such federal and state 



EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. 135 

legislation as should protect the native races, among whom our missionaries 
labor in the territories, in our own colonies, and in foreign lands, from the 
curse of the liquor traffic ; to preserve the sanctity of the Sabbath in our 
cities, and to defend it against the attacks of the allied forces of rum. 

During the last forty-three years there have been few sessions of Con- 
gress in which the Society has not been urging restrictive temperance meas- 
ures, furnishing data for congressmen and senators. In this way, and by 
the personal efforts of its legislative committee, it has assisted in securing 
the passage of many bills in the interest of temperance. In the state leg- 
islatures it has aided in the passing of local option bills and other restrictive 
measures. 

Several important bills passed by Congress were drafted or initiated 
by the Temperance Society, such as : 

The bill to prevent liquor selling within one mile of the National 
Soldiers' Home in the suburbs of Washington, D. C. 

The bill, in 1891, forbidding the sale of all intoxicating liquors in 
post exchanges located in prohibition territory, and prohibiting the sale 
of distilled liquors at all army posts; 

The Interstate Liquor Traffic bill, known as the "Original Package 
Bill," of 1890, to prohibit the shipping of liquor in the original package 
into prohibitory territory; 

The passage by the Senate of the measure ratifying the treaty to 
protect the native races of the Congo against the white man's rum. 

The Society has also had a large part in helping to secure the passage 
by Congress of several temperance measures initiated by others. 

The Society is cooperating with other organizations in pressing be- 
fore Congress several important temperance measures, among which are 
the following: 

A National Inquiry Commission bill to investigate the effects of liquor 
on the moral, industrial and political affairs of the United States. 

A bill to stop the issue by the Government of Federal liquor tax re- 
ceipts in no-license or prohibition territory. 

The McCumbcr bill, to suppress liquor selling in old soldiers' homes, 
and in all buildings owned by the United States Government. 

A bill subjecting liquor shipped from another state in the original 
packag-es to local authority as soon as it crosses the state line. 

A bill restricting the sale of patent medicines containing a large per- 
centage of alcohol. 

The submission by Congress to the various states of an amendment 
to the United States Constitution forever prohibiting the manufacture, sale 
or importation of intoxicating liquors. 

For years the Society has also waged an incessant war against the 



136 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

sale of drink in the army, and has printed and circulated millions of pages 
of literature among the soldiers in the interest of total abstinence and so- 
briety. 

During the Spanish War it had its agents at various camps, and as a 
result of their experience and observations published a series of pamphlets 
which had much to do in arousing the American people and leading Con- 
gress to pass the Anti-Canteen law, as the facts contained in the pamphlets 
were quoted in both the Senate and House by senators and representatives. 

It was also the National Temperance Society that started the move- 
ment for — 

The Temperance lessons in the Sabbath-schools, which are now uni- 
versally used. 

Temperance teaching in the public schools. Through this Society 
the scientific study of alcohol was introduced, in 1878, into the schools 
of New York. After this into the schools of New England. Subse- 
quently the noble women of the W. C. T. U. took it up and carried it grad- 
ually forward throughout the land. 

Stricter temperance qualifications for all Civil Service candidates. 

The appointment by the House of Representatives, 1879, of a regular 
"Committee on Alcoholic Liquors," which has been reappointed at each 
Congress since. 

The Twentieth Century World-Wide Pledge-Signing Crusade, in 
which the Society sent out, free, over three million pledges and two million 
pages of temperance literature in response to requests from temperance 
workers all over the world. To inaugurate this great movement and carry 
it on cost the Society thousands of dollars. 

The Sunday-School Temperance Alliance has for its authority the 
Word of God. That Word says, "Train up a child in the way he should 
go, and when he is old he will not depart from it." — Proverbs 22 :6. 

There should be two divisions of the Alliance — the First Division in- 
cluding all in the Sunday-schools beyond the primary and junior; the 
Second Division confining itself to all not included in the First Division. 
It shall be styled "The Water Lilies." 

Such well known and prominent Sunday-school workers as the Rev. 
Theodore L. Cuyler, D. D., LL. D., and the Hon. John Wanamaker, have 
spoken the heartiest word of approval. Public gatherings have also 
placed themselves on record regarding the Alliance. At the Annual Con- 
vention of the New York State Sabbath-School Association, held at Wa- 
tertown, N. Y., June 11-13, 1907, the following action was unanimously 
taken : 

"This Convention has heard with satisfaction the plans of the Na- 
tional Temperance Society in reference to its new department, The Sun- 



EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. 137 

day- School Temperance Alliance of America, which has recently been in- 
augurated. 

"We heartily sympathize with this effort to provide a common plat- 
form on which all Temperance Societies and churches may stand together 
in the effort to educate and train the members of our Sunday-schools 
throughout the land in the principles of Total Abstinence for the individ- 
ual and the entire suppression of the liquor traffic in the State and Nation." 

The Sunday-School Temperance Alliance cannot fail to help every 
existing church and temperance organization. Ten years of persistent 
Alliance work will solve the liquor problem. The boy who is eleven years 
old today in ten years will vote. On the Alliance platform all may work 
together, whatever difference of view there may be in regard to method. 



THE SCIENTIFIC TEMPERANCE FEDERATION. 
By Coea Feances Stoddaed, Corresponding Secretary. 

When the time is ripe for a great forward movement in the progress 
of society, it frequently happens that the impulse to such a movement 
arises about the same time in several minds in different parts of the world. 
A recent development in the field of temperance effort is a fresh illustration 
of this fact. For a long time the need had been felt of some organization 
or agency which would make a specialty of gathering and supplying the 
concise up-to-date information on the alcohol question which would enable 
the specialist to put his researches and conclusions on file where they would 
be sought for and examined, and which would afford a clearing-house of 
information concerning scientific, moral, economic and social phases of the 
alcohol question. 

To meet this need, the Scientific Temperance Federation came into 
existence in December, 1906. It was, in part, an outgrowth of the ideals 
of the late Mrs. Mary H. Hunt for the extension of scientific temperance 
truth among the people, and its headquarters are at 23 Trull street, Bos- 
ton, long the headquarters of the work conducted by Mrs. Hunt. 

Stated briefly, the object of the Federation is to collect the facts 
about alcohol and other narcotics in their various relations to the individ- 
ual and society, to classify these facts so that they will be available for 
study and consultation, and to use them in stimulating intelligent interest 
in the alcohol question, in supplying information desired, in counteracting 
the pseudo-scientific doctrines set afloat by the liquor interests— —in other 
words, to promote in every possible way the education of the public on this 
subject. 

The Federation already has made a considerable classified collection 
of scientific and other data on the alcohol question. It receives literature 
and periodicals on this subject from all the leading countries, and has ac- 



138 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

cess to the large public, medical and institutional libraries of Boston and 
vicinity. It is fortunate also in having among its secretaries one who has 
been engaged for nearly twenty years in this special research work. In 
the use and development of these resources the Federation will be glad to 
cooperate with existing organizations, its purpose being to supplement, not 
to supersede in any sense, the activities already being ably directed by other 
bodies, and to help supply that working material of scientific fact which is 
increasingly recognized as an essential element in successful effort. A 
press circular containing "fillers" of scientific temperance instruction, for 
use by editors, has already been inaugurated, and editors representing 
some millions of readers have signified their desire to receive it regularly. 

The general scheme of the Scientific Temperance Federation has elic- 
ited among representative men and women at home and abroad cordial ex- 
pressions of interest and of desire to cooperate. A few only can be named. 
Among those interested are Professor H. J. Berkley, Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity; Professor Winfield S. Hall, Northwestern University Medical 
School, Chicago; Dr. Charles H. Hughes, Barnes Medical College, St. 
Louis, Mo. ; Dr. T. D. Crothers, Hartford, Conn. ; Dr. T. Alexander Mac- 
Nicholl, New York ; Professor John Marshall Barker, Boston University ; 
Dr. Martin G. Brumbaugh, Superintendent of Schools, Philadelphia; 
Mrs. S. S. Fessenden, formerly President of Massachusetts Woman's Chris- 
tian Temperance Union, Boston ; Mrs. A. J. Gordon, Boston ; Mr. William 
C. Lilley, treasurer of the Presbyterian Permanent Temperance Commit- 
tee, Pittsburg, Pa. ; the Rev. C. L. Morgan, chairman of the National Con- 
gregational Temperance Committee, Elgin, 111. ; the Rev. Francis E. Clark, 
President of the United Society of Christian Endeavor; the Rev. Emory 
J. Hunt, D. D., President Denison University, Granville, Ohio ; Dr. How- 
ard S. Anders, Medico-Chirurgical College, Philadelphia ; Dr. J. P. Crozer 
Griffith, University of Pennsylvania; the Rev. E. O. Taylor, D. D., lectur- 
er on scientific temperance instruction, Boston; Dr. Robert N. Wilson, Jr., 
secretary of Pennsylvania Society for the Prevention of Social Disease, 
Philadelphia; Dr. E. A. Winship, editor of the Journal of Education, 
Boston ; Dr. Max Kassowitz, University of Vienna, Austria ; Mr. Walter 
N. Edwards, F. C. S., superintendent of department of scientific temper- 
ance instruction of United Kingdom Band of Hope Union, London, Eng- 
land; Professor E. Kraepelin, Munich, Germany, famous for his experi- 
ments as to the effects of alcohol on mental operations; Professor G. 
AschafFenburg, editor of Criminal Psychology and Penal Reform Monthly, 
Cologne, Germany. 

About the time the Scientific Temperance Federation was organized, 
a movement for an international agency for disseminating temperance in- 
formation developed abroad. This took formal shape in the organization 



EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. 139 

at the Stockholm Anti- Alcohol Congress of The International Temperance 
Bureau, to be directed by a committee composed of representatives of eight- 
een countries. Dr. T. D. Crothers, of Hartford, Conn., a United States 
government delegate to the Stockholm Congress, and one of the official 
representatives also of the Scientific Temperance Federation at that con- 
gress, is the American member of this international movement for the wider 
dissemination of the facts about alcohol and the alcohol question. The 
Scientific Temperance Federation will be closely affiliated with the Inter- 
national Bureau as its American branch. 

Centralization and specialization are the keynotes of modern prog- 
ress, and, in social reform at least, knowledge is often both rampart and 
ammunition. It is believed, therefore, that the organization of the Scien- 
tific Temperance Federation, and now of this international agency, with 
their avowed purposes of collecting and supplying temperance informa- 
tion, is not only timely, but is a necessary step forward in combating the 
fallacies which so long have held the nations under the power of alcohol, 
and which the educational bureaus of the liquor interests are doing their 
utmost to perpetuate. 

In addition to the good which it is hoped will accrue to the cause 
of temperance at large through the membership in the Federation, there 
will come some direct and personal advantages to members. Anyone may 
become an associate member through the payment of the annual fee of 
only two dollars, and will be entitled to receive, gratis, the official organ, 
while arrangements will be made to supply members correct information on 
the alcohol question through correspondence, concise printed literature, 
notices of important facts, references to new books, pamphlets, etc. Mem- 
bership will also afford access, at a nominal additional cost, to special in- 
formation desired on topics which involve special research. Frequent and 
increasing demand is being levied on pastors, teachers, physicians and many 
others, to prepare papers, addresses or sermons on some particular phase 
of the alcohol question on which is needed reliable up-to-date information 
that one has neither time nor facilities to search out for one's self. On 
such occasions, the resources and assistance of the Federation will be ap- 
preciated. 

The Federation, accordingly, invites the cooperation of all physicians, 
pastors, teachers or special temperance workers interested in the objects for 
which it is organized. 

INDEPENDENT ORDER OF GOOD TEMPLARS. 
By Mrs. McClkllan Brown, Ph. D., Grand Chief Templar, Ohio I. 0. C. T. 
The International Order of Good Templars is the largest temperance 
organization in the world, being world-wide in dominion and having ini- 



140 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

tiated over seven million of members and more than seven hundred thousand 
juveniles in a Junior Order. 

Good Templar j was organized in Utica, New York, 1851, and was 
the first organization of any kind to admit women on equal basis with 
men and make them eligible to any office within the gift of the Order. Its 
platform of principles was far in advance of anything declared at so 
early a date: 

1. Total abstinence by perpetual obligation. 

2. No license in any form or under any circumstances. 

3. Absolute prohibition in due form of law for state and nation. 

4. Creation of healthy public sentiment through all known modes 

of enlightened philanthropy. 

5. The election of good men to administer the laws. 

6. Persistent efforts to save individuals and communities from the 

direful scourge until success is complete and universal. 

While Good Templary is essentially a religious organization, it has 
no religious test, save the personal belief in a Supreme Being. Its ritual 
has been translated into fourteen different languages, and the work is insti- 
tuted in all the United States and all the Provinces of Canada, all the 
Provinces, Islands and Dependencies of Great Britain, also in Germany, 
Denmark, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Iceland, Switzerland, Belgium, 
Natal, Central, Eastern and Western South Africa, Burma, India, Ma- 
dras, Ceylon, Turk Islands, Jerusalem, the Bahamas and Danish West In- 
dies. Nearly all the warships of Great Britain have lodges of Good Tem- 
plars among the officers and men, and are prepared to introduce the Order 
wherever they stop for a time. 

An estimate of the educational advantages accruing from the Order 
can be only silhouetted by the men and women whose names have honored 
the pages of reform, nearly all of whom learned in the Good Templar 
lodgerooms of the world the fundamental principles of the work, the 
arts of speech and parliamentary service, the ability to think standing, 
and to speak spontaneously in any presence ; besides the still harder lesson 
and task of personal sacrifice. This Order has spent more mone}' in the 
general cause of temperance than all other organizations together, and 
has in different parts of the world beneficiary institutions for drunkards' 
children's and orphans' homes, and homes for wives of drunkards, 
inebriate cures, temperance hospitals, and other asylums for amelioration 
of the effects of the drink traffic upon innocent parties. 

Good Templary is the natural parent of prohibition r.nd the Pro- 
hibition Party ; also of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, having 
through its Grand Chief Templar of Ohio, Mrs. McClellan Brown, organ- 
ized one hundred and six leagues, afterward called Unions, and called and 





MRS. KATE E. WTLKINS. 
President, Louisiana W. C. T. U. 



MRS. ALICE CARY McKINNEY, 
Editor, Louisiana "White Ribbon," W. C T. U. 





MRS McCLELLAN BROWN, Ph. D. 
Grand Chief Templar, Ohio I. 0. (> T. 



MISS ELIZABETH MARCH, 
President, North Carolina W. C. T. U. 



EDUCATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. 141 

organized the first Association of Crusade Women at Columbus, February 
24, 25, 1874, having afterwards called the first day of prayer which was 
observed all over the state, and having called and organized a Committee 
for National Organization at Chautauqua the following August, to whose 
first Convention at Cleveland, November, 1874, she gave the "Plan of 
Work" and "Address to Women of the World." There were at that time 
ninety thousand pledged Templars in Ohio cooperating with the new 
women in general work. 

Good Templary first organized the children; first started the Fresh 
Air Movement; set agoing the series of petitions from great Christian 
bodies for Temperance Lessons in the International Sunday School Series : 
sent the first woman lecturer around the world on temperance mission, em- 
ploying two hundred and fifty one interpreters into forty-seven different 
languages, Mrs. Mary Clement Leavitt of Boston. 

It is first in faith of world-wide benefits in its truths; first in hope 
of the redemption of humanity from the crimes of strong drink ; first to 
extend the hand of charity to the helpless victims ; first in arbitration meth- 
ods seeking now to absolve the nations from the horrors of war. It is an 
Order which feels the stirring of a common life making the many one, 
and "will not take a heaven haunted by the shrieks of far-off misery." 



THE CATHOLIC TOTAL ABSTINENCE UNION OF AMERICA. 

The Catholic Total Abstinence Union of America was formed Feb- 
ruary 22, 1872, in Baltimore, Maryland. It was organized for the pur- 
pose of assisting to stem the tide of intemperance. Following in the foot- 
steps of the glorious apostle of total abstinence, Theobald Mathew, his 
plan of individual pledges was adopted. 

The Union has three objects in view: First, to secure to its mem- 
bers the privilege of being received into societies connected with the Union 
in any part of America; second, to encourage and aid committees and 
pastors to establish new societies ; and third, to spread by means of Cath- 
olic total abstinence publications correct views regarding total abstinence 
principles. 

To accomplish these objects, the constitution of the order requires 
the practice of the Roman Catholic religion by all members individually ; 
the observance of maxims laid down for spiritual guidance by the reverend 
clergy; the influence of good example and kind persuasion upon fellow 
Catholics; the connection with the association of prayer in honor of the 
sacred thirst and agony of Jesus; and the appointment of a lecture and 
publication bureau. 



142 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

The pledge of the Union is as follows: 

"I promise, with the Divine assistance and in honor of the sacred 
thirst and agony of our Savior, to abstain from all intoxicating drinks ; to 
prevent as much as possible, by advice and example, the sin of intemper- 
ance in others ; and to discountenance the drinking customs of society." 

The officers of the Union are a Spiritual Director, President, First 
and Second Vice-Presidents, Treasurer and Secretary. 

While the Total Abstinence Union is the principal temperance organ- 
ization in the Roman Catholic Church, there are various subordinate and 
dependent societies in states and dioceses where the Union has not been reg- 
ularly formed. All these have been approved by the Plenary Council of 
the Church in America, and the Holy Father has formally commended and 
blessed the work in which the various total abstinence societies of the church 
are engaged. 

With these approvals the Union has achieved much success. It is 
earnestly working to have a total abstinence society in every parish; and 
as a means toward this end, it has provided that the First Vice-President 
shall appoint an organizer for each diocese. Special efforts are being 
made to form cadet organizations in order to bring up the youth free 
from the cravings of appetite. Many societies of women have been formed 
for the purpose of cultivating the home influence so necessary for the suc- 
cessful continuance of pastoral labors. 

The Union has sent out lecturers to all sections of the country, and 
has disseminated a large number of total abstinence documents, especially 
the lectures of Most Rev. Archbishop Ireland and the pamphlets of the 
Rev. Dr. T. J. Conaty. Thus the work of the Union is being carried on 
from Maine to California and from Minnesota to Texas. Catholics are 
advised to shun the flowing bowl, and to seek safety for home and family 
under the banner of the Catholic Total Abstinence Union. 

The enrolled membership in good standing is now about 89,400, en- 
rolled in 1042 societies. The President of the Union is the Right Rev. 
J. F. R. Canevin, Bishop of Pittsburgh, Pa., and the Secretary is J. W. 
Logue, 1313 Steven Girard Building, Philadelphia, Pa. All state Unions 
subordinate to the national Union are represented in the great national 
conventions, and the influences generated in these great gatherings operate 
for the uplift of the people and the conservation of temperance sentiment 
in the great Roman Catholic Church. — G. M. H. 




MRS. LILLIAN' M. X. S I EVENS, 

President, National Woman's Christiai 

I emperance I Hva »n. 




CHAPTER X. 

THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION. 

By Lillian M. N. Stevens, President. 

"Recognizing the fact that our cause will be combated by mighty, 
determined and relentless forces, we will, trusting in Him who is the Prince 
of Peace, meet argument with argument, misjudgment with patience, de- 
nunciation with kindness, and all our difficulties and dangers with prayer. 

"We will lend our influence to that party, by whatever name called, 
which shall furnish the best embodiment of prohibition principles and will 
most surely protect our homes." — W. C. T. U. Declaration of Prin- 
ciples. 

IT HAS been often said and often reiterated that women suffer 
most because of intemperance. This undoubtedly is true, 
not because women drink more intoxicating liquor than men, 
for they drink far less, but because so many of their loved 
ones — fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons — become victims 
of that which destroys the highest and holiest interests of the home. Be- 
cause this destruction of the home had been going on for years and 
years, the Crusade movement of 1873 was inaugurated, and in 1874 the 
National Woman's Christian Temperance Union was organized. 

In the Crusade, the saloon was besieged with pleading and with 
prayer, and in fifty days this whirlwind of the Lord had swept the liquor 
traffic out of two hundred and fifty towns and villages. There had 
come a great awakening to the women of this nation in regard to the 
enormous evil of the liquor traffic and the part they ought to take in 
its overthrow. The need of systematic, organized work was realized, 
and the National Union was formed. 

This society is established in every state and territory, and in more 
than ten thousand localities there are unions auxiliary to the state and 
National organizations, which arc co-operating to carry out W. C. T. U. 
plans and purposes, as formulated and adopted at the National annual 
conventions. These conventions are delegated bodies with representatives 
from every state. 

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union is a total abstinence soci- 
ety. It is also anti-brewery, anti-distillery, anti-saloon, and anti all other 
forms of making and selling alcohol lc drink. The society is neither partisan 

143 



144 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

nor sectarian. Its basic principles are : Total abstinence for the individual ; 
and total prohibition for the state and nation. In the promotion of its 
work it has been led out through the "Do everything" policy of Frances 
E. Willard into forty different departments of work, ranging all the 
way from training little children aright, to caring for \he prisoner in 
his cell — the prisoner who in many instances is the victim of strong drink. 
Each of these national departments is in charge of a superintendent, du- 
plicated in every state and largely in the local unions. 

The Department of Organization reaches out to unorganized locali- 
ties, and has as special national workers in this department (in addition 
to all the state organizers) forty -two organizers and lecturers; also twen- 
ty-five national evangelists whose work is somewhat along the line of or- 
ganization. 

The work among foreign speaking peoples is carried on extensively 
through literature, public meetings and personal visitation. A W. C. T. 
U. missionary is kept constantly at Ellis Island, New York, to meet the 
incoming foreigners. 

Through the Department of Medical Temperance, efforts are made 
to educate the public in regard to the danger of self -medication with power- 
ful drugs. This department teaches that alcohol is dangerous and unnec- 
essary as a medicine, and it also does much to expose fraudulent medicines. 

At the organizing convention in 1874, temperance teaching in the 
public schools was recommended, and the W. C. T. U. has been instru- 
mental in securing laws in every state and territory requiring temperance 
instruction in all schools supported by public money. 

The W. C. T. U., in 1884, used its influence in securing the insertion 
of the Quarterly Temperance Lesson in the International Sunday School 
Lesson Series. These lessons are still continued by the Sunday School 
Association. 

The Department of Juvenile Courts, Industrial Education and Anti- 
Child Labor, works to secure industrial training as a part of the education 
of our youth, and seeks to prevent improper child labor. This is plainly 
legitimate temperance work, for a great many of the child laborers are the 
children of drunken parents, who support saloons instead of supporting 
their children. 

To educate is the first aim of the Department of Anti-Narcotics, and 
it seeks to instil into the minds of the young the knowledge of the injury 
produced by tobacco, opium and other narcotics. 

Through the Medal Contest Department many thousands of recita- 
tions on prohibition, total abstinence, anti-narcotics and other lines of 
W. C. T. U. endeavor are given before public audiences by young people. 

Work among railroad employes, among soldiers and sailors, among 



THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION. 143 

lumbermen and miners is extensively carried on. The methods are by visi- 
tation and personal effort, organizing temperance societies, securing signa- 
tures to the pledge and distributing literature. 

The National W. C. T. U. recognizes that intemperance and impurity 
are closely allied, and that a blow aimed at one falls upon the other. The 
Purity Department of the W. C. T. U. seeks to lift up the standard of 
purity in every community, and to establish a single standard of morality 
for both men and women. Through the Rescue Work it aims to reach the 
fallen of both sexes, and through Purity in Literature and Art, seeks to 
elevate the press, to secure the enforcement of existing laws relative to 
obscene and impure literature and, whenever necessary, to secure better 
laws. 

Even this brief description of the work of a few of the many W. C. 
T. U. departments will give an idea of the organization's methods and 
scope. It will readily be seen that the W. C. T. U. is interested in Organi- 
zation, Prevention, Educational, Social and Legal lines of work, and, in 
this way, for three decades and four years has been girdling that mighty 
tree — the liquor traffic. It is true in forestry that a tree completely gir- 
dled will die. The liquor traffic is dying out. 

An important branch of the W. C. T. U. is the Loyal Temperance 
Legion. Thousands upon thousands of young people in its Junior and 
Senior grades in every section of the land, with the pledge in the hand, a 
reason in the head and conviction in the heart, have been growing up these 
twenty-five years. Many of them, already grown to manhood and woman- 
hood, in the home, the school and at the ballot-box, have become potent 
factors in bringing about the recent prohibition victories. The Loyal 
Temperance Legion, like the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, of 
which it is a part, is constantly increasing in numbers and in influence. 

Twenty-five years ago Frances E. Willard went South with loving 
kindness in her heart and with loving kindness she was received. Largely 
through her influence the W. C. T. U. was organized in all the southern 
states, and it is not at all strange that in the states of the southland which 
have adopted prohibition, this society and its leaders are now credited with 
having done much to bring to pass the recent victories. They have been 
brought about through the patient seed sowing and the application of 
W. C. T. U. methods and principles to the every day life of the white- 
rihboner in the home, the church, the school and the state. A popular 
magazine in a recent editorial well expresses it : "The story of the prohi- 
bition victory in Georgia traces back step by step to the doors of its women 
who taught, prayed, organized, worked and won." 

The parade feature in the prohibition campaigns of the last year has 
attracted much attention. In many papers and magazines these parades 



U6 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

have been graphically described and pictured. Women from homes of re- 
finement and luxury, marching with women whose homes and home life 
have been ruined by drink ; children from homes of wealth walking beside 
the children who are robbed by' strong drink of home comforts and loving 
care. The summing up of the meaning of the mottoes inscribed on their 
banners is : "To license liquor selling is a sin" ; "To prohibit liquor sell- 
ing is to promote the holiest interests of the home." 

Thirty-four years ago, when the Crusaders knelt on the pitiless 
streets, they did not even dream what the outcome would be. They did 
not realize that the thousands who came after them, in carrying on a re- 
form more divine than human, would be led to consider the problem from 
a state or governmental standpoint. These women, and their comrades of 
later days, who prayed in the saloons have come to be pleaders before legis- 
lative and municipal assemblies, not only in every state, but also at our na- 
tion's Capitol. It is well known that the W. C. T. U. auxiliaries have 
been the chief factors in state campaigns for statutory prohibition and 
constitutional amendments, and for securing the enactment of other reform 
laws, especially those for the protection of girls. 

The principal efforts of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
the past year have been to retain the "anti-canteen" law ; to secure the 
passage of the Littlefield or Bacon bill; to banish the sale of liquor from 
all government buildings ; to secure state laws forbidding the sale of liquor 
within three or four miles of soldiers' homes, forts, army camps, etc. ; to 
secure a provision for an amendment to the constitution of the United 
States prohibiting polygamy ; to interest all teachers and pupils, especially 
of Normal schools and colleges, in scientific temperance instruction; to se- 
cure at least $2.00 from each local union, or its equivalent from the state, 
for the Frances E. Willard Memorial Fund; to complete the raising of 
$10,000 for an emergency fund ; to increase total abstinence practice and 
sentiment, and to promote the prohibition of the liquor traffic everywhere. 

The National W. C. T. U. has created a great literature. Nearly 
every state union has its official paper devoted entirely to W. C. T. U. 
interests. Each of the forty National superintendents sends out large 
amounts of literature. The National W. C. T. U. owns and publishes its 
official paper, the Union Signal, a weekly, extensively taken in every state, 
and also in many foreign lands. The Crusader Monthly, also owned and 
controlled by the National W. C. T. U., is the official paper of the Loyal 
Temperance Legion. It has a large and constantly increasing circulation, 
and like the Union Signal, goes to every state and to other lands. 

The World's W. C. T. U. was organized in 1883, and now embraces 
about fifty nations. Its aims and principles are the same as those of the 
National W. C. T. U. of the United States. Frances E. Willard, who for 



THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION. 147 

twenty years was president of the National W. C. T. U., was the founder 
of the World's W. C. T. U. The statue of Frances E. Willard is the first 
and only statue of a woman to grace the Valhalla of our republic. Under 
the great dome of our National Capitol she stands. 

"Stand, radiant soul ! 
Here, in the center of our Nation's heart; 
Forever of its best life, thou'rt a part; 
Here thou shalt draw thy land to what thou art; 

Stand, radiant soul!" 

This recognition was not given because Miss Willard was a great 
educator or a noble Christian woman, for she was both; but because she 
heard the cry of the world — the cry of suffering childhood, sorrowing 
womanhood and wrecked manhood — the result of strong drink. She 
heard, she heeded the cry, and she became the greatest reformer of the cen- 
tury. The work Frances E. Willard loved and to which she gave her 
beautiful life, is to go on and on until this nation and all nations are freed 
from the bondage of the legalized liquor traffic. To help hasten this day 
has been and will continue to be the mission of the W. C. T. U. 



LILLIAN M. N. STEVENS* 

Her Introduction to the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. — Editorial 
in Union Signal, March 24, 1898. 

"As sweet and wholesome as her own piney woods," was Miss Willard's 
descriptive phrase of the woman who succeeds her to the responsibility of 
leadership in the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. As 
strong as her granite rock, as steadfast as her ocean waves and as easily 
moved by humanity's needs as her pine treetops, she might have added. 
Rarely have we seen a character in which the traits of sweetness and 
strength, steadfastness and pliability, are so blended as in the subject of 
this sketch. A less gentle nature could never have won for herself such a 
place in the hearts of our white ribbon women, nor could a less steadfast 
one ever have been chosen as the closest adviser of Frances Willard. 

Mrs. Stevens was born in Dover, Maine, and her home has always been 
within the borders of the old Pine Tree state. Like so many of our lead- 
ers, her first public work was in the school room as teacher, but she early 
left that sphere, and at the age of twenty-one married Mr. M. Stevens, of 
Stroudwater, a charming little suburb of Portland. Her husband is in 
full accord with her principles and life work, and is one of the most genial 
of hosts to the multitude of her co-laborers who are entertained in their 
charmingly hospitable New England home. Her only child, Mrs. Ger- 
trude Stevens Leavitt, is a young woman of great promise, an ardent white 
ribboner and one of the state superintendents in the Maine W. C. T. U. 



148 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Her sister-in-law, Airs. Olive Hanson, who is also, with her husband, a 
member of Mrs. Stevens' home, is likewise devoted to the interests of the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and is a woman who brings tilings 
to pass with unfailing certainty. The old home, which has been for more 
than a century in the Stevens family, resounds constantly to the music of 
children's voices, for, although Mrs. Stevens is prominently connected with 
the child-saving institution of her state, she believes most ardently that an 
institution can never be a substitute for a home, and while she urges her 
Maine women to open their doors to God's homeless little ones, she herself 
sets them a most practical example. Within the last fifteen years nineteen 
children have at different times had a home with her, two of whom are at 
present in her household. 

Mrs. Stevens first met Miss Willard at Old Orchard, Maine, in the 
summer of 1875, and there aided in the organization of the state Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union, of which she was elected treasurer. Sho 
held that position for three years, and then passed, by the process of natu- 
ral selection, to the position of president. To the latter office she has been 
elected for the twenty-first time, and in all those years but one ballot has 
ever been cast for another candidate. Under her wise guidance the Maine 
W. C. T. U. has come into a position of honor throughout the entire state. 
Its membership in proportion to the population is very large, one white 
ribboner to every one hundred and sixty-three and a fraction of the popu- 
lation, and in no other state have we seen greater reverence for the organi- 
zation exhibited among all classes. 

For many years Mrs. Stevens has been reckoned as General Neal 
Dow's chief coadjutor, and, in the later years of his life especially, he 
leaned upon her as his trusted friend and adviser. When in Portland, it 
was her custom to visit him two or three times a week, and since his death 
she is recognized throughout the entire state as the leader of the prohibi- 
tion forces. Indeed, in the well-fought battle of 1884, which placed prohi- 
bition in the state constitution, Mrs. Stevens won for herself a fame as 
organizer and agitator hardly second to Neal Dow himself. She visited 
every county and nearty all the large towns, holding meetings constantly 
and throwing the whole force of her strong personality into the battle 
which resulted in such signal victory. 

Some of the triumphs of the Maine Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union under her leadership have been, the school suffrage law, the raising 
of the age of protection to sixteen years, a strong scientific temperance 
instruction law, which is well enforced, and the constitutional amendment 
to which we have already referred. 

In addition to her distinctive temperance work, Mrs. Stevens is well 
known in the other reform and philanthropic enterprises of the state. She 



THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION. 149 

was one of the chief promoters of the Industrial School for Girls, and it 
was through her efforts largely that a woman superintendent was appoint- 
ed for this school. She was Maine's choice for the Board of Lady Man- 
agers in the World's Columbian Exposition, and served in that Board on 
most important committees. She was for six years treasurer of the Ra- 
tional Council of Women, and has filled many other positions of respon- 
sibility and honor. But the Woman's Christian Temperance Union is her 
first and chief love, and to its interests she has devoted herself with lavish 
generosity for twenty-four years. 

In her own state she has the profound respect of all its citizens. This 
was especially manifested when a year ago an effort was made to pay for 
the state W. C. T. U. headquarters. Men gave liberally who had no espe- 
cial interest in the work or the principles of the white ribbon, but who de- 
clared themselves as glad to have such an opportunity to show their appre- 
ciation of Mrs. Stevens as a philanthropist and a woman. Her work for 
the Armenians has already been recorded in the columns of the Union 
Signal. Those who were sent to Maine, found in her not only a benefactor 
but a warm personal friend, and she is held in almost adoration by those 
who know her work for this long suffering people. Last summer Mrs. 
Stevens visited the British Woman's Temperance Alliance Council as the 
special guest of Miss Agnes Slack. She was shown great honor during 
her stay, not by Lady Henry Somerset alone, who counts her a valued 
and trusted friend, but by all who came in contact with her. She was an 
especial guest with Miss Slack at the Lord Mayor's on the Queen's birth- 
day, and a reception was tendered her by the National Temperance Alli- 
ance at which she told the story of prohibition in Maine. 

Her present work for the Maine W. C. T. U. is for the enforcement 
of the prohibitory law, and for the purifying of the state judiciary. The 
courage of Mrs. Stevens was never more clearly apparent than in this lat- 
ter work, for she has not hesitated to strike a blow at one long held in offi- 
cial esteem, assured that it is in the interest of purity and morality. 

Mrs. Stevens is a woman of radical principles, but conservative in ac- 
tion when conservatism may be trusted to accomplish more than radicalism. 
She has always stood side by side with Miss Willard in her most advanced 
steps, from the day of the suffrage agitation until now, and yet so wise 
and tactful is she in the presentation of advanced thought that she antag- 
onizes very few. She is a woman of strong affections, a devoted friend and 
a wise counselor. No surer indices can be given of her character than the 
fact that animals always love her, as she loves them, and that people in all 
stations of life turn to her involuntarily for advice. Perhaps she holds 
more secrets of a personal nature than any other one woman in her state, 



150 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

but a secret in her hands is absolutely safe, and her counsel is as wise as it 
is kindly. 

The deep springs of her nature all set toward God and righteousness. 
She is a woman of profound religious convictions and deep spirituality. 
Perhaps she may say less on these subjects than some do, but those who 
know her life best know how truly Christ is her Master and Lord, and how 
every day and hour of her life are given to humanity for His service and 
"In "His Name." 

(Mrs. Stevens was unanimously reelected President of the National 
W. C. T. U. at the Denver Convention, October, 1908.) 

THE LOYAL TEMPERANCE LEGION. 

The Loyal Temperance Legion, senior, intermediate and primary, 
consists of young folks, organized to build up character, cultivate princi- 
ples of total abstinence and purity and prepare for efficient service along 
all lines of reform. Each boy and girl, on entering the society, promises 
to abstain from the use of alcoholic drinks, including wine, beer and cider, 
tobacco in any form, and from profanity ; and to endeavor to put down in- 
decent language and all coarse jests, and to use every means to fulfil the 
command, "Keep thyself pure." Although composed of boys as well as 
girls, the Legion is a branch of the W. C. T. U., its secretary being Miss 
Anna A. Gordon, noted as Miss Willard's private secretary and one of her 
nearest heart-friends. It was formed, 1886, of thousands of juvenile so- 
cieties under care of local Unions, and is* conserving a moral force which, 
when the various states in the Union have abolished the saloon, will cooper- 
ate in enforcing law and maintaining ground won during the campaigns 
for prohibition. 

To show what the L. T. L. can do, the story of a boy's battle with 
the saloon, first told in the L. T. L. monthly, The Crusader, is retold: 

Into a certain village in Ohio there came one day a bundle of The 
Crusader Monthly, organ of the Loyal Temperance Legion, addressed to 
students of the High School. Month by month the paper came and, after 
a year, a Senior Legion was organized. The spirit of the Crusade began 
to pervade the little town, and sources of saloon supply became reduced. 
Lack of patronage forced one saloonkeeper out of business. The Loyal 
Temperance Legion was "doing something." Among the most active 
members of the society was a young fellow of nineteen. The Crusader 
appealed to him and he awoke to the opportunity of doing duty as a citi- 
zen, a duty which it would appear was being evaded by the citizen voters 
of the village, for the saloons were running full tide and it was up to a boy 
to resist their subtle call to him. Of fine fiber, a modest, shrinking young 





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THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION. 151 

fellow he was, but, when it became clear to him that, if he did his whole 
duty, he must ask for the enforcement of the law, he no longer shrank. 
His whole nature absorbed the soul of the nation-wide movement against 
the saloon — and in his little, obscure village he resolved to play the part 
of a reformer. He is too modest to tell his own story. His little letter to 
the editor of this book shows that he had no thought of note, when he be- 
gan agitation for suppression of the saloons in his village. Two saloon- 
keepers, who, by common consent, had violated the closing hour law, were 
arrested and fined. Resenting this interference, they threatened the life 
of the Loyal Temperance Legion boy — but did not cow him. He knew 
that the saloonkeepers were cowards, that saloonkeepers had killed Roderick 
Dhu Gambrell and George C. Haddock and Judge Cox and Dr. Beall. He 
was not bullet proof, but he and his Legion did duty. Other arrests were 
made and the little town began to feel the effects of the reformation, inaug- 
urated by a few young people who had read The Crusader Monthly. 

The Legion went into "politics." Its president was elected Mayor 
— the old men having abandoned the field — and it brought on a local option 
election, and the town went dry ! — G. M. H. 



MRS. SUSANNA M. D. FRY, A.M., PH.D. 

Note. — Mrs. Fry has served the National W. C. T. U. at headquar- 
ters since 1895. As editor of the Union Signal, and afterwards as Cor- 
responding Secretary she has become known to every member of the Union 
everywhere. At the 1908 Annual Convention she resigned. The follow- 
ing brief sketch is printed to indicate tgvhat a fine type of women are 
associated in the grand work of this great organization. — G. M. H. 

Mrs. Susanna M. D. Fry, Corresponding Secretary of the National 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, brought to the problems of that 
office in 1898 an unusual equipment as an .educator and a reformer. 
Graduated at eighteen from the Western College and Seminary for Wo- 
men at Oxford, Ohio, she became a teacher in the primary department 
of the village school. Her first "declaration" for justice and equality for 
women was when she declined to accept the "big room" of this same school 
at one-half the salary paid to male incumbents. Her superior ability as 
a teacher led her swiftly into positions of greater responsibility. In 1876 
the degree of A.M. was conferred upon her by the Ohio Wesleyan Uni- 
versity. A little later she took post-graduate work at Syracuse Univer- 
sity (N. Y.), and upon examination received the degree of Ph.D. 

For nearly fifteen years Mrs. Fry occupied the chair of Belles Let- 
tres in the Illinois Wesleyan University at Bloomington. For the greater 
part of that time she was president of one of the largest literary clubs 
in the state. For two years she was at the head of the department of 



152 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

English Literature in the University of Minnesota, and for a similar 
period she was president of the W. C. T. U. of Minnesota. In 1895 she 
was elected managing editor of The Union Signal, the official organ of 
the National W. C. T. U. In 1898 she was called from that position to 
the office of National Corresponding Secretary. 

Mrs. Fry's executive ability is coupled with unusual talent as a writer 
and public speaker. During a year spent in travel and study in Europe 
with her husband, Rev. James D. Fry, she contributed regularly to several 
of the leading magazines and newspapers. During her busy life at the 
desk she has found time to put out one very acceptable book, "A Paradise 
Valley Girl," and has written a number of leaflets of special interest and 
help to the work of the W. C. T. U. Mrs. Fry was one of the judges in the 
Liberal Arts Department of the World's Columbian Exposition, held in 
Chicago in 1893, and here, as elsewhere, she gave hearty, conscientious 
devotion to the work in hand. 

A distinguishing characteristic of this scholarly woman who has given 
such honorable and efficient service to the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union, is her breadth of vision, her receptive attitude toward all that 
makes for the development and betterment of humanity, and her unfailing 
optimism. She is greatly beloved by those who have been privileged to 
be her co-workers at National W. C. T. U. headquarters. Her sound judg- 
ment and keen intuition made her a valued and trusted representative of 
the rank and file of the white ribbon army. 




FRANCES ELIZABETH WILLARD. 




CHAPTER XL 

FRANCES ELIZABETH WILLARD. 

An Appreciation by The Editor. 

HY a woman, born in an obscure village, should acquire the 

reputation of doing more for the cause of temperance than 

any other person of her time, is one of the insoluble problems 

of psychology. Long before she became famous, however, 

she was known to be a "genius," and those who knew her 

were enthusiastically predicting renown for her — even though they did 

not foresee the Woman's Crusade and the Woman's Christian Temperance 

Union. 

Graduated at the Northwestern Female College in beautiful Evans- 
ton, destined to be forever associated with her career, she had already 
filled her atmosphere with anticipations of some unique and sovereign 
fate. Her recitations were occasions of wide audience, it is said. Visitors 
came to the class-room, attracted by the rumor of her astonishing capacity, 
and professors grew warm with admiration of a girl who promised to 
make N. W. F. C. a Mecca for aspiring young womanhood. 

After teaching school for seven years, she became principal of a 
seminary ; then traveled for that climax of culture which Europe gives 
to those who are open-minded enough to receive it, and in 1869 returned 
to Evanston to become Professor of Esthetics, and Dean of the Woman's 
College. In that year, and only a few miles away, an event occurred 
which possessed large and critical significance for her. But she had 
enough to think about as professor and dean, and, it is probable, that 
her heart was set more on her "girls" than on her future. Her life v,;is 
fused with that of the bright young womanhood of the college. Per- 
haps she thought that the goal of her life had been won. She probably 
had no thought whatever that she was to become so important and potent 
a factor in the great work which that year brought the Prohibition party 
into existence. 

In the meantime, she had been reviewing the grounds of the re- 
ligious faith that she had inherited, and revised the creed that she had 
been wont to repeat. She remained in the "Church," but her faith held 
more than her church formulas were built to hold. She was no longer 

153 



154 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

a passive reciter of phrases ; out of the abysms of doubt she had ascended 
to a tolerant view of men and things which did her large service in her 
life as a reformer. For, though she believed in the wide distinctions be- 
tween evil and good, she believed so profoundly in the All Good as to trust 
in the ultimate primacy of the Eternal Goodness. So she was sweet and 
genial among those whose trade she abhorred with all the depth of her 
angel-like soul. 

In 1873, the Woman's Crusade, led by brave women against the skulk- 
ing cowards who sold drink in the shielded darkness of the dram-shop, 
stirred the soul of American womanhood, and the Professor of Esthetics 
felt the pull of another destiny than that of teaching the science of the 
beautiful in a quiet college town. She resigned, and became correspond- 
ing secretary of the organization which sprang into life out of the van- 
ished enthusiasms of that marvelous revolt of women. For five years, not 
always paid, or paid but ill, sometimes walking the streets of Chicago be- 
cause she had no money for carfare, she served the Union. Then, in 1879, 
the sisterhood recognized their God-ordained leader, and she became presi- 
dent of the national organization, and thereafter polled the vote of the 
annual conventions every year until that year in which her life ended, or 
ascended — for it has not seemed to end, although there is a grave in Rose 
Hill cemeter}^, and in Rest Cottage the room in which she worked may be 
seen, much as she "left" it. 

She dominated the whole order, but the period of her duty was not that 
of some victorious tyrant, unscrupulous of method, or some astute mistress 
of the fine art of flattery, or the gross art of purchase ; rather, she was the 
realized ideal of the noble women, who yearned to be all that womanhood 
may become under culture of holy ambitions and pure purposes. If there 
was jealousy, it did not appear; it was honor enough to serve her. Anna 
Gordon was only one of a hundred, or a thousand, gifted girls, glad to be 
in her service, unsalaried, for the sake of the coveted fellowship of one of 
the uncrowned queens of American womanhood. She became the guide of 
the white ribboners, perfecting the organization, enlarging the sphere of 
its activities. The whole circle of human activity stretched around her, 
and she attempted everything, because, as she looked abroad, everything 
needed to be done, if humanity was to be lifted to self-mastery and the 
high places of the Kingdom of God. For the Christian Union of Women, 
women of all the churches, there was nothing too hard to try if there were 
demand for effort to redeem society, in the "mangled shadows" of the 
liquor traffic, and other unspeakable traffic. 

She went into politics, a woman, a subject-citizen, without a vote. 
And that was one of the dolorous dishonors of the American democracy, 
which, with her white hand, she sought to remove, but died, unenfran- 



FRANCES ELIZABETH WILLARD. 155 

chised. A negro in the southland, bought by a crafty demagogue, may 
vote, but not Frances E. Willard, professor of esthetics. A scoundrelly 
tramp, after a night on the floor as a cadger, may go to the polls, with 
$5.00 in his pocket as price of his suffrage, and exercise the rights and 
privileges of American citizenship, but not this cultured woman, who 
stands at the head of American womanhood, with her face angel-touched 
by faith, hope, love, purity. 

But she went into "politics," and in 1882 became a member of the 
National Executive Committee of the Prohibition party. In that "third 
party," ostracized, laughed at, denounced, she found fellowship. Clean 
men, she said. No liquor ! No tobacco ! There she found fellowship. 
In 1884, she sought opportunity to speak for ten brief minutes to her 
"brethren" of the Methodist Church at Cincinnati. The brethren fili- 
bustered for an hour to prevent her introduction, but she remained in the 
"church" until the end. Once she went to a political convention of Repub- 
licans at Chicago. She dreamed that they would listen to her plea for 
a "temperance" plank in the platform. There were good men in the com- 
mittee, they would give heed to her. The Hon. Henry W. Blair, ardently 
devoted to the temperance reform, and as ardently loyal to his "party" 
heard her plead with the committeemen. "She spoke like an angel from 
heaven," he afterward said. But the Committee on Platform could not 
sec its way to incorporate her resolution in the declaration of Republican 
principles, and there is a story, that the document which she drafted was 
found upon the floor, despised, rejected, soiled with dust and tobacco. The 
disappointment did not embitter her. In 1892, she stood before the Prohi- 
bitionists in Cincinnati, still hoping for some wider sweep of political 
sentiment, hoping that, by some adaptation, the little body of impracti- 
cals, idealists, fanatics, might broaden, so as to take in others. So eager, 
indeed, for reconstruction of the political order was she, that she became a 
socialist. 

It is not difficult to harmonize the two opinions ; for, under existing 
conditions, she could believe that the State ought to place the traffic in 
liquor under the ban of law, and, as an idealist in politics, she could be- 
lieve that, if the cooperative commonwealth were established, the liquor 
traffic would cease to exist. She was not "green in judgment," though 
her eagerness for social reform led her away from the dominant political 
orthodoxies of her time. Politically, she was a "heretic," unbound by the 
authorities whose opinions swayed the voting citizenship. 

In 1883, she founded the World's W. C. T. U., and, in 1888, she 
became its president. For American woman there was no higher place; 
.•ind then, fifty-nine years old, she passed into the silence; and the world 



156 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

echoes jet to the peerless eloquence of her pleas for justice, truth and the 
Kingdom of God. 

Why? Well, she was fearless to speak what the nobleness of her 
heart prompted. Not less fearless than that Kansas woman who smashed 
the outlawed dram-shop, but more suave, more winsome. No one was 
afraid of her. Even the so-called liquor men had no word to utter against 
Frances E. Willard, though their organs were foul with coarse-phrased 
denunciation of the noble ladies who organized against their truckling 
trade: fearless with that bravery which enwraps itself in the shield of a 
self -poise that paralyzes the arm of a foe. She regarded the proprieties, 
she was so fearless that she dared avoid extremes. No one dared say that 
she was a wild-eyed fanatic, a woman daft, for she walked to her place 
like a queen, and, when she wrote, the page was beautiful with the speech 
of a woman who had known the air of a college and the ways of travel. 
Fearless, because she trusted that Universal Principle of Truth which, be- 
neath all fraud and pretense, lies in the human soul. She knew that back 
of all the brutal commercialism of the brewer, distiller and saloonkeeper 
there was a latent response to her appeal. She was sure of her case be- 
cause conscience was with her. There was no argument on the other side. 
No dealer in drink could frame logic into syllogism against the finer argu- 
ment of her perfect womanhood. No caricature of her, for she possessed 
that majesty which hedges royalty about, and paralyzes the pencil of a 
cartoonist. 

It is as difficult to solve the problem of her career as to solve the prob- 
lem of Lincoln's career. He came to his place, first among Americans, 
out of an environment that bred no hope of eminence; and she began her 
work in a place and under circumstances that seemed to thwart ambition. 
Other women had scholarship, oratorical gift, the power of pen to put fine 
thought in balanced sentence, but she had that subtler quality of sou! 
which gave her the throne among her peers, and she led and ruled, as the 
old royaltj 7 was wont to say, "by the grace of God." She was willing to 
say that, in all the fine humility of her perfect self-knowledge, she was 
what she was by the grace of God. It was her gift, as well as her grace. 

And so, her influence against the saloon told, even though she did 
not destroy bars, nor enact laws. She threw the whole light of her thought 
into the leering face of the saloon, and it fell. Men have asked, "What 
has the W. C. T. U. done?" But in these years of 1907 and 1908 they 
no longer repeat the question, for the historians of the Great Reform 
write that, for a generation, the womanhood of the United States, under 
the spell of one whom they still call their Glorified Leader, have been 
"praying" against the saloon. Every day, when the sunbeams fall 
straight upon the meridian, they lift their souls to Him who is Sun of the 




THE WILLARD MEMORIAL, 
Statuary Hall, Washington, D. C. 

"Ah, it is women who have given the costliest hostages to fortune. 
Into the battle of life they have sent their best beloved with fearful odds 
against them. 

Oh, by the dangers they have dared, by the hours of patient watch- 
ing over beds where helpless children lty, by the incense of ten thousand 
prayers wafted from their gentle lips to heaven, I charge you give them 
power to protect along life's treacherous highway those whom they have 
so loved." 



FRANCES ELIZABETH WILLARD. 157 

sun, Light of the light, and "pray" that the liquor traffic may die, and 
they believe that, at last, not by might of law nor by power of police, the 
vile traffic will cease, and men will wonder what hidden force smote it down. 
Even now, it is not easy to say why, in 1908, there should be so wide a 
revolution, or why, in spite of all the arts of demagogues there should be 
such popular interest in the "Liquor Question." Perhaps the noon-tide 
prayer counts for as much as a vote, perhaps more. For the votes have 
been cast in favor of the saloon, and yet the saloon has been passing, de- 
spite the silence of statesmen. Perhaps Frances E. Willard's life counts 
for reform, even though her "place" knows her no more. Personality, 
dedicated to the Moral Right, is put into harmony with the Eternal Forces 
of progress, and, as the ages pass, it acts more and more potently. 

Frances E. Willard believed that, and the Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union is the body through which her strong, heroic, radiant soul 
still expresses itself. 

MISS WILLARD AS A PATRIOT. 

Extract from Funeral Address by Mrs. Louise S. Rounds. 

As a Christian, Miss Willard gathered help and spiritual power from 
all denominations and creeds. She was accustomed to pivot her broad faith 
and generous charity upon this formula to which her whole life bore never- 
failing testimony: "No word of faith in God or love toward man is 
alien to my sympathy." 

All countries contributed to broaden her love for humanity and in- 
crease her faith in God. It mattered not how far away she wandered, nor 
under what flag she found temporary protection, she always returned to 
her native land, and to the flag she loved above all others, with renewed 
feelings of loyalty and patriotism. The "Stars and Stripes" were to her 
an emblem of a broader freedom than other countries knew, and thus indi- 
cated her own great and grand spirit. 

How painfully sad it is that the flag which is displayed from the plat- 
form on this sad occasion — this flag which she loved so much to have 
draped in convention halls where she presided — how unspeakably sad that 
this flag should today wave over and protect the legalized liquor system ! 
Mow pitiable that the curse, for the extinction of which she gave her life, 
should find protection and defense in the laws of our land ! He only is a 
true patriot who is true to the highest and noblest interests of his native 
land, and we who weep today over her cold, pale face, will cherish her 
parting message: "Tell the women not to forget their patriotism." And 
we will not give up the conflict until the Stars and Stripes shall cease to 
float over a legalized saloon ! 



158 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Not only was she an American in the noblest sense, but the state of 
Illinois was loved by her, as perhaps no other state in the Union. In 
New York she was born and in New York she died, but in Illinois she lived 
the longest and did her grandest work. 

There is wonderful significance in the fact that the ashes of Abraham 
Lincoln, the grandest man, and the ashes of Frances E. Willard, the great- 
est woman, in American history, have been committed to the soil of this 
beautiful prairie state, here to rest until the resurrection morn shall sum- 
mon all lands and even the sea to give up their dead. 

How beautiful as we think of her work and in what harmony with her 
life are these words which dropped like dew from her pen many years ago : 
"Lord Jesus, receive my spirit. That is the deepest voice out of my soul. 
Receive it every instant, voluntarily given back to thyself and receive it in 
the hour when I drop this earthly mantle and pass onward to. the world 
invisible, but doubtless not far off." 

MISS WILLARD AS A LEADER. 

Extract from Funeral Address by Mbs. Claba C. Hoffman. 

We have not come here to weep. We have come to rejoice. Love is 
unselfish and must rejoice in the bliss and happiness of its beloved, and we 
will rejoice though with falling tears and breaking hearts. 

Our beloved was a great leader, because within her little hand she 
held the hearts of all who followed, and with irresistible charm she drew 
those who lacked the courage to follow. All loved her, because she loved 
all. All trusted her because she trusted all. 

She recognized the best in each, and each reached out and up, and 
made endeavor because its best was recognized. She had faith in human- 
ity, and humanity believed in Frances Willard. She did not seek her own, 
but with all her might she sought the greatest good for all. 

Multitudes will repeat her words, cherish her memory, emulate her 
gracious gentleness, follow in her footsteps. Manhood is nobler, woman- 
hood truer, childhood safer because Frances Willard has lived. 

"Ah, she is not dead, 
Who in her record yet the earth doth tread, 
With God's fair aureole gleaming round her head." 

MISS WILLARD AS A FRIEND. 

Extract from Funeral Address by Mbs. Kathebine Lent Stevenson. 
To my thought, the first thing noticeable in her friendship was its 
reality. She was the most real person I have ever known. There was 
absolutely no guile in her. She showed forth her inmost heart with a 



FRANCES ELIZABETH WILLARD. 159 

sweet frankness which seemed to take the whole human family into confi- 
dence, saying to them: "I feel all this for you and I believe you feel the 
same for me." 

She was brave in her friendships: she dared to tell her friends their 
faults. Who of us that have come closest to her does not remember that 
quaint, pretty way in which she would say, "I think I have a case against 
thee, dear," and then she would tell out the case without sparing, and yet 
with such sweetness that no sting was left to rankle in one's mind. She 
of all others could tell one a fault because she was so constantly telling of 
virtues. She lived in the "sunshine of commendation" as*no one else I 
have ever known has lived, not the commendation which was showered upon 
her but that which radiated from her to others. 



Extract from Address by Dr. C. J. Little, President of the Garrett Biblical 

Institute. 

Frances Willard reminded me, whenever I listened to her, of Matthew 
Arnold's definition of religion, "morality touched by emotion." She was 
conscience aglow with divine light. 

Frances Willard had the gift of eloquence. She was a subtle, 
thoughtful, thrilling talker. Her presence was not imposing, yet it was 
always tranquilizing at the beginning, and afterwards full of sweet sur- 
prises. Her voice was clear and melodious and strong, with a peculiar 
quality of blended defiance and deference, of tenderness and intrepidity 
that gave it an indescribable ring. Her diction was studiously simple; 
her reasoning luminous and homely ; her illustrations full of poetry and 
humor; her pathos as natural as tears to a child. She was wholly unaf- 
fected, taking her audience so deftly into her confidence that she conquered 
them, as Christ conquers, by self -revelation. 

There was sometimes a lyric rapture in her utterance that wrought 
her hearers into a delirium of anticipation. The New Jerusalem of the 
twentieth century, the transfigured homes of a new commonwealth, seemed 
to be so near and so real. And there was always when she talked to women 
and to men such a sublime confidence in their latent nobility and their ulti- 
mate righteousness that for a time, at least, they became in their own eyes 
the beings that she pictured them, and sat enchanted with the revelation. 



By Act of the United States Congress, in 1864, eacli of the states was 
invited "to send to be placed in Statuary Hall statues in marble or bronze 
of two of her most illustrious citizens, for permanent preservation." Illi- 



160 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

nois honored herself by sending a beautiful marble statue of Frances E. 
Willard, the only figure of a woman in the entire group. 

Congress frequently has suspended its ordinary business to pay trib- 
ute to the memory of eminent statesmen, but on February 17, 1905, for 
the first time in its history, the Congress had set apart a day to honor the 
memory of a woman. On that day the statue of Frances E. Willard was 
formally presented by the State of Illinois. Following are extracts from 
a few of the utterances of the occasion. 

Prayer by Edward Everett Hale, Chaplain: 

i "Father Almighty, we remember what Thou hast given this nation 
in sending such an apostle of Thy word; of Thine own righteousness. 
She taught this people that the wisdom from above is first pure, and she 
showed them how to add to their purity peace and gentleness by those 
efforts by which men shall work with God for the coming of His kingdom. 

"Father, we remember her. We preserve the memorials of such a life. 
But it is not for the past ; it is for the future that we pray, that the people 
of this land may know what it is to be pure in body, pure in heart, pure in 
soul ; that they may offer to Thee the living sacrifice ; that men and women 
may "know that they are the living temples of the living God. 

"Be with us in the services of today. Be with this nation — north, 
south, east, west — in the school room, in the church and in daily duty, as 
men and women seek to draw nearer to God and yet nearer — yes, Father, 
even though it were a cross that raiseth us — that we may come nearer to 
Thee. We ask it in His name. Amen." 

Senator Cullom, of Illinois: 

"Mr. President, I esteem it an honor to have known personally Fran- 
ces E. Willard during the greater part of her active life. I knew from 
personal knowledge of the work in which she was engaged, and I witnessed 
with pleasure the wonderful success which attended her efforts. She was a 
reformer, but she never shared the usual unpopularity of reformers, and 
her advocacy of reform in temperance never made her offensive to any 
class of people. Notwithstanding her public life, she was nevertheless a 
real woman, with that degree of sincerity and modesty that commanded the 
utmost respect from all with whom she came in contact. 

"The world has been better because Frances .E. Willard lived. She 
devoted her life unselfishly to the cause of humanity, and she brought so- 
briety into the homes of untold thousands ; and at her death she left an 
organization that has been and will continue to be a potent factor for good 
in the world." 

Senator Beveridge, of Indiana: 

"Mr. President — From the beginning woman has personified the 
world's ideals. When history began its record it found her already the 
chosen bride of Art. All things that minister to mankind's good have, 
from the very first, by the general judgment, been made feminine — the 




MRS. ELLA V B( M >I.K. 
National Lecturer. W. ('.'!. U. 



FRANCES ELIZABETH WILLARD. 161 

ships that bear us through storm to port; the seasons that bring variety, 
surcease to toil and life's renewal ; the earth itself, which, through all time 
and in all speech, has been the universal mother. The Graces were women, 
and the Muses, too. Always her influence has glorified the world, until 
her beatitude becomes divine in Mary, mother of God. 

"Mark how the noblest conceptions of the human mind have always 
been presented in form of woman. Take Liberty; take Justice; take all 
the holy aspirations, all the sacred realities ! Each glorious ideal has, to 
the common thought, been feminine. The sculptors of the olden time made 
every immortal idea a daughter of the gods. Even Wisdom was a woman 
in the early concept of the race, and that unknown genius of the youthful 
world wrought triumph itself into woman's form in that masterpiece of all 
the ages — the Winged Victory. Over the lives and destinies of men the 
ancients placed Clotho, Lachesis and Atrophos forever spinning, twisting, 
severing the- brands of human fate. 

"In tht literature of all time woman has been Mercy's messenger, 
handmaid of tenderness, creator and preserver of human happiness. Name 
Shakespeare — Miranda and Imogene, Rosalind, Perdita and Cordelia ap- 
pear; name Burns — the prayer 'To Mary in Heaven' gives to the general 
heart that touch of nature which makes the whole world kin ; name the 
Book of Books — Rachel and the women of the Bible in beauty walk before 
us, and in the words of Ruth we hear the ultimate formula of woman's 
eternal fidelity and faith. 

"And so we see that through all time woman has typified the true, the 
beautiful and the good on earth. And now Illinois, near the very heart 
of the world's great republic and at the dawn of the twentieth century, 
chooses woman herself as the ideal of that commonwealth and of this 
period: for the character of Frances E. Willard is womanhood's apotheosis. 

"And she was American. She was the child of our American prairies, 
daughter of an American home. And so she had strength and gentleness, 
simplicity and vision. Not from the complex lives that wealth and luxury 
force upon their unfortunate children ; not from the sharpening and hard- 
ening process of the city's social and business grind ; not from any of civil- 
ization's artificialities, come those whom God appoints to lead mankind 
toward the light." 

"And there her statue of purest marble stands today, mutely proclaim- 
ing to all the world her own message: 

" 'It is women who have given the costliest hostages to fortune. Out 
into the battle of life they have sent their best beloved with fearful odds 
against them. By the dangers they have dared, by the hours of patient 
watching ovr beds where helpless children lay ; by the incense of ton thou- 
sand prayers wafted from their gentle lips to Heaven, I charge you give 
them power to protect along life's treacherous highway those whom they 
have so loved.' " 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION PARTY. 

By Samuel Dickie, Ex-Chairman Prohibition National Committee. 

Note. — For forty years the National Prohibition Party has been the 
insistent "voice of one crying in the wilderness" on the liquor question. 
With the heroism of martyrs its advocates have stood steadfastly by its 
cause through evil report and through good report, even though loyalty 
has often been at the cost of political, financial, social and (the shame of 
it!) ecclesiastical ostracism; and, in more than one instance, at the cost of 
life itself. During its entire history this party has never ceased to press 
the question of absolute prohibition home upon the conscience of citizen- 
ship and the church, and has thus been a prime factor in hastening the day 
of the final disappearance of the saloon. 

In sketching for this book the history and work of the Prohibition 
Party, Professor Dickie, like Caesar of old, writes of things — "all of which 
he saw, and much of which he was." — G. M. H. 

The Prohibition Party. — In most States, there now exists . 
an active Prohibition Party, which agitates for the strengthening and bet* 
ter enforcement of anti-liquor laws. It deems itself also a National party, 
since it has an organization which covers a great part of the Union. But 
its operations are far more active m the States, because the liquor traffic 
belongs to State legislation. (Congress has, of course, power to impose 
and has imposed an excise upon liquor.) Since, however, it can rarely se- 
cure many members in a State legislature, it acts chiefly by influencing 
the existing parties, and frightening them into pretending to meet its 
wishes. — Hon. James Bryce, in "The American Commonwealth." 

| HE Prohibition Party not only deems itself a "national" party, 
but it is so regarded by all students of national political life, 
because its dominant issue is definitely national. As early as 
1854, Rev. Charles F. Deems published, at Greensburg, N. 
C, a short-lived newspaper, in which he especially urged the 
importance of independent political action by the advocates of prohibi- 
tion. But the anti-slavery agitation dominated all other political issues 
of that period, and, the Civil War coming on, the anti-liquor agi- 
tation dropped out of sight for the time. 

As a result of the war, the liquor traffic was given a new footing 
by the Internal Revenue legislation, the United States Government be- 
coming from that time the chief partner in and beneficiary of the mann- 
162 





— CO 

W c 

— a 

— — 

n u 
^ <u 

> 




- - 

— rt 



/..': 






THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION PARTY. 165 

facture and sale of intoxicating liquors. Being thus "brought into po- 
litical prominence and schooled in political arts by its close relations with 
the Federal Government, the liquor element gradually asserted itself in 
state politics." The liquor interest inaugurated an active campaign for 
the repeal of such temperance laws as had been adopted in some of the 
states prior to the war. On June 5, 1867, the National Brewers' Con- 
gress, in session in Chicago, adopted the following resolutions: 

"Whereas, The action and influence of the temperance party is in 
direct opposition to the principles of individual freedom and political equal- 
it v upon which our American Union is founded ; therefore, 

Resolved, That we will use all means to stay the progress of this fanat- 
ical party, and to secure our individual rights as citizens, and that we will 
sustain no candidate, of whatever party, in any election, who is in any way 
disposed toward the total abstinence cause." 

As early as February of the same year, 1867, the State Temperance 
Convention of Pennsylvania had felt called upon to declare that, "If the 
adversaries of temperance shall continue to receive the aid and counte- 
nance of present political parties, we shall not hesitate to break over 
political bonds and seek redress through the ballot box." 

The Grand Lodge of Good Templars of Pennyslvania passed similar 
resolutions in June of the same year. 

The liquor interests, however, failed to take warning, and continued 
their course of political aggressiveness. Consequently, in May, 1868, the 
Right Worthy Grand Lodge of Good Templars, the supreme body of the 
order, in session at Richmond, Ind., recommended "to the temperance peo- 
ple of the country the organization of a national political party, whose 
platform of principles shall contain prohibition of the manufacture, im- 
portation and sale of intoxicating liquors to be used as a beverage." A 
year later, in convention at Oswego, N. Y., the same Right Worthy Grand 
Lodge further resolved, "That we esteem the present an auspicious period 
in the history of our political affairs for the inauguration of this move- 
ment, and therefore we recommend the calling of a National Convention 
for the purpose at an early date." 

Following the adoption of this resolution a meeting was held by those 
present favoring separate political action, and a committee of five, consist- 
ing of Rev. John Russell, of Detroit, Mich. ; Prof. Daniel Wilkins, of 
Bloomington, 111.; J. A. Spencer, of Cleveland, Ohio; John Stearns, of 
New York, and James Black, of Lancaster, Pa., was appointed to issue a 
call for a National political convention, which call was duly issued as fol- 
lows : 

"To the Friends of Temperance, Laze and Order in the United States: 

"The moral, social and political evils of intemperance and the non- 
enforcement of the liquor laws are so fearful and prominent, and the 



164 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

causes thereof are so entrenched and protected by governmental authority 
and party interest, that the suppression of these evils calls upon the friends 
of temperance ; and the duties connected with home, religion and public 
peace demand that old political ties and associations shall be sundered, and 
a distinct political party, with prohibition of the traffic in intoxicating 
drinks as the most prominent feature, should be organized. 

"The distinctive political issues that have for years past interested 
the American people are now comparatively unimportant, or fully settled, 
and in this aspect the time is auspicious for a decided and practical effort 
to overcome the dread power of the liquor trade. 

"The undersigned do therefore earnestly invite all friends of temper- 
ance and the enforcement of law, and favorable to distinct political action 
for the promotion of the same, to meet in general mass convention in the 
city of Chicago, on Wednesday, the 1st day of September 1869, at 11 
o'clock a. m., for the purpose of organizing for distinct political action 
for temperance. 

"All churches, Sunday-schools and temperance societies of all names 
are requested to send delegates, and all persons favorable to this move- 
ment are invited to meet at the time and place above stated. 

"R. M. Foust, Philadelphia, Pa. : J. H. Orne, Marblehead, Mass. ; Joshua 
Wadsworth. Cincinnati, Ohio : S. W. Hodges, Boston, Mass. ; J. A. 
Spencer, Cleveland, Ohio: R. C. Bull, Philadelphia, Pa. ; H. D. Cush- 
ing. Boston, Mass. : Rev. Peter Stryker, D. D., Philadelphia, Pa. ; 
Joshua Nye, Waterville. Me. ; Rev. Samuel McKean, Cambridge, X. 
Y. ; T. M. Van Court. Chicago, 111. : Rev. J. G. D. Stearns, Clearwa- 
ter, Mich. : William Hargreaves, M. D., Reading, Pa. ; D. W. Gage, 
Ames. la. : Rev. J. C. Stoughton, Chicago, HI. : P. Mason, Somerville, 
X. J. : Rev. Edwin Thompson, Boston, Mass. ; Rev. Elnathan Davis, 
Fitchburg, Mass. : Ebenezer Bowman, Taunton, Mass. ; B. E. Hale, 
Brooklyn, X. Y. : J. F. Forbus, Cincinnati, Ohio : Samuel Foljambe, 
Cleveland. Ohio; L. B. Silver, Salem, Ohio: O. P. Downs, Warsaw, 
Ind. : G. X. Jones. Chicago, 111. : Dr. C. H. Merrick, Cleveland, Ohio; 
Jav Odell, Cleveland, Ohio : Rev. William C. Hendrickson, Bristol, 
Pa. : Enoch Passmore. Kennett Square, Pa. : Xeal Dow, Portland, 
Me. : Rev. John Russell, Detroit, Mich. : James Black, Lancaster, 
Pa. : Charles Jewett, Pomona, Tenn. : Rev. James B. Dunn, Boston, 
Mass.: Rev. George Lansing Taylor, Xew York City: John O'Don- 
nell, Lowville, X". Y. : Rev. William M. Thayer, Franklin, Mass. ; 
Rev. X. E. Cobleigh, D. D., Athens, Tenn. : Peterfield Trent, M. D., 
Richmond. Va. : J. X". Stearns, Xew York City : Rev. William Hos- 
mer, Auburn. X. Y. : Rev. S. H. Piatt, Brooklyn, X. Y. : S. T. Mont- 
gomery, Indianapolis, Ind. : Rev. G. H. Ball, Buffalo, X. Y. : George 
P. Burwell, Cleveland, Ohio : G. X\ Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio : Luther S. 
Kauffman. Minersville. Pa.: A. T. Proctor, Cleveland, Ohio: George 
S. Tambling, Jr., Cleveland, Ohio: H. V. Horton, Cincinnati, Ohio; 
Rev. Moses Smith. Xenia, Ohio: Gen. J. S. Smith, Kingston, X. Y. ; 
T. P. Hunt, Wilkesbarre, Pa. : D. R. Pershing. Warsaw, Ind. : George 
Gabe, Philadelphia, Pa. : William H. Fries, Clifton, Pa. ; S. J. Coffin, 
Easton, Pa." 



THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION PARTY. 165 

I have repeated in some detail the above sketch of the origin of the 
National Prohibition Party to establish two facts: 

1. That the party was forced into existence by the aggressive and 
persistent political action of the liquor interests themselves; 

2. That the call for and the organization of the party was backed 
by the best moral, temperance and political sentiment of the time. 

The organizing convention met in Farwell Hall, Chicago, on the day 
appointed, September 1, 1869. Five hundred delegates were in attend- 
ance, representing California, Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, 
Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Minnesota, Massachusetts, Maine, Michigan, New 
Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Vermont, Wisconsin 
and the District of Columbia. Of course, these were all "bolters" — men 
of moral convictions who had been compelled to withdraw from other par- 
ties because of their failure to recognize the justice of their demands in 
taking position on a great moral issue. 

Gerritt Smith prepared an address to the American people which the 
convention voted to publish. The following is the text of the platform 
of principles adopted: 

"Whereas, Protection and allegiance are reciprocal duties, and every 
citizen who yields obedience to the just commands of his Government is en- 
titled to the full, free and perfect protection of that Government in the 
enjoyment of personal security, personal liberty, and private property; and 

"Whereas, The traffic in intoxicating drinks greatly impairs the 
personal security and personal liberty of a large mass of citizens, and 
renders private property insecure; and 

"Whereas, The existing parties are hopelessly unwilling to adopt an 
adequate policy on this question; therefore, 

"We, in National Convention assembled, as citizens of this free Re- 
public, sharing the duties and responsibilities of its Government, in dis- 
charge of a solemn duty we owe to our country and our race, unite in the 
following declaration of principles: 

"1. That, while we acknowledge the pure patriotism and profound 
statesmanship of those patriots who laid the foundations of this Govern- 
ment, securing at once the rights of the States severally, and their insepar- 
able union by the Federal Constitution, we would not merely garnish the 
sepulchers of our republican fathers, but we do hereby renew our solemn 
pledges of fealty to the imperishable principles of civil and religious lib- 
erty embodied in the Declaration of American Independence and our Fed- 
eral Constitution. 

"2. That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a dishonor to Chris- 
tian civilization, inimical to the best interests of society, a political wrong 
of unequaled enormity, subversive of the ordinary objects of government, 
not capable of being regulated or restrained by any system of license what- 
ever, but imperatively demanding for its suppression effective legal prohi- 
bition, both bv State and National legislation. 



166 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"3. That in view of this, and inasmuch as the existing political par- 
ties either oppose or ignore this great and paramount question and abso- 
lutely refuse to do anything toward the suppression of the rum traffic, 
which is robbing the nation of its brightest intellects, destroying internal 
prosperity and rapidly undermining its very foundations, we are driven by 
an imperative sense of duty to sever our connection with these political par- 
ties and organize ourselves into a National Prohibition party, having for 
its primary object the entire suppression of the traffic in intoxicating 
drinks. 

"-i. That while we adopt the name of the National Prohibition Par- 
ty, as expressive of our primary object, and while we denounce all repudia- 
tion of the public debt, and pledge fidelity to the principles of the Declara- 
tion of Independence and the Federal Constitution, we deem it not expedi- 
ient at present to give prominence to other political issues. 

"5. That while we recognize the good providence of Almighty God 
in supervising the interests of this nation from its establishment to the 
present time, we would not, in organizing our party for the legal prohibi- 
tion of the liquor traffic, forget that our reliance for ultimate success must 
be upon the same omnipotent arm. 

"6. That a Central Executive Committee, of one from each state 
and territory and the District of Columbia, be appointed by the Chair, 
whose duty it shall be to take such action as, in their judgment, will best 
promote the interests of the party." 

No presidential campaign being on in 1869, no ticket was nominated 
at that convention, but in the fall of that year Ohio took the initiative and 
returned votes for candidates of the Prohibition party as a distinct politi- 
cal organization. 

In 1870, six states presented candidates for Governor, the most dis- 
tinguished of whom was Wendell Phillips in Massachusetts. 

This early prominence of Phillips in the movement for political pro- 
hibition was especially significant. At the cost of social ostracism, and 
almost of personal martyrdom, he had led in the anti-slavery movement, 
and was one of the most prominent founders and leaders of the Repub- 
lican party. Mary A. Livermore says of him: 

"Through obloquy and misrepresentation, defamed by men in his 
own native city, hounded by the press, mobbed by intolerant opponents, de- 
nounced by the pulpit and the politicians equally, for forty years he stood 
unflinchingly as the friend of the black race and worked for its emanci- 
pation till the war accomplished it. When the war ended and the army 
was mustered out, Wendell Phillips said the last orders were, 'Close the 
ranks and go forward to new reforms !' He was the first to obey." 

In 1870, he was the nominee for Governor of Massachusetts of the 
Labor Reform as well as the Prohibition party. In his letter of accept- 
ance to the latter he defined his position as follows : 

"As temperance men you were bound to quit the Republican party, 
since it has deceived you more than once. Any Prohibitionist who ad- 




PRESIDEN1 I \l. C WDM) VI E 
Prohibition Party. 



THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION PARTY. 167 

heres to it proclaims beforehand his willingness to be cheated, and, so far 
as political action is concerned, betrays his principles. The Republican 
party deserves our gratitude. It has achieved great results. It will de- 
serve our support whenever it grapples with our present living difficulties 
A party must live on present living service, not on laurels, however well 
earned. . . . The only bulwark against the dangers of intemperance 
is prohibition. More than thirty years of experience have convinced me, 
and as wide an experience has taught you, that this can only be secured 
by means of a distinct political organization." 

This was his position, and he never wavered from it. What he said 
of the Republican party, and of the necessity for a distinct political Pro- 
hibition party, is just thirty-eight years truer in 1908 than it was in 1870. 

In 1871, five states returned Prohibition votes. 

On February 22, 1872, the first National Convention of the Prohi- 
bition Party was held in Columbus, Ohio. Fourteen states were represent- 
ed. James Black of Pennsylvania, was nominated for President, and 
John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice-President. The total vote was 5,607. 

In 1876, Green Clay Smith, of Kentucky, was nominated for Presi- 
dent, with Gideon T. Stewart, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The vote in- 
creased to 9,737, and to 43,230 in the various state elections in 1877. 

The third national convention was held at Cleveland, Ohio, June 17, 
1880. Twelve states were represented. Neal Dow, of Maine, was nomi- 
nated for President, with H. A. Thompson, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 
The vote remained almost stationary, 9,678, but increased to 58,688 in 
the state elections of 1883. 

Having attempted to "frighten" the other parties into "pretending" 
to grant their requests, as Bryce would say, the Prohibitionists of 1884 
met at Pittsburg, July 23, and nominated John P. St. John, of Kansas, 
for President, and William Daniel, of Maryland, for Vice-President. An 
attendance of 465 delegates from thirty-one states meant that the party 
was not a mere "balance of power" party. It indicated a genuine inde- 
pendent political party, with a real issue. The vote leaped to 150,626, 
and the issue was in politics to stay. 

Four years passed. On the last two days of May, 1888, forty -two 
states sent delegates to Indianapolis, and Clinton B. Fisk, of New Jersey, 
and John A. Brooks, of Missouri, were placed at the head of the ticket. 
Despite the efforts of the anti-saloon Republicans, and the Woman's Re- 
publican League, the vote for the ticket registered 249,945. 

The convention for 1892 was held in Music Hall, Cincinnati, Ohio, 
and nominated General John Bidwell, of California, and James B. Cran- 
fill of Texas. Bidwell had been a Republican member of Congress and 
also a wine-grower. But, when he realized the effects of a faithless Re- 



168 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

publicanism and the drink traffic, he had repented and gone out of both 
lines of business. Cranfill was an editor and preacher, a strong leader in 
higher politics in his state. The vote ran to 269,191, and the Domi- 
nant Issue was still "dominant." 

At Pittsburg, in 1896, there was a "split," and the vote for Joshua 
Levering, of Maryland, and Hale Johnson, of Illinois, dropped to 132,- 
009, though the party never had better candidates. 

Four years more passed. The "split" healed, and the brilliant orator, 
lecturer and editor, John G. Woolley, of Illinois, was nominated, with 
Henry B. Metcalf, of Rhode Island, as running mate. Woolley made a 
magnetic campaign, and pulled the vote up to 209,936. Only seven states 
failed to cast Prohibition votes that year. 

When the convention met at Indianapolis, June 30, 1904, a move- 
ment was inaugurated to nominate General Nelson A. Miles, of the United 
States Army, but he declined to act with the Prohibition party, in spite of 
his anti-canteen sentiments. The convention nominated the "Fighting Par- 
son," Silas C. Swallow, of Harrisburg, Pa., with George W. Carroll, of 
Texas, for Vice-President. The vote rose to 260,114. 

The party immediately began to prepare for the next campaign. In 
the meantime, anti-saloonism was growing everywhere, and the country 
was buckling down to a finish fight with the liquor traffic. Undismayed 
by nine defeats, 1088 delegates met, in this year of grace, 1908, in the 
city where the party had held its first national convention, and presented 
Eugene W. Chafin, of Illinois, for the presidency, with Aaron S. Watkins, 
of Ohio, for the vice-presidency. 

Of the convention of 1908 it may be said that the party never met 
before with stronger confidence in the final and speedy triumph of its cause. 
When a political party stands faithful and true under the defeats of forty 
years it may not be charged that such a party is made up of place-seekers 
moved by a desire for the spoils of office. It is evident that men and women 
must be governed only by principle and conscience when for so long a time 
they sacrifice time and strength and money with no hope of material reward 
or advancement. Yet the delegates of 1908 rejoiced in the abundant evi- 
dence to be seen in all parts of the country that the principle of prohibition 
had won its way over half the territory of the United States and was 
rapidly encroaching upon the other half. 

During all these years, the party has stood true to its original colors, 
and its demands today remain strictly in line with its original proclamation 
in 1872, a quarter of a century ago, as witness the platform of this year, 
as follows: 




S ICE PRESIDEN I I \l. CANDID \ I I - 
Prohibition Party. 



^ 



THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION PARTY. 



169 





% 



r, 



OF TT-fF 1 

<mdapfede<fumfois.0faju@16, 190& 

fje^rof;i(ntion$irti> of t$e%iiteb States, a$semf!feb in convention 
at Co(um6u*.0f)io,duty D'tfJ.l^OcVrpresjituj gratitube toaftnigfjtg^oJ 
for tfje victories of our principles int^c post, for encouragement at 
present.ano for coufibetice inearfu anb triumphant success intfje 
future, makes t$c foffouuna occupation of principfes. anb pUbges 
mcir enactment into fau> when pfaceb in pouter : 



me*u£m i^sicn bpcoiiarcssratjSeseiJeraf states, of an amendment torjje feberafconstitulum 
* propiBiling ^manufacture. salejmportotion.exporlation or Ira repartition ofaicoyolic 
ftquors for Deoeraae purposes. 

H|B$c imniebiale protjifmioa of tfye ftquor traffic for beverage purpose} in i&Dislrirf ofCo- 
"™ fam£ia,ia tfje territories anb aff peaces over \x&jic% tjfe nationaf government £as juris- 

btclion ; tp« repeat ofxxy. internal rewnue tax en aicoyoiic fiquors onbtr;e prcfyx&xHon, 

of interstate traffic therein. 

ggjfiff}* election of^nileb plates senators (nj birect note of\§e people. 

ftpjawiiatne cjrabualeb income anb in peri lance law*. 

U| l?e establishment of poslaf savinqs iianks anb ttjeguaraalu ojoeposits in van&s. 

HH0a regulation of off corporolion^boina, on interstate commerce business. 

513 (k creation of a permanent tariff commission. 

B|g5* strict enforcement of Paio insteab of offkiaf toferance anb pmrlicaf licence, af 

J"lfye sociaf einf tt>f}icji preuarfs inman^ of our cilie^.unljS ib unspea&apGr traffic ingirjj. 
1/ ^(("'f^ 01 ntarriagc anb biuorce faios 
, yjjrr iSiln equito&fe anb couslilulionof empfoyery fiafnfihj act. 
SjTK j!® our ' reuieio of post office bepart men! becisians. 
' > B16V P ro ^'^^ n of cftfo fa6or in mines, morksfyops crno fjclorus. 

}J^|«9»*faiion basing suffrage onfyupen inlefficjence aub atufiuj b reao anb write/Hp 
&n«Tist7 tanguaae. 

Bill (^ presvrwalion of tF/e mmeraf anb fares! rcsoarces of me country.anb toe improue- 
ment ofh)e kjiarjujaus onb tuatermays. 

■<- 

Oiefieiuno, in tlje righteousness of our cause anb tf?e finaf trtumpjjof 
ourprincipfc5, anb conrinccb of tjy ununffingness of tjj? republican anbocm- 
ocratic partus tob^afmitytijese issues, m intnU to fuff party feffotP5^ijy 
off citizens xsfyo arc xtrAfy us cgreeb. "^v. 

Facsimile of engrossed platform presented to Messrs. Chafin and Watkins when 
notified of their nomination. 



17 q THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

The history of a political party is not merely the history of its vote : 
it is a story of its idea. Hence, it is that the Prohibition party of the 
United States has done something more than merely poll a vote of "bolt- 
ers," "mugwumps" and "independents." It has compelled the general 
recognition of its issue, a sentiment which has crystallized into a demand, 
irrespective of party, for that legislation which so long has been thwarted 
by the machinations of saloon bosses, working through the machinery of 
the dominant parties. 

Different estimates are placed upon the value of the service rendered 
by the Prohibition party, varied by the standpoints and predilections of 
observers. Perhaps none will dispute, however, the following finding of a 
writer in the "C} T clopedia of Temperance and prohibition" : 

"The party has always been and is today the only national party 
reliably committed to prohibition and against license ; it has done more 
than has been accomplished through any other purely political agency to 
keep the issue constantly before the people ; it has often been a menace to 
the stronger organizations and has disciplined and chastened them in not 
a few instances; it is supported by a large majority of the representative 
Prohibition leaders ; it has engaged in no discreditable intrigues and its 
characteristic methods have been honorable and straightforward; its de- 
velopment has unquestionably been attended, from whatever cause, by a 
concentration of organized sentiment, a great extension of prohibitory ter- 
ritory, and an increasing eagerness among the enemies of the cause to 
effect compromises." 

Note. — The character and purpose of a political party is indicated by 
the type of men called to its official management and direction. In this 
respect the National Prohibition Party takes high rank. The roll of its 
National Chairmen is as follows: 1872, John Russell; 1876, James Black; 
1880, Gideon T. Stewart; 1884, John B. Finch; 1888, 1892, 1896, Samuel 
Dickie; 1900, 1904, Oliver W. Stewart; 1905, 1908, Charles R. Jones; 
not a professional politician nor a time-server among them. — G. M. H. 



MEMORANDUM. 

The Rev. John Russell is reputed to be the "father of the Prohibition 
Party," but there is record to prove that on the second Tuesday night of 
the month of February, 1861, more than eight years before the Prohibi- 
tion Party was organized, Bradford McGregor, an initiate of the Good 
Templars, made the statement, after taking the vows of the order, that he 
could no longer vote for candidates who did not favor prohibition, and that 
his obligations as a Good Templar bound him to vote only for prohibition 
candidates. A week later, the Rev. John Russell was initiated and he, too, 
reached the same conclusion, under influence of the vows assumed. The 
two men introduced the subject of political duty under the question, "What 




ft 




THE XATI01S r AL FROHIBITIOX PARTY. 171 

may be done for the good of the order?" and the lodge immediately took 
issue with the two radicals. The Chief Templar announced that if he be- 
lieved as McGregor and Russell did he would leave the order. "Where- 
upon," says McGregor, "Ru*ell and McGregor clasped hands on their 
faith and declared for a third party, and that party a Prohibition party." 
Mr. McGregor is still living, a radical Prohibitionist, who has won 
the respect of his fellow citizens of all parties by his fidelity to conviction 
and loyalty to a refined moral sense. 



History will do right by the Prohibition party and it will be fame 
enough if it say of us : "They won to their great doctrines, so stubbornly 
pressed and so faithfully stuck to, loyalty to the church and the absolute 
destruction of the church's enemy. They won to this doctrine the men 
and women who won the victory, and the}' were broad enough not to claim 
a monopoly of Christian patriotism ; and they were big enough to coop- 
erate, when this cause for which they sacrificed got too big for any man 
or any set of men to lead." 

This is higher ground than any other party ever occupied. It presents 
difficulties, chief of which is the occasional weakening of party organization, 
by omitting to nominate a full ticket, or any ticket, and putting our power 
back of candidates who are not of our own party. But I fully believe that 
such an attitude of party altruism in the interest of a purer patriotism, 
will multiply the strength of our organization and the weight of our 
influence. 

Finally, let me repeat that the night of the firebell has passed, and the 
daylight of knowledge and cooperative efficiency is dawning. We set out 
to compel attention to the lopsided instability of a temperance movement 
which gave itself wholly to rescue, to warning and to local betterment, and 
let the fire burn — nay, conceded that it had to burn right on, and fanned 
it to a whiter, deadlier intensity with the forced draft of high license. 
We have won that central purpose of our existence. 

The rest is not agitation, but constructive statesmanship. The over- 
throw of the liquor power, not by the fiat of power, nor by shrewd politics, 
but by the informed and convinced intelligence of the voters, that is our 
objective. The clang and rattle of alarm must now give way to the modu- 
lated voices of reason and fellowship and conscience. 

We have got together two hundred and fifty thousand temperance 
radicals. That is about all there are. The other fourteen million voters 
are conservatives of whom the best we can hope is that they will be in- 
dependent enough to support us when we are reasonable and formidable 
enough to win. A majority of them will in time accept our reasoning, 
but it must be reasoning — not shouting and criticism. — Joux G. Woolley. 




CHAPTER XIII. 

THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION. 
By D. Leigh Colvin, President, 1899-1908. 

[HE Intercollegiate Prohibition Association is enlisting large 
numbers of the brightest intellects in our great colleges and 
universities in the movement against the liquor traffic. In its 
membership is a large proportion of the leaders in scholar- 
ship, oratory, debate, athletics, Christian work and other ac- 
tivities of college life. These are the young men and women who are des- 
tined to be the leaders of thought, the moulders of public opinion and the 
statesmen of the future. They have been led to the championship of Pro- 
hibition by a thorough study of the liquor problem and related problems. 
They have come to realize that the principle of prohibition is supported by 
the fundamental principles of economics and political science. Not a few 
are seeing in the prohibition movement a wide field for service in the better- 
ment of humanity. 

There are state organizations in eighteen states extending from New 
York to California and from Minnesota to Texas, and college leagues in 
most of the colleges of those states. In the college year 1907-1908, forty- 
eight thousand students were reached with the principles of prohibition. 

The object of the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association, as stated in 
its constitution, is — 

"To promote broad and practical study of the liquor problem and 
related social and political questions, to advance the principle of prohibi- 
tion, and to secure the enlistment of students for service and leadership in 
the overthrow of the liquor traffic." 

In accordance with the spirit of educational institutions the Associa- 
tion first of all encourages a thorough study of the liquor problem and 
related questions. A study is made, not only of its magnitude, not only 
of its relation to the other great social problems, but special emphasis is 
placed upon a study of the methods of solution which have been proposed 
and tried. 

The Intercollegiate has prepared a three years course of study which 

is used in the college leagues all over the country. The first year course 

is entitled, "Social Welfare and the Liquor Problem." This course makes 
172 



INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION OFFICERS AND ORATORS, 1908. 






RAPHAEL H. BLAKESLEY 



HARRY S. WARNER, 
Secretary. 



LEVI T. PENNINGTON. 






VIRGIL G. IIINSHAW, 
President. 



D. LEIGH COLVIN, 

Treasurer. 



(MAS SCROGGIN PIERCE. 







FRED MESC I. I 



EVERT I. JONES 



(,(SI AVE HOELSCHER 



THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION. 173 

a study of the effect of the liquor traffic on the fundamental ends of social 
welfare. Studies are made of the effect of the traffic on public health, 
covering, some of the physiological aspects; also its relation to the public 
wealth — including the waste caused by the liquor traffic in its various forms, 
directly and indirectly, its relation to industry and to labor and to wages. 
In one economic investigation made by a representative of the Intercollegi- 
ate, it was found* that, by the operation of well known economic laws, there 
are at least ten ways in which wages are decreased by the liquor traffic. 
In this course is considered the argument for the saloon as a social center, 
and the matter of substitutes for the saloon. The course also discusses the 
relation of the liquor traffic to the city problem, to the race problem, to the 
family, to political corruption and other related questions. 

A second year course is on "The Solution of the Liquor Problem: a 
Comparison of Methods," in which a comparative study is made of prac- 
tically the whole range of methods which have been advocated, from the 
license system up, including high license, local option, the dispensary and 
Gothenburg methods, state prohibition, the national government and pro- 
hibition, the omnipartisan plan, and the plan of the Prohibition party. An 
unbiased study is made of all the methods, including the principles under- 
lying each of them, the arguments for and against, and the results of the 
various methods in the different sections where they have been tried. By 
thus making a comparative study, and by taking into consideration so far 
as possible the whole range of experience, the student can get a wide basis 
from which to reach his conclusions. In entering upon the study all 
students, without regard to their past views, are invited to participate, 
and there is no commitment to any particular plan or method. All sides 
are taken into consideration, and the freest expression of opinion is en- 
couraged. This being the case, it is significant that the large majority 
of those who make a serious and thorough study of the question come out 
for prohibition and prohibition supported by a political party to enforce 
it as essential for the ultimate solution. 

A third year course deals with "The Legal and Political Aspects of 
the Problem." The first half year is devoted to a study of the leading 
court decisions upon the question and the constitutional phases, and the 
second half year a study is made of the political means and agencies. 

All of the courses have appeared in the Intercollegiate Statesman, the 
monthly magazine of the organization, and the course on "Social Welfare 
and the Liquor Problem" has been published in book form. In the studies 
given in the Statesman three or four sub-topics are outlined for each meet- 
ing, a summary of the chief facts is given and a list of references to the 
leading books and magazine articles is furnished. The references include, 
not only leading books on the temperance and prohibition question, but 



174 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

also a number of works on sociology, economics, political science and re- 
lated subjects. In 1907-1908, about 3,600 students were following the 
courses in the college leagues. 

The necessary complement of knowledge is action. The traveling 
secretaries of the Intercollegiate have urged upon college men the neces- 
sity of performing their duties of citizenship. They have done their best 
to nullify the frequent and too well justified criticism that college men do 
not perform their part in public affairs. They have urged college men 
to take the lead against the saloon, and to go into the fight to win. Wen- 
dell Phillips has been quoted when he said in his famous address on "The 
Scholar in Politics" before the Phi Beta Kappa of Harvard : "I urge upon 
college-bred men that as a class they fail in republican duty when they 
allow others to lead in the agitation of the great public questions which 
stir and educate the age. These agitations are the means and the oppor- 
tunities which God offers us to reform the tastes, mould the characters and 
lift the moral purpose of the masses on whose intelligence and self-respect 
rests the state." Late in life, when a young man came to him regretting 
that he did not live in a time when there was a great cause to champion, 
Phillips, pointing to a saloon, said that the prohibition of the liquor traffic 
offered a greater cause than the one against slavery had ever been. 

The Intercollegiate has emphasized that to get into the active move- 
ment for prohibition offers an opportunity for real social servdce as replete 
with the possibilities of achievement for humanity as there is open to the 
young man in America today. 

Some of the brightest students in the colleges are responding to the 
growing need for trained and consecrated young men and women to enter 
the prohibition field. In the year 1906, fifty -seven young men and one 
young woman from the ranks of the Intercollegiate, engaged in the active 
work against the saloon, under various organizations and committees. In 
the summer of 1908, more than two hundred college men were thus engaged. 
In Minnesota, there were about sixty-five ; in Illinois, sixty ; and a number 
in Iowa, Indiana, New York, Texas, Washington and other states. 

One example of what college students have been able to accomplish is 
shown by their work in the prohibition legislative campaigns in Minnesota. 
In 1902, in that state, the vote for the Prohibition legislative candidates 
was only 4000. In the summer of 1904, four college men were in the 
field in six counties, and the vote was increased to 12,000, the increase com- 
ing mostly from those six counties. In 1906, sixteen college men covered 
one-third of the state, and the vote increased to 32,000, resulting in the 
election of three members of the legislature. One additional vote in fifteen 
would have elected fifteen of the sixteen candidates for whom fights were 
made. These college men did the hand-to-hand personal work of winning 



THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION. 175 

the individual voter. They perfected organization, and stimulated local 
workers to greater endeavor. They exerted a wide influence, and every- 
where the fact that able college men, who had studied public questions, were 
championing the prohibition issue, gave added prestige to the campaign 
work. 

College men are responding to the call for service with a spirit of 
sacrifice which is rarely surpassed. One young man, a Norwegian stu- 
dent, working his way through college, in the summer of 1907 earned $140 
in prohibition work. Of that he voluntarily contributed $100 to the pro- 
hibition cause, and the following winter split wood and washed dishes to 
pay his way through school. The largest single contribution yet received 
by the Intercollegiate, came from an officer whose gift of one thousand 
dollars meant self-denial through several hardworking years. There is 
scarcely a college man who has entered prohibition work but who could 
have secured a much larger remuneration in some other occupation, several 
having declined from two to four times as large a salary. 

As a further indication of the spirit of service of college men, one of 
the state officers of the Intercollegiate, in the summer of 1908, secured the 
pledge of thirty-five young men, each of whom agreed to be one of one 
hundred to enlist for service in the prohibition movement for twenty-four 
months at army wages, namely, thirteen dollars a month and expenses. 
He secured this number in a few days, without special or widespread effort. 

But it is not only in enlisting those who are giving their whole time 
to prohibition work that the college movement is accomplishing results in 
bringing about the passing of the saloon. The larger power is exerted 
by the hundreds and thousands of men and women who, having been influ- 
enced by the Intercollegiate, go out from their college halls and, in their 
respective communities, take an active part against the liquor traffic. For 
example, in Missouri in 1901, there was but a single county without a 
saloon. About that time student prohibition leagues were formed in 
nearly all of the colleges of that state. In the last two or three years 
county after county has voted out the saloon, until about two-thirds of the 
counties are dry. The man who, in 1901, visited the colleges in connec- 
tion with this work, and who is now an attorney in one of the cities of 
Missouri, says that he finds that in a large number of counties the leader- 
ship has been taken by the young men recently out of college, who first 
became interested in prohibition through the Intercollegiate at that time. 

During the college year many of the leagues arc active in local cam- 
paigns in their respective communities. Often teams of speakers and 
singers arc sent out and hold meetings in neighboring towns and school- 
houses. 

Besides the systematic study, and the enlistment of students for ser- 



176 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

vice in local and general campaign work, probably the best known feature 
of the Intercollegiate is its system of oratorical contests. It is the most 
extensive and most representative system of college oratorical contests in 
the United States, extending from ocean to ocean, and including not only 
the colleges but a number of the large universities. The series extends 
through college, state, interstate and national contests. First is the local 
college contest, for which students write original orations on some subject 
related to prohibition. The winner of the college contest represents his 
college in a state contest. The winner of the state contest goes to an in- 
terstate. There are three interstate contests, an eastern, a central and a 
western, each held annually. Once in two years vhe winners of the three 
interstate contests for the two years, six speakers in all, meet in a grand 
national contest. Professors of oratory in some of the leading universi- 
ties have said that the winning of the national contest offers the highest 
honors in American college oratory. 

The prohibition oratorical contests have become popular, because 
they offer a cause to champion. The president of the largest college of 
oratory in America said that the great orators of history have been de- 
veloped in the championship of a great cause, and that the greatest cause 
of today is the cause of temperance and prohibition. The contests usually 
are largely attended. The attendance at the interstate and national con- 
tests has frequently been from three to five thousand people. 

In the series leading up to the national contest of 1908, held at Co- 
lumbus, Ohio, more than six hundred orations were written and delivered. 
The quality of the orations and the enthusiasm engendered is shown by 
the fact that the six orators at Columbus were interrupted by applause 
ninety-four times. 

The following is a list of those who spoke in the interstate contests 
in the years 1907-08, with the state and college from which they came, and 
the subjects of the orations. Each orator had previously won two con- 
tests, first, one in his college, and then his state contest. 

Eastern Interstate, 1907 — Indiana, Gustave Hoelscher, Earlham Col- 
lege, "We the People." Pennsylvania, C. Edward Bender, Juniata Col- 
lege, "Bacchus versus Columbia." Michigan, G. B. Findley, University 
of Michigan, "'The Way Out." Ohio, Ray B. Wcsterfield, Ohio North- 
ern University, "Social Progress." New York, Arthur J. Ruland, Syra- 
cuse University, "The Crime of the African Coast." 

Central Interstate, 1907 — Texas, Charles S. Pierce, Howard Payne 
College, "The Price of Victory." Iowa, Arthur H. Ayres, Central Holi- 
ness University, "The Heroism of Reform." Kansas, D. K. Burnham, 
Baker University, "The Prohibition Party." Minnesota, Nelson B. El- 



THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION. 177 

dredge, Parker College, "Christian Citizenship." Nebraska, John G. Alber, 
Cotner University, "The Message of a Martyr." Illinois, John A. Shields, 
Y. M. C. A. Institute, "Unsettled Questions." Colorado, Raymond C. 
Farmer, Colorado College, "The Liquor Problem and Its Solution." 

Western Interstate, 1907 — Oregon, E. L. Jones, Albany College, 
"The Principles of Citizenship." Washington, Warren N. Cuddy, Uni- 
versity of Puget Sound, "Our National Foe." Northern California, D. 
C. Boyd, Leland Stanford Jr. University, "Christian Chivalry." South- 
ern California, William E. Roberts, Occidental College, "The Conflict of 
the Twentieth Century." 

Eastern Interstate, 1908 — Pennsylvania, S. Frank Snyder, Pennsyl- 
vania College, "The Great Enemy of our Nation." Michigan, E. C. Pry- 
or, Albion College, "The Moral Revolution." New York, Charles N. 
Cobb, Colgate University, "The Great American Issue." Indiana, Levi 
T. Pennington, Earlham College, "The New Patriotism." Illinois, Charles 
W. Young, Greenville College, "Freedom's Full Dawn." 

Central Interstate, 1908 — Kansas, James M. Alcorn, Kansas Wesley- 
an University, "Intemperance versus a National Policy" Minnesota, 
John A. Shields, University of Minnesota, "The Victory Year." Nebras- 
ka, Ford E. Ellis, Cotner University, "The Liquor Traffic a Crime." 
Texas, James C. Boyd, Decatur Baptist College, "The Authority of Law 
Over Liquor." Iowa, Fred Mesch, Jr., Central Holiness University, "The 
Unconstitutionality of the Saloon." 

Western Interstate, 1908 — Washington, Daniel Dupertuis, University 
of Puget Sound, "The Coming Victory." Southern California, Raphael 
H. Blakesley, University of Southern California, "The Last Stand." Ore- 
gon, Miss Mary Gittins, Willamette University, "The Need for Prohibi- 
tion." 

National, 1908 — Raphael H. Blakesley, University of Southern Cali- 
fornia, "The Last Stand." Levi T. Pennington, Earlham College, Indi- 
ana, "The New Patriotism." Evert L. Jones, Albany College, Oregon, 
"Prohibition and Citizenship." Gustave Hoelscher, Earlham College, In- 
diana, "We, the People." Fred Mesch, Jr., Central Holiness University, 
Iowa, "The Unconstitutionality of the Saloon." Charles Scroggin Pierce, 
Howard Payne College, Texas, "The Price of Victory." 

The first prize of $100 was won by Mr. Pierce of Texas, and the 
second prize of $50 was won by Mr. Pennington of Indiana. 

The national Intercollegiate Prohibition Association prepares the 
study courses, publishes the Intercollegiate Statesman monthly during the 
college year, and, from its headquarters in Chicago, keeps in correspond- 
ence with and has general supervision over all the college leagues. It 



278 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

sends traveling secretaries to visit the colleges at least once each year, to 
enlist new members, to secure the adoption of advanced methods in each 
league and to stimulate greater interest among all the students. In nearly 
every college the traveling secretaries are invited to speak at chapel before 
the entire student body, thus wielding a wide influence, and in addition 
hold from one to five other meetings at each college. 

The officers of the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association for 1908 
to 1910 are: President, Virgil G. Hinshaw, University of Minnesota. 
Vice-President, Harley H. Gill, Morningside College. Secretary, Harry 
S. Warner, University of Chicago. Treasurer, D. Leigh Colvin, Colum- 
bia University. Member Executive Committee, Daniel A. Poling, Ohio 
State University. 

Four of the five officers have had extended post-graduate courses in 
some of the largest universities. 

The organization was incorporated December 12, 1901. The Board 
of Trustees is composed of Dr. Samuel Dickie, Albion, Michigan ; Hon. 
Oliver W. Stewart, John H. Hill, D. Leigh Colvin and Harry S. Warner, 
all of Chicago. 

The traveling secretaries to visit the colleges in 1908-09 are L. C. 
Brown, University of Michigan ; W. E. Critchlow, Dallas College, Oregon ; 
A. S. Dowdall, University of Minnesota ; Hervey F. Smith, Baker Uni- 
versity, Kansas ; Virgil G. Hinshaw and D. Leigh Colvin. 



THE PRICE OF VICTORY. 

By Charles Sceoggix Pierce. Hoicard Payne College, Texas. 

First Prize Oration at National Oratorical Contest, the Intercollegiate Prohibition 
Association, Columbus, Ohio, 1908. 

Every victory must be bought. This is the invariable rule in the 
market-place of the world's affairs. Every achievement of the past has 
been purchased with its price. None of the great movements that have 
swept the world God-ward, have succeeded until their advocates paid the 
price of victory. And God has put a high price upon things of great 
worth, and the same price to all men and to all ages. He knows no dis- 
counts, He holds no bargain sales. Every age has paid in full for its 
progress. Great principles do not mold the world's thought and charac- 
ter while they lie in God's store-house. They must become living fire in 
the hearts of their advocates. "Truth is truest when burning." 

For four centuries no Spartan ever left a battlefield unless he carried 
home his shield victorious, or was carried away dead upon it. He paid 
the price of military glory, and got it. 





LESLIE E. HAWK. 

Chairman Ohio Prohibition Stat, 

Committee . 



EDWIX E. HADLEV. 
Chairman Kansas Prohibition State- 
Committee. 





REV. \ II. MORRILL, I). D. 
Chairman NYu Hampshire Proh b 



DAVID I; MiCALMON I . 
(hair ma n Pennsylvania Prohibitioi 



THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION. 179 

Christianity conquered the Roman world because it was not afraid 
of the price. In the beginning it was the religion of twelve Jewish fisher- 
men ; within three centuries it had attained the throne of the Caesars; its 
symbol, the cross, was carried above the eagles at the head of the army, 
and its followers constituted the most active, virile and powerful organ- 
ization in the civilized world. 

Switzerland is free, but the story of her struggle is only the old story 
of liberty bought with a price. From the mythical days of William Tell 
until the immortal victories at Margarten Pass and Sempach, the Swiss laid 
themselves on the altar of their country's liberty. At Sempach, when all 
other means had failed to break the dense line of Austrian spears, Arnold 
von Winkelreid gathered as many into his bosom as his long arms could 
reach, and bearing them to the ground, cried out to his comrades : "I give 
myself to make a way for you." 

Science is now free to express her thoughts because her advocates in 
the past sat in stocks and lay in prisons. Socrates taught his last lesson 
in prison and drank the fatal poison ; Locke wrote his immortal teachings 
as an exile in a Dutch garret. Roger Bacon was compelled to hide away 
in manuscripts his more advanced ideas ; notwithstanding this, he spent 
fourteen years in prison, because he was too great for the light of his day. 
Galileo, old, blind, and forsaken! What great thoughts must have kept 
him company through the long months in prison ! Thomas More died for 
opinion's sake, that coming generations might live in his land of Utopia 
where opinion is free. The prison and the stake of the past have paid for 
the freedom of the present. Thus, 

"At the cost of life new truths are taught; 
Hate kills the thinker, but it cannot kill the thought." 

While the student of affairs watches freedom of conscience, a century 
old in America, now winning the last foothold of its enemy in the English 
Parliament, the French Chamber and the Spanish Cortes, let him not for- 
get that this present broad daylight of free conscience was preceded by 
a long night of religious conformity, lighted only by fagot fires. The 
veriest novice in the philosophy of history is aware that without the shed- 
ding of blood there is no freedom. We follow the lead of our consciences 
today without pay or penalty, because the men of other days, from John 
IIuss to Roger Williams followed theirs at the price of their lives. Re- 
ligious persecution scattered the ashes of Wycliffe on the Severn, Jerome 
on the Danube and Savonarola on the Arno, but its own lifeless body rests 
beneath an ocean of infamy. 

There is no worth without work, there is no success without prepara- 
tion, there is no victory without its price. History is eloquent with this 



180 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

law, it is written all over the life of man and of movements ; and the sooner 
the enemies of the liquor traffic comprehend its workings and gird them- 
selves to go into the field and pay the full price of victory, the sooner will 
the clock of man's progress strike the hour of another epoch in the world's 
approach toward God. 

I have here assumed that the destruction of the liquor trade will be a 
step forward, that this victory is attainable, and that in the not distant 
future. These three propositions many confess with their lips, and many 
more believe in their hearts. 

II. 

And what is this victory over the liquor traffic? Not local option, a 
system by which the larger political unit notifies the lesser one that it is to 
have the legal, political and moral right to do wrong if it so choose. No 
clear-headed, comprehending citizen takes local option to be the "Promised 
Land," but only that Haran wherein we, Abraham-like, tarry till our father 
Terah die. 

Nor that other hypocritical fallacy called high license, wherein the 
government, taking a share of the profits, presumes to "respectableize," 
legalize, civilize and tame the thing, permitting it to look up into our faces 
and grunt, "I am your offspring." It is a lie. The thing is none of our 
blood. Man is from God ; this thing is from the pit, "half louse and half 
devil." It is only here on sufferance and must be killed. I am not dis- 
* cussing the making of a truce, or the compensation in a compromise, but 
the price of a victory, thorough, terrible to the vanquished and eternal. 
Such a victory can never be until the constitutions, State and Federal, and 
the statutes throughout our land shall point the finger of scorn at the thing 
and hiss it from the land as an outlaw and a curse. It can never be until 
the offices of our land, county, state and national, shall be in the posses- 
sion of a political party whose palm has not itched for liquor votes, whose 
fingers have handled no campaign funds from the saloonkeeper's till, whose 
knees have not bent and whose tongue has not palavered for the liquor 
dealer's influence on election day — a political party that owes the liquor 
business nothing but eternal enmity, and stands ready to discharge the 
debt. This and no less, is our victory — the total and final separation of 
the government from the liquor trade, and more, the relentless hostility of 
the government toward the liquor traffic. 

III. 

There are those who sit aside in a corner and wonder when the final 
attack is to be made on the liquor forces. Let them awake and come upon 



THE INTERCOLLEGIATE PROHIBITION ASSOCIATION. 181 

the towers, and see that the fight is now on to the finish. The Prohibition- 
ists stand four hundred thousand strong on the firing line. They have 
said in their hearts : "As for tariff and expansion and government owner- 
ship and gold, I know not, but this I do know, that the liquor traffic ought 
to die." And they stand ready to give and to take blow for blow. They 
are not conscripts, they volunteered; they are not mercenaries, they joined 
for the cause's sake ; they are not thirty day men, they counted the cost and 
enlisted for life. Many shall fall like Dow, and Gough, and Finch, and 
Frances E. Willard with their faces to the foe and with the dew and rust 
of glory on their unsheathed swords, but no true Prohibitionist will ever 
come home from the field, or call for a furlough, or a truce, or rest, or 
peace till the victory is won. If you but look through the smoke of battle 
you can see the enemy on the retreat. Once he held the trench of respec- 
tability, the trench of morality, and the trench of usefulness. Today he 
holds none of these ; he has but one line of defense left, his political power, 
and this is being viciously assaulted. 



IV. 

When shall we win? It may be said that public sentiment is not yet 
ready for a Prohibition law and a Prohibition party. Well and good! 
There can be no reasonable ob j ection urged against the effort to make 
public sentiment ready. Does any one fear that a party which must con- 
tend for every foot of its ground will come into power before public senti- 
ment is ready? The Prohibitionist is not striving that his plea become 
law before his country is ready, but that the country may be made ready. 
And day by day the steady undertow of the truth swings the country 
farther and farther toward Prohibition. There is no rush of waters, no 
swish of the currents, no foam, no gale; just the slow move of the mighty 
waters, regular, continuous, sure. 

V. 

And there is no abatement in the call for men. From the front comes 
the cry for more soldiers. The "Old Guard" are falling one by one, they 
have saluted the flag for the last time, they rest in the trenches, their 
weapons wait for younger hands. Even the sword of the Lord has a 
human hilt. Take it up and go forward. Its very steel will give strength 
to the arm. The world's battles are not all won. The days of faith and 
courage and the times that try men's souls are not all past. God hath not 
let us fall on insipid days, when the clear call to a higher duty docs not fall 
on human ears. God is not idle! God is not dead! Put your ear down 



182 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

close to His earth, and hear the tramp of thousands of feet as the young 
men of America march to their places in the ranks. Sometimes we see no 
friendly face, we seem to be lone skirmishers on a far-flung battle-line, but 
our comrades are there in the smoke and heat and dust. Sometimes we can 
not see even our Great Commander's face; the very smoke of victory may 
hide Him, but He is there. He stands within the shadow and His reward 
is with Him. He has the victory in His hands but He will not give it to 
the half-hearted. It is ours for the price — the full, unstinted, and com- 
plete price of victory. 

Disciplined to think logically, to speak clearly, and to act wisely, the 
college man in politics counts for victory of essential issues in the campaign, 
and for education of the voting citizenship in the intervals. To him the 
whole range of history is open, and before him lies the broad domain of 
real politics. He knows what government is and ought to be, and his 
political activity tells for progress, because his ideas are the incarnation 
of invincible truth. If he compromises for sake of immediate victory on 
the plane of business success, he forfeits leadership to the demagogue, and 
pays penalty in a panic that shakes business to its base. But if, like Emer- 
son, Wendell Phillips, and the men of the Oberlin school, he dedicates him- 
self to reform, he summons to his side the fearless citizens who count not 
their lives dear to them if they may consecrate them to the universal good. 
They pay full price of thought, speech and act, of tears and blood, it 
may be — but they build themselves into the temple not made with hands, 
that stands forever in the white city of the self -governed people. 

If victory has not been won, its price has not been paid. Two hun- 
dred and fifty thousand temperance radicals, unconvinced that immediate 
duty required them to support "good men" — neutral and non-committal on 
the saloon question — paid the price of "lost" votes on the third day of 
November, 1908. But fourteen million other citizens "saved" their suf- 
frages by voting for issues and candidates acceptable to the liquor "in- 
dustry," and the count shows that the "trade" carried the election. Even 
the Anti-Saloon League candidates went down in defeat. At least five 
million churchmen declined to pay the price of a victory over the saloon. 
They went with their "party" — and postponed the solution of the saloon 
problem until the problem shall solve itself in the slowly unfolding life 
of the republic. — G. M. H. 



* 




CHAPTER XIV. 

THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE— PURPOSE AND METHODS. 
By Bishop L. B. Wilson, D. D., President. 

HERE need be no misunderstanding of our purpose by either 
friend or foe. We seek the suppression of the traffic in strong 
drink as a beverage, whether the place where it is dispensed 
be legalized or unlegalized, and, except as may be demanded 
for the harmless purposes of trade, we are pledged to 
pursue it with hostile zeal from the place of manufacture to the last 
den from which it may be dispensed. As a League, we will in every 
lawful way oppose and embarrass the traffic, nor regard our object real- 
ized until this foe of humanity has been destroyed. Let there be no 
question as to this. We are united for the destruction of the rum power. 

The method of the League is that of direct attack. No one present 
at the sessions of our national conventions*, or conversant with the con- 
duct of affairs in the state leagues, could fail to note the attitude of our 
leaders in their dependence upon Almighty God, nor could any thought- 
ful observer be in doubt concerning our hearty sympathy with every 
method of moral suasion by which is sought either the deliverance of 
those who have become the victims of strong drink, or the security of 
those who are still free from its debauching thrall. More and more 
would we encourage every effort which in any measure serves to bar the 
progress of our foe. But, as specialization is the law of largest success 
the League has concentrated its endeavors to secure — 

First, the execution of existing laws favorable to temperance. 

Second, the enactment of laws more adequately meeting the situation. 

Inasmuch as the state claims the right to control the traffic, and 
in so many ways evidences that claim, the League must deal with tin 
constituted authorities, and its methods must, in the nature of the case, 
be largely political. If it is to innuendo legislation and promote the 
fair administration of laws, it must deal witli the officials of the state 
from the moment and manner of their induction into office to the manner 
and moment of their retirement to private life. Hence it is that the 
League emphasizes the value of the political franchise, and pleads for 
the consolidation of temperance sentiment upon every occasion when 

183 



184 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

such action may have special value either in its immediate effect upon 
legislation or as an education of public sentiment. 

But, it is asked, if the League recognizes the importance of political 
action, why does it decline partisan affiliation? It is a fair question, and 
we cannot object to giving a reason for the policy to which by our consti- 
tution we are committed. 

It has seemed the part of wisdom in our plea to the citizenship of the 
state, as far as practicable, to narrow our contention and so simplify our 
work. It is surely an easier task to persuade the community that the 
liquor problem is an issue meriting consideration and justifying practical 
action, than to convince the people that tins is the paramount or only 
issue. To establish the former proposition a simple recital of facts will 
many times suffice; but to convince men of the correctness of the alterna- 
tive contention, one is compelled to argue upon the practical value of al- 
most every conceivable political theorem. 

If it be possible to gain the practical end without unnecessarily at- 
tacking prejudice, is it not wise to choose for our effort the line of least 
resistance? The question is not as to our personal conviction relative to 
the place of this among other political issues, but as to the practicability 
of convincing other people concerning the matter ; and the choice of the 
easier method cannot in any fairness be deemed a compromise with wrong. 

The method adopted by us leaves us free from the necessity of con- 
structing a party platform or of educating statesmen. It is not probable 
that a platform with a single plank would be accepted as satisfactory by 
the larger part of the community. Nor would it generally be deemed 
safe to confide the administration of public affairs to those whose only 
qualification for office is their hostility to the liquor trade. To deal satis- 
factorily with such questions as are constantly presented, the men in power 
ought to represent the best intelligence of the state, its keenest sagacity, 
its widest practical ability. Increasingly does the welfare of the state 
demand the presence in office of the broadest and best exponents of our 
patriotic citizenship. 

The formation of a new party is a task so formidable that the League 
has not regarded its attempt as either necessary or advisable. It is easier 
to select statesmen than to create them, and there is more hope of winning 
the battle on the basis of disinterested zeal than if the spoils of office were 
included among the perquisites of success. With methods flexible enough 
for every community and every occasion, direct enough to be effective, un- 
embarrassed by affiliation with any political party as such, the League is 
in position to challenge men of every party who offer themselves for office, 
to plead with increasing hope for success with every occupant of office, 




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THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE— PURPOSE AND METHODS. 185 

however high or low, and to hasten the day when loyalty to right shall 
be the only guarantee of continuance in office. 

If we cannot secure the united action of temporance-loving men in 
such campaigns as we are conducting, is it likely that an appeal for the 
permanent severance of party affiliations would meet with satisfactory re- 
sponse? If we cannot hope for victory with the aims and methods which 
the league has adopted, where shall a ground for hope be discovered? 

The difference between a toy watch and a real timepiece is that the 
latter goes. It is of immense encouragement to us to know that the League 
goes, and that, in the desired way, it is making the saloon go. In Ohio, 
Rhode Island, Illinois, California, Virginia, West Virginia, Georgia, Indi- 
ana, New York, Texas, Washington, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, 
Wisconsin, Tennessee, Connecticut, Mass_achusetts, the District of Colum- 
bia, and other states and territories, we appeal to facts to establish the prac- 
tical value of our plans. And a study of the liquor organs of the country 
will prove that our enemies fear the Anti-Saloon League more than any 
other form of organized opposition to the liquor traffic. 



From an address by Thomas M. Gilmobe, President National Model License League, 
at the Convention at Louisville, Ky., January 21, 22, 1908. 

"I want to say that the Anti-Saloon League, which is today directing 
this prohibition wave, is the most remarkable movement that this country 
has ever known. ... In its incipiency it was the personification of 
modesty, the personification of humility. I say to-day it is the most au- 
tocratic, the most dictatorial, as well as the most dangerous power ever 
known in the politics of this country, and that no man can run for any 
office, in the majority of our Southern and Western states, without being 
catechised by some men connected with it. And when he is asked the 
questions, the answers are given to him, and he is told to respond favor- 
ably, or be retired to private life. ... I say without the slightest 
hesitation that the Anti-Saloon League is the most dangerous political 
movement that this country has ever known." 




CHAPTER XV. 

THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE, ORIGIN AND PERSONNEL. 

By Louis Albert Banks, D. D. 

Note. — This sketch of the founder and the founding of the Anti- 
Saloon League is taken, upon the recommendation of Howard H. Russell, 
from Dr. Banks' very valuable book, "The Lincoln Legion." — G. M. H. 

ILL great movements have gathered about some distinct and 
A m typical personality. Emerson tells us that every great insti- 
tution is but the lengthening shadow of a man. Mahomet 
stands for Mohammedism, Martin Luther for the Refor- 
mation, George Washington for the American Revolution, 
John Wesley for Methodism. When a great task is to be wrought out, 
Gcd lays the burden of it upon some man's heart, and by inheritance 
and environment, as well as by discipline and culture, fits him for his 
work, and drives him forward by a divine impulse until it is accomplished. 
The Anti-Saloon League, like every other institution that has been 
a force for good in the world, has been a growth, and has received into 
its life great personal sacrifice and service upon the part of many de- 
voted people. While others deserve credit for valuable assistance and 
unselfish service, without which the results would have been impossible, 
it still remains true that one man conceived the plan of the organization, 
as it has finally crystallized into a working engine without material change 
from the "pattern in the Mount." He saw the visions and dreamed the 
dreams. By faith he foresaw the coming constituency, the methods of 
work, and the sure victories of the movement. He was the first mis- 
sionary in the new crusade utterly to put himself, and all he had, into 
it. He aroused the needed faith in others, raised the sinews of war, en- 
listed other leaders, mobilized the army, and conducted such victorious 
campaigns as have already won the respect of political powers, the fear 
of saloonkeepers and their allies, the rapidly growing support of all 
moral agencies, and made the organization a permanent factor in this 
"noblest conflict of the New Century." 

Howard H. Russell from early bo3~hood had distinct impressions of 
the evil of the drink habit and traffic. While yet a lad he saw near and 

dear relatives brought to a premature death through strong drink. It 
186 




HOWARD II. RUSSELL, 
Founder, Anti-Saloon League of Ameria 






THE AXTI-SALOON LEAGUE— ORIGIN AND PERSONNEL. 187 

became evident to him that for several generations this habit had been a 
family weakness. When visiting in Staffordshire, England, Russell found 
that at least fourteen relatives not far removed, bright young men, several 
of them trained in the English universities, had all died before reaching 
forty years of age, and that the drink habit was the assassin in every case. 
It is no wonder that the subject was always in his mind as of pressing im- 
portance. 

When a young lawyer in Iowa his firm was employed by a local tem- 
perance organization to prosecute lawless saloonkeepers, and to Russell 
was assigned the prosecution of the cases. He thus learned the perjury 
and anarchy characterizing such traffickers. He was often called upon for 
temperance addresses, and, in 1883, he devoted a month to the state cam- 
paign for a prohibitory amendment to the Iowa constitution. 

During his collegiate course at Oberlin, from 1884 to 1888, he was 
repeatedly sent as delegate to represent the college at temperance confer- 
ences and conventions. While a student, in 1885, he led in the Murphy 
movement at North Amherst and South Amherst, Ohio, and again, while 
still a seminarian at Oberlin, but residing at Berea, Ohio, and pastor of 
the Berea Congregational Church, he organized a local movement which 
closed eight saloons ; and they have remained closed ever since. A vicious 
physical assault upon him on the street by a saloonkeeper helped to carry 
the election by six majority. 

When the saloonkeepers, thus legally forced out of trade by the vil- 
lage ordinance, continued to sell liquor in violation of law, he secured 
abundance of evidence and began the prosecution, conducted the trials 
himself in the mayor's court, and secured such heavy penalties against the 
lawbreakers that they were compelled to obey the law. When he left Berea 
to go to Kansas City, in 1888, the citizens generally gave a farewell recep- 
tion, and a written testimonial with numerous signatures, in recognition of 
his services in the temperance cause while a citizen of Berea. 

In December, 1887, the Oberlin Temperance Alliance requested Mr. 
Russell to take charge of a movement to secure a needed law from the leg- 
islature. They offered to furnish $300 in money towards expenses, and 
to supply his Berea pulpit when it was necessary to be absent therefrom. 
He opened a headquarters at Columbus. By working through the pas- 
tors and churches a temporary "Local Option League," as it was called, 
was formed throughout the state, and petitions were circulated in every 
county for the passage of the Township Local Option Bill. 

Previously, in 1886, the legislature, in the enactment of the Dow Law, 
had given the councils of the various municipalities in the state the power 
to regulate or prohibit the sale of liquors as beverages. It was under that 
provision that the Berea saloons were closed. In many localities, when 



188 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

the village council closed the saloons, they opened again for business in 
the township just outside the line. The enactment of the township local 
option law was planned so as to enable the farmers to protect the township 
from the saloon, and incidentally to protect the village or city voting out 
the saloons. 

Under the pressure of the people, stirred up by the Local Option 
League, the bill was pushed through the house by a small majority and 
went over to the senate. Here a poll of the senate made by Senator Park 
Alexander of Akron, who was an earnest friend of the bill, showed a bare 
majority of one in its favor. On a certain Wednesday morning the bill 
was to come to a vote. On Monday morning, two days before, Senator 
Crook, of Dayton, went to Senator Alexander and said that three commit- 
tees of the brewers, distillers and saloonkeepers of Dayton had called upon 
him the previous day, and he felt that he must withdraw his promise to 
vote for the bill. Monday afternoon Mr. Russell went to Dayton, and 
through friends of the measure, secured the writing on Tuesday of man} r 
personal letters to Senator Crook. On Wednesday morning several tele- 
grams were sent him, and when the bill came up, he voted for it and it was 
passed by a majority of one vote. Senator Alexander remarked after- 
wards to Mr. Russell that the old prophecy of Isaiah had now been ful- 
filled : "The crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain." 
This Township law was the entering wedge for local option laws in that 
state. 

This four month's legislative experience led Mr. Russell to believe 
that a permanent organization of the temperance forces of the churches 
might make gradual and more rapid headway than hitherto in obtaining 
anti-saloon legislation. In making his final report to the Oberlin Temper- 
ance Alliance in April, 1888, Mr. Russell urged that the temporary organ- 
ization be made permanent, and that a salaried superintendent be employed 
to take charge of the work. A county organization was afterwards formed 
in Lorain county and there the matter rested. 

While pastor of the Southwest Tabernacle in Kansas City, in 1890, 
Mr. Russell sent circular letters to the pastors throughout Missouri, ask- 
ing their opinion upon the subject, and as the result a largely attended 
convention was called, and held at Pertle Springs, Missouri, in July, 1890, 
and a constitution was adopted providing for work in the lines of agita- 
tion, law enforcement and legislation by a state organization named the 
Missouri Anti-Liquor League. Mr. Russell was elected the president for 
the first year, and he gave his whole two months' vacation without charge 
to the league, presenting the work at various points in the state. The first 
fifty dollars expended in printing and postage in working up the state 
convention in Missouri were furnished by members of the Oberlin Temper- 



THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE— ORIGIN AND PERSONNEL. 189 

ance Alliance. Mr. W. J. Reese was appointed organizer, and with a 
stereopticon which Mr. Russell furnished him, he went out and organized 
leagues, some of which still continue their work. The state league tem- 
porarily ceased its work when Mr. Russell was called early in 1891 to take 
pastoral charge of the Armour Mission in Chicago. 

In 1892, Mr. Russell was invited to deliver a temperance address at 
Oberlin, and he again advocated the forming of a permanent state organ- 
ization in Ohio, and tried to induce certain men to take charge of the work, 
but nothing was done. His pastoral work in Chicago brought before him 
many tragedies resulting from the drink. Standing upon a box at an un- 
dertaker's door, he conducted the funeral of a suicide through drink ; the 
drunkard's home had gone, and his weeping family sat within the door. 
Again, it was the "only son of his mother, and she a widow," who had been 
wounded in a saloon brawl on Sunday, and afterwards died in the hospital. 
In another case it was the mother with seven sorrowing children, who had 
died in childbirth after being brutally struck by her drunken husband. 
The doctor gave the man money to buy medicine for the wife and he 
bought whisky for himself, and on the day of the funeral lay drunk on the 
floor of the back room. Again, it was a child driven forth by a drunken 
father to freeze to death. 

In the fall of 1892, Mr. Russell talked privately with some of the 
Oberlin citizens again about the need of State organization in Ohio. They 
said, "If you will take charge of it, it might be made a success." There 
was a natural hesitation on his part to leave the regular line of church 
work in which he was blessed, to be absent most of the time from his fam- 
ily. The question of support was utterly untried and uncertain. 

At the time of indecision a new tragedy stirred his heart. He was 
called as a minister to a home where a drunken mother lay dead. The 
father was intoxicated, as were also the undertaker's driver and some neigh- 
bor women. The little boy of eight years and his little sister of three — 
worse than orphans — were the only unpolluted objects in the desolate room. 
"Do you know what caused your mother's death?" he asked. "I do. It 
was drink," said the weeping boy. "Are you going to drink?" "I'll 
never touch it !" He pledged the boy, whose clenched hand he raised never 
to drink that which took his mother's life, and to teach his sister to do 
likewise. The next morning when he called, the house was vacant and 
that home like so many others was broken up by rum. 

It was there and then he settled the question of his future work as a 
reformer. He said to himself, "I will go out to my brethren of the 
churches and demand that they become responsible for an organized activ- 
ity that shall hasten the day when that kind of tragedy shall be done 
away." There were two or three conferences at Oberlin between January 



190 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

and May, 1893, and at Mr. Russell's request the Oberlin Temperance Al- 
liance, at a meeting held in the College library on May 24, 1893, formally 
voted to initiate and to stand officially behind the movement until it should 
be thought best to expand the work into a state organization. It was 
voted at that meeting that accounts should be kept and money received and 
paid by the Oberlin organization for the present, and Mr. Russell was em- 
ployed as superintendent upon a definite salary to introduce the movement 
to the people of the state, and as rapidly as possible to organize and fed- 
erate the churches into a league against the saloons according to plans he 
had outlined to the Alliance. 

As had been voted at the Alliance meeting on May 24, the formal pub- 
lic beginning of the Anti-Saloon League was made the first Sunday even- 
ing in June — June 4, 1893 — at a union meeting of all the churches in 
the old First Church, Oberlin. Rev. Dr. James Brand, the pastor, at the 
opening of the service said among other things that he believed this would 
prove to be one of the great historic meetings in that church. He spoke 
of two such meetings already held. One, the Indignation Meeting with 
reference to the fugitive slave held by his captors in Wellington, which re- 
sulted in the rescuing party being sent from Oberlin to take him from 
them. Another when the two companies were recruited from faculty and 
students for the Civil War. 

Dr. Brand said he believed a movement was to be advocated and begun 
that night, which would be far-reaching in its influence against the most 
stupendous and satanic evil in the state and nation. He believed, he said, 
that in Mr. Russell they saw and were to hear "a man sent from God" for 
a definite work, who was now about to set in upon his Heaven-ordained 
task. He called upon all to both hear and then act with reference to the 
important plans to be presented. Professor G. W. Shurtleff introduced 
Mr. Russell. He referred to the important work Mr. Russell had already 
done for the people of Ohio, in managing the campaign in 1888, which had 
secured the enactment of the Township Local Option Law. He expressed 
his confident belief that, with the wise and timely plans which Mr. Russell 
had presented to the Alliance and was now about to advocate to the people, 
it would be possible under his leadership to develop a permanent and pow- 
erful organization against the liquor traffic in Ohio. It was a wonderful 
meeting. The church was filled to overflowing ; students in the great gal- 
leries and earnest and attentive listeners in all parts of the house. 

Mr. Russell, in his speech that night, called attention to the fact that 
the saloons were increasing three times as fast as the population, and showed 
the need of a more powerful organization than then existed in Ohio to an- 
tagonize the liquor traffic. He insisted that the churches ought to become 
responsible for a vigorous and permanent anti-liquor league. He advo- 




in _) 




p s 
en 



36 

CO 




THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE— ORIGIN AND PERSONNEL. 191 

cated an omnipartisan and interdenominational federation, which should 
overcome the apathy, cowardice and discord then existing among temper- 
ance people, and, under the leadership of at least ten competent men em- 
ployed as experts to devote their whole time to the work, should carry for- 
ward a permanent campaign on four distinct lines: First, Agitation; sec- 
ond, Legislation; third, Law Enforcement; fourth, an Organization of the 
Boys. At the close of his speech he appealed for liberal subscriptions to 
support the movement. Printed three-year pledges were circulated and 
the aggregate sum pledged was over $600 per year for three years, or 
nearly two thousand dollars. A private canvass soon increased the sub- 
scription to three thousand dollars, and it is an interesting fact that Ober- 
lin, that grand old reform center, with no saloons, and the law well en- 
forced, has given about one thousand dollars per year during the past ten 
years through the treasury of the Anti-Saloon League, to do missionary 
work for Ohio and the country in the cause of temperance. 

The Ohio Anti-Saloon League was born that Sunday night in the 
church in Oberlin. It soon spread over the state, and the bold prediction 
of its founder that the people of the churches would form a mighty league 
against the saloons was soon fulfilled. Russell was tireless in service and 
abundant in success. He soon interested men who had both conscience 
and capital to devote to the cause. Two of them deserve special mention. 
They are the late E. W. Metcalf, of Elyria, and Mr. A. I. Root, of Me- 
dina, Ohio. These men by their counsel and generosity helped give the 
new venture a rapid start. The League was soon felt in legislation ; bad 
legislation was stopped, and advance measures were taken; laws long dis- 
used and disobeyed were brought to light and enforced; until the eyes of 
temperance people all over the nation were attracted by the Ohio idea of 
aggressive concentration against the saloon. 

In 1894< and 1895, Russell began to have many calls from the outside 
for information about the Ohio Anti-Saloon League and its work. 

Neighboring states began to organize along the same lines. A call 
for an interstate convention for four or five of the interior states, with a 
view to forming an Anti-Saloon League, had been prepared and was 
about to be issued, when a letter came from the Anti-Saloon League 
of the District of Columbia, inviting the Ohio Anti-Saloon League to join 
in a call for a convention to organize a National Anti-Saloon League. The 
Ohio Anti-Saloon League joined in that call and the American Anti-Saloon 
League was formed at Washington in December, 1895. 

The immediate origin of the National Anti-Saloon League may be 
properly said to have come from four distinct sources. In the first place 
there had been non-partisan state temperance organizations at work for 
several years previous to the organization of the Anti-Saloon League. 



192 THE PASSING Otf THE SALOON. 

These were the Total Abstinence Society in Massachusetts, the Connecticut 
Temperance Union in Connecticut, the Kansas Temperance Union in Kan- 
sas and the Maryland State Temperance Alliance in Maryland. At least 
three of these old state organizations took part in the convention at Wash- 
ington in 1895 which organized the American Anti-Saloon League, and 
they have all since as bodies, federated with the national organization. In 
the second place, a movement had been planned and carried forward by 
the Rev. A. J. Kynett in connection with his regular work as Secretary of 
the Church Extension Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Dr. 
Kynett called the organization which he furthered the Interdenominational 
Christian Temperance Alliance. He printed a monthy magazine in con- 
nection with his Church Extension Society work, and this magazine con- 
tained a department relating to saloon suppression, in which he advocated 
the organization of branch Alliances in the different localities throughout 
the country, and, as far as such branches were organized, he reported their 
work in that department of the magazine. He advocated the forming 
of organizations in each local Methodist church, and urged that the 
churches of other denominations should form like organizations and seek 
alliance with one another in the various localities and states. To some 
extent he had succeeded in securing such church and local organizations, 
and in three states, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Ohio, conventions had been 
held and officers elected to inaugurate state organizations along the same 
lines. Not a great deal of work had been done through these organiza- 
tions, as Dr. Kynett himself stated, for lack of a superintendent who could 
devote his whole time to the organization and direction of the movement. 
Dr. Kynett was glad to join forces with the new movement planned at the 
Washington Convention, and he was, during the early years of the Ameri- 
can Anti-Saloon League, one of its most wise and faithful counselors and 
leaders. 

The third source of the Anti- Saloon League movement was found in 
the federation of the churches and temperance societies in the District of 
Columbia, which was formed June 23, 1893, under the name of District 
of Columbia Anti-Saloon League, and which had already at the time of the 
convention in 1895, done very useful service for the temperance cause at 
the Capital. Among those who were influential in the District of Colum- 
bia League when the National League was formed, may be mentioned Mr. 
A. N. Canfield, who had called the first conference looking toward the fed- 
eration of the churches and temperance societies of the District of Colum- 
bia in an Anti-Saloon League, and Mr. James L. Ewin, who was the first 
secretary of the national organization, and is its present corresponding 
secretary, and who has devoted much time and self-sacrificing service in 
connection with the calling and management of the various conventions of 



THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE— ORIGIN AND PERSONNEL. 193 

the League at Washington, and in the furtherance of the League's growth. 
Rev. Luther B. Wilson, D. D., then a presiding elder of the M. E. Church 
at Washington, was more than any other man influential in causing the 
call for a national organization to be issued. He was at that time presi- 
dent of the District of Columbia League, and was elected First Vice-Presi- 
dent of the National League. After the death of the Hon. Hiram Price, 
who was the first President of the National League, Dr. Wilson was elected 
to succeed him as the League's president, and he has been a most able pre- 
siding officer. The fourth source of influence in the forming of the na- 
tional League is found in the Ohio Anti-Saloon League with its successful 
history of organization and achievement prior to the convention at Wash- 
ington in December, 1895, to which it sent its delegates to take part in 
the forming of the national organization. 

Back of or contemporaneous with all these four lines of influence 
which have been named, were the organized efforts made by temperance 
workers in all parts of the United States, which had resulted in the agita- 
tion of the temperance question and the concreting of the public senti- 
ment thus engendered into statute law, and the obtaining of the enforce- 
ment of the law in the various localities throughout the country. The or- 
ganizing convention adopted a constitution providing for a federation of 
all organizations pledging cooperation in the suppression of the saloon. 

The object of this League as stated in Article Third is as follows: 

"The object of this League is the suppression of the saloon. To this 
end we invite the alliance of all who are in harmony with this object, and 
the League pledges itself to avoid affiliation with any political party as 
such, and to maintain an attitude of neutrality upon questions of public 
policy not directly and immediately concerned with the traffic in strong 
drink." 

An executive committee was elected in harmony with the constitution, 
and provision was made for future annual conventions of the national 
League. These conventions have been held with an increasing attendance 
and a growing federation of organizations to promote the objects of the 
League. The national organization now federates about 250 church, tem- 
perance and other bodies in all parts of the country. The Ohio Anti- 
Saloon League was recognized as the "model" for other state leagues to be 
formed throughout the country, and the superintendent of the Ohio League 
was elected first superintendent of the national organization. Gradually 
the beginning of work lias been promoted in the various states since 1895; 
in some cases by correspondence, but with greater satisfaction and success 
by a visit to the new state by the national superintendent. In 1897, Su- 
perintendent Russell spent three months introducing the work in California 
and other states in the Far West. For two years after the national League 



194 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

was formed, Superintendent Russell served as Superintendent both of the 
Ohio League and of the national League, and, during the years 1902 and 
1903, he was superintendent both of the national League and of the New 
York State Anti-Saloon League. During two of the years of his super- 
intendence' he traveled over 50,000 miles each year in connection with the 
work of organization in new states and the fostering of the work in the 
states where the League had already been formed. 

A bright judge of men and great human movements says: "Success- 
ful leadership depends entirely upon one's ability to multiply himself 
through others. Great leaders must not only lay plans which are practi- 
cal, but must also be able to call around them those who can carry out 
their orders efficiently and vigorously." This is one of Howard Russell's 
personal qualities, and has contributed greatly to his success as Superin- 
tendent of the Anti-Saloon League of America. 

Among many others whom he has chosen and enlisted to cooperate 
in the expansion of the League, a few names may be mentioned of those 
who have been longest associated with the work. The Rev. E. C. Din- 
widdie, of Springfield, Ohio, was one of the first men called. He was given 
special charge of the legislative department of the Ohio League, for which 
work he showed great aptitude. After four years in Ohio he took entire 
charge of the Pennsylvania League, and then became National Legislative 
Superintendent. He is a man rarely qualified for such tasks, and his 
work has met with gratifying success. The Rev. P. A. Baker, D. D., of 
Columbus, Ohio, was first employed as a district superintendent of the 
Ohio League, when Dr. Russell resigned to assume the duties of the super- 
intendence' of the national League in 1897. Baker carried forward and 
developed the League in that state with masterly ability and success. He 
is as brave as a Hon, as wise as a serpent and a man of remarkable adapta- 
tion to his position. When Dr. Russell became superintendent in New 
York, Dr. Baker became General Superintendent of the Anti-Saloon 
League of America. In the expansion of both the state and national 
Leagues, Baker and Russell have been true yoke-fellows. They are the 
Cobden and Bright of this mighty movement of reform. Mr. Wayne 
B. Wheeler was one of the bright men of the class of 1895 in Oberlin Col- 
lege. Upon his graduation from college he began as a field secretary in 
the Ohio League, and later was admitted to the Ohio Bar, and has since 
made a brilliant record as attorney for the Anti-Saloon League of Ohio 
and of the national League. The Rev. Dr. J. C. Jackson was called 
from an important Columbus pastorate to the League work in 1896, and 
after assisting Superintendent Russell, both in the state League work, and 
in organizing new Leagues in other states, he was appointed editor of The 
American Issue, first the organ of the Ohio League, and subsequently that 




MISS GLENN WILL, 
Field Secretary, Vnti-Saloon League of California. 



THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE— ORIGIN AND PERSONNEL. \%% 

of the national organization. By his voice on Sunday, and his pen during 
the week, Dr. Jackson is exerting a mighty influence for the cause. 

Time would fail to mention other names worthy of record. One 
after another strong men have been sought out and placed at the head of 
the various state organizations, and in charge of the equally important dis- 
trict work in many of the states. A particular reference to these leaders 
and organizers must be omitted for lack of space, but they are exerting a 
powerful influence in molding public sentiment against the liquor traffic. 
Nor will it be possible further to recite the wonderful growth and spread 
of this marvelous movement. Suffice it to say that a little over fifteen 
years ago Dr. Russell, first privately, then publicly, at the great Oberlin 
meeting, proposed the League system of state-wide anti-saloon work as it 
has since been developed throughout the land. At that time, to quote Pro- 
fessor Whitlock, "Russell was the only salaried officer. The League head- 
quarters were in his valise. Its stock in trade was his faith and heroism and 
the sympathy and prayers of a few friends and advisers." Today, ac- 
cording to Dr. Russell's last annual report, the organization has been 
started in practically all the states and territories, and nearly five hundred 
persons are devoting their entire time to the work. The financial support 
for the past year in the various states and in the national League will ag- 
gregate over $400,000. 

Note. — In other chapters of the book the great spread of prohibition 
territory since the Anti-Saloon League began its work is set forth. Where 
older organizations have sowed and watered the seed so faithfully for so 
many years, this newer organization, coming in with its practical methods, 
has gathered the harvest. "And herein is that saying true, One soweth, 
and another reapeth. . That both he that soweth and he that reapeth 
may rejoice together." — G. M. H. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 

By Samuel J. Barrows, President of the International Prison Commission. 

Abridged and reprinted by permission from The Outlook, July 4, 1908. 



PART. I. 




HEN a single town in New York votes to go dry on the ques- 
tion of license, and some other town in Illinois votes to go 
wet, it may be due to some local option shower, or a local 
option drought. But when we see a great temperance wave 
move with resistless energy across the land, when we see the 
tide of public opinion against alcoholism making itself felt in England, 
France, Sweden, Finland, Russia, Switzerland, as well as in Illinois, Okla- 
homa and the Black Belt, we know just as well that it is not merely a 
question of local showers — some great moral or social world-force is mak- 
ing itself felt in our civilization. 

Logically, as well as historically, it is easy to see why social control 
of the liquor traffic, in some form or other, has become a recognized prin- 
ciple in modern legislation. When temperance was regarded as an in- 
dividual and not as a social question, there was a natural protest against 
the restriction of individual liberty by sumptuary laws. Whether enacted 
by Lycurgus, Augustus, Charlemagne, or Edward III., they had in them 
no element of public opinion. They seemed to be the edict of an individual 
tyrant against individual liberty. Because they were not supported by 
public opinion they were not observed. Anti-liquor laws in modern 
democracy are not edicts imposed upon the people; they are laws adopted 
by the people themselves, and depending upon the people for their execu- 
tion. In our own day extreme individualism has been modified in every 
respect by fraternalism, by new conceptions of solidarity and social obliga- 
tion. "No man liveth to himself." Eating and drinking are private acts, 
but they may have important social consequences. If the individual is 
responsible to society for his acts, society is recognizing its responsibility 
to the individual. It is responsible to some extent for his environment; it 
must furnish him adequate protection. The state intervenes to protect the 

individual against diseased meat, impure milk, and adulterations of food 
196 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 197 

of any sort. Individual health may be a personal concern ; but the public 
health is a social concern. Boards of health have sprung up in all civilized 
countries. Drunkenness is an individual vice; but if it deprives the in- 
dividual of his self-control, it becomes a social peril ; it means theft, assault, 
wife-beating, social disorder, homicide ; it means neglected homes, neglected 
children, poverty, and pauperism. Alcoholism is a form of temporary in- 
sanity. Only the extreme anarchist will deny the right of society to control 
the man who is socially dangerous because he cannot control himself. If 
we restrict the liberty of an individual who is drunk or insane, it is because 
we cannot imperil the liberty of the multitude, and we must also protect 
the man against himself. 

It is too late to ask whether society has a right to protect itself 
from disorder and indecency, from pauperism and crime; it has been 
determined to do so in nearly every civilized country ; and the great ques- 
tion is not, Shall it be done? but, How shall it be done? 

In Europe the most exciting campaign for legislative restriction has 
been going on at the same time this year in two countries, England and 
Switzerland, where the conditions are very different. In the United King- 
dom the consumption of spirits, wine and beer has become enormous. 
With a total population of 43,659,000, the expenditure for liquors of 
all kinds during 1906 reached the sum of $809,681,829, or an average 
of $18 per capita. In 1907 the expenditure rose to $815,000,000. De- 
ducting children and adult abstainers — about one-half of the popula- 
tion — this means that the drinking half spent on an average of $37.12 
per capita, so that a family of two adult drinkers spent on the average 
of $74.24. 

From what source does this enormous supply of liquor come? On 
January 1, 1907, there were in England and Wales alone 124,189 licensed 
public houses and 6,907 registered clubs, a total of 131,096 places for 
the retail sale of drink ; that is, one drinking shop or club to every 206 
persons. In the same territory in England and Wales 174,049 persons 
were convicted of drunkenness in 1907, 33,003 of whom were women. 

These figures now show, on one hand, why a large number of people 
in England and Wales are demanding reform, and why it is hard, against 
the liquor trust, to get a reform through. A vast number of people want 
to drink, and a vast number of people want to supply them. 

Successive Parliaments have tried to bring in satisfactory temperance 
measures without avail. Mr. Balfour's bill of 1904 left the people in a 
worse plight than before, as it changed the constitutional order of nearly 
three hundred and fifty years by making a license to sell liquors a vested 
interest of the brewer, instead of being, as before, an annual permit liable 
to be withdrawn for misconduct, and whose renewal might be refused. 



19S THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

This bill also introduced a new element in the granting of licenses ; it gave 
compensation to the owner of the licensed house for the full "monopoly 
value," often dishonesty inflated, on the withdrawal of the license. Thus 
a licensed house in the east of London, valued by its owner on the rate- 
book at £42 for taxing purposes, was valued by him and compensated at 
£7,560 ($35,800). 

The hopes of the temperance reformers are now based on the new li- 
cense bill for England and Wales (it does not apply to Ireland and Scot- 
land) introduced by Mr. Asquith, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, and 
now the successor of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. In introducing 
the bill Mr. Asquith said: "Every one who is interested in social prog- 
ress will, I am sure, agree that effective reform of the licensing law is now 
overdue." The bill is not a total abstainers' bill, but a "sober man's bill," 
which will reverse a part of the policy of Mr. Balfour's "Bless-all-my-dear- 
friends-and-relations" bill of 1904, by setting up a time limit of fourteen 
years after the passage of the law when all licenses shall lapse and no fur- 
ther compensation be given for their refusal, and a clear declaration of 
their annual nature shall be made. The chief aims of the bill are to lessen 
the present excessive number of public houses and to give to the state un- 
fettered control of the liquor trade. Thirty-two thousand public houses 
are to be closed in fourteen years. The scale of reduction will depend on 
the density of population. Compensation is to be paid for all public 
houses closed within the fourteen years, if closed unnecessarily. The pub- 
lican, the actual license-holder, is, in addition to the brewer to receive spe- 
cial compensation for the loss of business ; previously, the brewers got the 
lion's share of the compensation. At the end of fourteen years all licenses 
come under full state control. 

One of the most important features of the Government bill is the ac- 
ceptance of a principle which has wrought such remarkable results in the 
United States — the principle of local option. When the time limit of 
fourteen years is reached as to licenses now in force, the people will have 
the power of local option as to limitation or prohibition. As to new li- 
censes, the people of any given locality after April 5, 1909, are to have the 
power to prohibit the granting of any new license in that locality. A pro- 
hibition resolution can be carried by a simple majority, and the question, 
whichever way decided, cannot come up again for three years. The hours 
for opening on Sunday are limited; local magistrates are given power to 
exclude children from liquor bars and to prohibit the employment of women 
in public houses. Street beer drinking is made illegal, and the sale of 
liquor on passenger vessels, heretofore unrestricted, is brought under strin- 
gent regulations. Clubs that supply alcoholic drinks are placed on the 
same footing as public houses. The compensation, as under the Act of 




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THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 



199 



1904, is to be raised by a levy "on the trade." The area of the levy is to 
be the whole of England and Wales, and the full levy is to be raised each 
year. The money is to be vested in the Licensing Commission, and paid 
out by them. In the year 1907, 1,716 licenses were extinguished, and the 
holders under the Act of 1904 were entitled to compensation. The aver- 
age cost to the compensation fund per license was $4,584, and the com- 
pensation levied for the year was $5,363,000. 

Both sides regard this as the biggest fight that England has ever 
had on the liquor question. Mr. Asquith showed that from $500,000,000 
to $750,000,000 are invested in the liquor trade. On the other hand, the 
opponents of the bill, who declare that it is an attack upon property, say 
that the amount invested equals a billion and a half dollars. The number 
of employes in the liquor traffic, as given by Mr. Asquith from the census, 
is nearly 259,000. But the Hon. John Gretton declares that there are 
700,000 persons depending upon the direct employment of the breweries, 
and that more than 1,300,000 depend upon indirect employment. 

Thus we have a great industrial force, backed up by an enormous 
amount of money, opposing the new bill. Many clergymen of the Estab- 
lished Church are lined up with the liquor dealers, the reason for which it 
is not difficult to discover when we know that 1,280 clergymen have in- 
vested their little all in breweries and other licensed establishments. On 
the other hand, the Primate of all England, the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and twenty-one bishops, and the Free Churches, almost without ex- 
ception, are supporting this bill. 

The beautiful lakes of Switzerland are not subject to tidal action, 
but there is no place in the world where the form of government, with its 
provisions for initiative and referendum, is so sensitive to tidal movements 
of public opinion. In the month of April, 1908, public sentiment made a 
new declaration concerning the regulation of a portion of the liquor traffic. 
There is no such flagrant intoxication in Switzerland as in England. Wo- 
men are not seen reeling in public bar rooms ; a large portion of the people 
confine themselves to beer and light wines. Nevertheless, when one studies 
the sources of crime in Switzerland, he finds there, as in every civilized 
country, that crime is largely due to alcoholism, the lowest estimate of the 
relation being thirty-three per cent, and the highest seventy-five per cent. 

The control of the system in that land is partly cantonal and partly 
federal. Switzerland has a population about as large as that of the state 
of Massachusetts, and is divided up into twenty-two cantons, each of 
which has its own laws regulating license-. The number of saloons is based 
upon the number of inhabitants. The federal government has a monopoly 
of the sale of distilled spirits. The cantons receive from the confederation 
one-tenth of the product of the sale of alcohol, which they use in combat- 



200 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ing the abuse of alcoholic liquors, applying it to the support of public 
schools ; but many cantons have used this money for public improvements, 
such as road building, instead of in a direct fight against alcohol. The 
great danger is from the increased consumption of absinthe, and the tem- 
perance societies are making strong efforts for its restriction and prohi- 
bition. 

During the first week in April of this year all other questions in 
Parliament dwindled into insignificance compared with the popular de- 
mand for the initiative against absinthe, which has already been inter- 
dicted by the local legislatures of two cantons, those of Vaud and Geneva. 
For several days the Swiss Chamber, in the beautiful parliamentary build- 
ing at Berne, presented an unusual appearance. The galleries were 
crowded, and the debate, which occupied three days, showed such a ferment 
as the introduction of alcohol in a legislative program generally produces. 
There are three official languages, French, German and Italian, in the 
Swiss Chamber, and all of them were heard in the heated discussion. In 
Switzerland the initiative was created to enable the people to solve ques- 
tions themselves, and the petition for the initiative in tins case was signed 
by 168,000 people. Mr. Ruchet, the chief of the Department of the In- 
terior, did not minimize the dangers from absinthe, but maintained that 
the measure was partial and inadequate, and that the consumption of 
black coffee, strengthened by schnapps, in German Switzerland is just as 
dangerous. It is given to children going to schools, and it is used to 
moisten food for babies to make them sleep better. He confessed that if 
he had been in Geneva or Lausanne he would have voted for prohibition ; 
but is it worth while, he demanded, to dose all the children of a family 
because two of them are sick? 

The Government, while objecting to the form of the proposition, 
failed to present any other, and the national assembly gave a majority 
for the measure which even its most optimistic advocates had not expected. 
The initiative was carried April T by a vote of 82 to 53. An analysis 
of the vote showed that of the twenty-eight French deputies only ten voted 
against it ; and it was supported by a considerable number of the radicals 
of German Switzerland, where beer is more popular than absinthe. La 
Revue, of Lausanne, interprets the vote, not as a political manifestation of 
different groups, but rather as an expression of a current of public opinion 
marked by the highest idealism. The Upper Chamber ratified the vote of 
the popular chamber by 24 votes to 12. It seems practically certain that 
the people will prohibit absinthe, as it has already been interdicted in Bel- 
gium. 

But a few years ago many temperance leaders in the United States 
were pinning their faith to the Gothenburg or its companion system in 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 201 

Norway, and an effort to establish it in Massachusetts failed by one vote 
in the legislature. An essential part of the system is not merely the state 
control of the traffic, but the substitution of other attractions for the sa- 
loon. The opponents of the system, the total abstainers, point to the fact 
that the consumption of beer has largely increased, and that arrests for 
drunkenness have also largely increased, since the establishment of the 
system. On the other hand, its advocates show that there is less alcoholic 
drink consumed in Sweden and Norway than in any other country. 

My visit in Stockholm preceded by a week the meeting of the Inter- 
national Anti-Alcoholic Congress. Its Secretary, Professor Curt Wallys. 
one of the most eminent chemists of Sweden, as the result of his scientific 
studies came to the conclusion that alcohol was not a food, but a source of 
the deepest social misery. He became a conspicuous leader of the total 
abstinence movement, and is confident that prohibition will come before 
long as a legislative measure. As he is a member of Parliament as well as 
scientific man, his opinion and influence are important. 

In Finland, where I had an opportunity to see a number of members 
of Parliament, including the Baroness von Grippenberg, confidence was 
strong that Finland would adopt prohibition, but a good deal of doubt was 
expressed as to the approval of the measure by the Russian Government. 

In Russia it was clear that, in addition to political and economic prob- 
lems, problems of drought and irrigation, problems of ignorance and edu- 
cation, there is also the great burden of alcoholism. Count Witte has re- 
cently said that intemperance is the greatest evil from which the country 
suffers. The Imperial treasury draws a large part of its revenue from the 
monopoly of alcohol. The income derived from its sale is $368,000,000. 
Of this sum $1,250,000 is paid out as a grant to various temperance soci- 
eties to be used in the fight against alcohol. Maxim Kovalevsky, a mem- 
ber of the Council of the Russian Empire, somewhat satirically compares 
the sum appropriated by the Government to combat alcoholism with that 
winch it derives from the sale of the article it is professedly trying to dis- 
courage. Complaint is made that the temperance societies fritter away 
their money in cheap shows and entertainments. Some of the Council 
of Bishops have urged that this work be committed to the Church, and 
point to the fact that in one district, largely made up of working men, 
eighty thousand had been induced by the Church to sign the pledge, and 
a million pamphlets against alcoholism had been published at the expense 
of the Church. The Russian Church is not very active in social reform, 
and the lower Russian clergy are not shining examples of temperance; 
and we can hardly expect to see in Russia the Church taking the part in 
the agitation against alcohol which has been taken by the Baptist and 
Methodist Churches in our southern states. Kovalevsky pins his faith to 



202 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

political restriction, and reproaches the Government with not knowing 
that American states had been bold enough to renounce the revenues re- 
ceived from alcohol, and that great independent organizations, without 
grants from the state, are working for the suppression of intemperance. 

In Germany the total abstinence movement was long a subject of ridi- 
cule. It has gradually gained strength. Several societies are now work- 
ing in this particular field, numbering some sixty thousand members, and 
an organization of moderate drinkers has twenty-seven thousand members. 
Little has been done in the way of legal restriction. The only thing impor- 
tant in this nature is Section 33 of the Gewerbeordnung, which makes the 
granting of a license dependent upon the proof that there is a necessity 
for a licensed house. The license may be granted for spirits or simply 
for beer or wine. The present license law is very unsatisfactory to the 
temperance leaders. A prominent jurist, Dr. Hermann M. Poppert, a 
judge in Hamburg, has written a monograph on the subject of local option. 
It appeals largely to experience in the United States. As the alcoholic 
liquor trade represents a great organization of capital, attempts will be 
made to secure the help of the Socialistic movement in this field, and also 
of the woman suffrage movement, which is more likely to succeed through 
local option. The present program is to secure a much stricter observ- 
ance of the existing laws by bringing pressure to bear upon the boards 
which have the power to grant licenses, and by developing local and social 
interests to lead the way to local option. 

In Roumania the Parliament has recently voted, under the action of a 
Liberal government, a law concerning the monopoly of village saloons. 

In southern France I was struck, last fall, with the contrast presented 
to conditions in Russia. In both countries there was economic disturb- 
ance. In Russia thousands of peasants had been on the verge of starva- 
tion by reason of famine ; in France the wine-growers were suffering from 
the excessive bounty of the soil. The crop was so vast that it could not 
be sold. In Perpignan, one dealer, despairing of selling his wine, con- 
cluded to give it away, and placed a large cask on the street with a cup 
for anybody who came along. Admiring the abundant growth of a vine- 
yard, I said to a peasant woman, "What a beautiful crop!" "Ah!" she 
said with a sad face, "if rain comes now, the crop will be simply fright- 
ful!" 

Little intemperance in France can be traced to the use of wine in the 
home. There, as elsewhere, the danger from alcoholism comes from the 
saloon and from the drinking of absinthe. A law of 1878 was passed to 
repress open drunkenness and forbid the sale of alcohol to children under 
sixteen years of age. A petition lately sent to Parliament for a law for- 
bidding the manufacture and sale of absinthe was signed by three hundred 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 203 

thousand people. A commission was appointed to consider the subject, 
but thus far without much result. Anti-alcoholic teaching has been intro- 
duced in the schools. The Minister of War has forbidden the use of dis- 
tilled drinks inside the barracks, and has asked the officers to hold lectures 
on the subject of temperance. A prominent French advocate of total ab- 
stinence said to me, "The French army is becoming a school of modera- 
tion, if not a school of abstinence/' 

The French temperance leaders are agitating now to prohibit the man- 
ufacture and sale of absinthe, for a law limiting the number of public 
houses, for the confinement of inveterate drunkards in special asylums and 
for local option as to license or prohibition. 

The method of regulation in the British colonies follows more closely 
the prevailing method and tendency in the Unijted States than those of the 
mother country. The passage of the Scott Act in the Dominion of Cana- 
da, in 1878, marked an epoch in the history of liquor legislation in that 
country. It gave to cities and counties the right of local option. The 
Province of Quebec adopted local option in 1899, and the writer, by a 
summer residence of thirty years in this province, has noted the gradual 
development of prohibition sentiment. In Nova Scotia, sixteen out of 
eighteen counties have local option. In New Brunswick, all but five coun- 
ties; Prince Edward Island has it in its whole extent; it has made much 
progress in Manitoba. Temperance sentiment is marked in Ontario. To- 
ronto is a shining example of the effect of public sentiment in reducing the 
evils of a lax license system. In 1874, with a population of 60,000, it 
had 530 licenses. In 1907, with 260,000 population, it had but 207. 

In New South Wales local option has been in operation since 1882; 
Victoria adopted it in 1876; New Zealand in 1881, permitting each elec- 
toral district to decide the question by a three-fifths vote. Canada shows 
the smallest per capita consumption of absolute alcohol in the English- 
speaking world, and New Zealand comes next. 

Thus it will be seen from the array of facts here presented, covering 
Great Britain, the continent of Europe, the United States, Canada, and 
Australia, that this many-phased problem of liquor regulation is not a local 
question but a world-wide movement. Local phases may intensify the agi- 
tation, but they have not caused it. The whole problem is related to newer 
and higher ideals of modern civilization, to new standards of personal con- 
duct and of social control, to higher demands of efficiency ; it is affected by 
strong moral and religious impulses and by a determination to attack at 
their root the diseases and evils of civic and social life. 




CHAPTER XVfl. 

THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 

By Samuel J. Baeeows, President of the International Prison Commission. 

Reprinted by permission from The Outlook, July 11, 1008. 

PAET n. 

HEN a flock of curlews fly from Nova Scotia to South America, 
twenty-five hundred miles in a straight line without a stop, in 
less than three days, it is a remarkable example of a swift 
physical transition. The birds were not blown there by a 
gale of wind ; they did not get there by accident. They set 
out for South America, and every bird got there on his own wings. 

Swift transitions in public sentiment are sometimes puzzling because 
unexpected ; but when we analyze them, they come within the accepted laws 
of cause and effect. They are usually the result of definiteness of aim and 
a great deal of personal exertion. When the news came to the North that 
several states in the South had voted for state prohibition, it came to many 
as a great surprise, especially to people who regarded prohibition as a dead 
political issue. Some thought it a social spasm, a magnetic brainstorm at 
the South, and all sorts of guesses were made as to the thing that brought 
it about. But to those familiar with the history of temperance legislation 
in that section of the country there is no mystery about it. The manifes- 
tation in the South is not the result of any sudden or unaccountable transi- 
tion of public opinion ; it is not due to any hidden causes ; they are easily 
visible when we seek them. It is not the result of an earthquake, nor the 
eruption of a volcano ; it is a ripening process like the blooming of a rose. 
Georgia did not have to wait till 1907 to find out that an African 
negro filled with New England rum is not conducive to social peace or in- 
dustrial energy; it learned it in 1733. That benevolent penologist, Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe, when he founded the colony, got the trustees to prohibit 
the importation of both the rum and the negro. Fifty years ago in Geor- 
gia, as in Maine, state prohibition was a live political issue, and the seed 
of temperance education was early sown in that fertile state. The fact is 
that many people at the North have been altogether ignorant of the moral 

forces which have been working at the South for social renovation. As 
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THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 205 

has been shown, however, in a previous article, the movement for social 
regulation of the liquor traffic is not local or ephemeral; it is felt over the 
length and breadth of this continent, and even in Europe and Australia. 

What are some of the forces and influences which have brought it 
about? They are personal, organic, educative, industrial, political and 
moral. So far as our own country is concerned, it is not difficult to trace 
them. 

In December of 1873, the writer was summoned as a journalist to 
study a temperance crusade, as unique and curious as any of the medieval 
crusades to capture Jerusalem. It was a crusade of women, and its weapon 
was prayer. It is odd enough that an entr'acte from an opera by Jean 
Jacques Rousseau should have become a prayer meeting melody in the 
United States, though unknown in religious worship in France; but it is 
not more odd than that Dr. Dio Lewis, of Boston, mainly known for his 
light gymnastics and Turkish baths, should have started a prayer crusade. 
Nobody knew just what was Dr. Lewis's view of the philosophy of prayer. 
He was generally thought to be a skeptic ; and at Worcester, Massachusetts, 
in a public meeting some rash ministers tried to corner him with questions 
as if he were a young theological student at an ordination, but with a 
superb gesture he adroitly waved them aside, and in a gale of eloquence 
carried the audience before him as he told how he had received the benedic- 
tion of a devout and praying mother. Apparently, Dr. Lewis took the 
modern pragmatist view, that anything is a good weapon that achieves 
results. 

Under his effective inspiration Mrs. Eliza J. Thompson, of Hills- 
boro, Ohio, started the crusade. The new method was for a band of women 
to go to the saloon and ask the privilege of praying. If they were not 
admitted inside, they prayed on the sidewalk. The saloonkeepers, if not 
converted, were dazed, benumbed; their customers fled. In fifty days the 
prayer crusade had shut up saloons in two hundred and fifty towns and vil- 
lages of Ohio. The movement swept to other states. Its failure in Mas- 
sachusetts was general, not absolute; one victory is recorded. So great 
was the crowd of curious observers in one saloon at Worcester that the 
writer of this article took refuge behind the bar. He was solemnly ap- 
proached by one of the women and begged not to sell any more intoxicat- 
ing liquor. "I promise you," he said, "that I will never sell whisky again 
in my life," and the promise has been faithfully kept. As for the real 
barkeeper, he had made good his escape. 

The novelty of the movement, which must not be confounded with 
that of Mrs. Carry A. Nation and her hatchet many years later, soon 
passed away. The evil spirits banished from Ohio soon came back, with 
an even larger percentage of alcohol to the gallon. But in the crusade 



206 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

there was a germ of a wider and greater movement, and in less than a 
year later, in November, 1874, in Cleveland, Ohio, the National Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union was organized. It was incorporated in 
Washington in 1883. It has now 300,000 members in the United States, 
and is organized in every state and territory in the Union, the District of 
Columbia and Hawaii. 

The State of Illinois chose for one of its two statues to commemo- 
rate its greatest citizens in Statuary- Hall at the Capitol in Washington the 
figure of a representative American woman. In the circle of statesmen 
and soldiers which form an imposing group in that hall the prophetic 
statue of Frances E. Willard commemorates not only a great personality 
but the vast organization to which she gave an international impulse. 
Seated some years ago with her and with Lady Henry Somerset around a 
tea-table in the home of the latter in London, the writer heard of the plans 
of these two women to organize the Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
around the world. Since that time seven international conventions have 
been held, and there are half a million members in fifty nations. 

It is in the United States, however, that the organization has been 
most effective. Its machinery is simple, well-oiled and coordinated. It 
can reach by the next mail, if necessary, every legislator in every State 
in the Union. It is a remarkable illustration of the power of women to 
organize for moral results. The sphere of its work has broadened into 
thirty-nine departments. It is agitating for an eight-hour day, for 
peace through arbitration, the rescue of outcast women, to establish juve- 
nile courts and industrial education, and to promote social purity ; but its 
work for constitutional prohibition and total abstinence for the individual 
is that for which it is most widely known. Untiring perseverance in prayer 
and work, a faith which no obstacles can daunt, and a ceaseless persistency 
in hammering away at an objective point, are characteristics of this or- 
ganized movement. "Men may get tired and stop," said a political leader 
to me, "but these women never get tired and never stop, and it is they who 
did most of the work in our State." 

Whenever an election is to be held for local option or for state prohi- 
bition, it is the Woman's Christian Temperance L T nion that forms proces- 
sions of boys and girls to sing, carry banners, and make personal appeals 
for temperance. A Congressional Representative from Alabama said that 
the sight of these children in Birmingham, many of them from the families 
of drunkards, bearing a banner inscribed, "Please, sir, vote for ws," 
"Please, sir, give us a chance," was one of the most dramatic and effective 
weapons in the campaign. Some voters saw the procession with wet eyes, 
and then went and voted "dry" at the polls. 

Systematic and semi-scientific teaching enforced by moral and relig- 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 207 

ious precept and example, organized and stimulated in the schools through- 
out the country by the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, together 
with its Loyal Temperance Legions and Bands of Hope, has been going 
on for thirty-four years, and the result of this education has been telling in 
the boys and girls who have since grown to manhood and womanhood. 
This is one reason of the silent, steady growth of temperance sentiment. 

But this organization of women has one limitation. Its members can 
incite others to vote, but, in the great majority of States, cannot vote 
themselves. Some organized movement of male voters the country over 
was necessary to give political effect to these women's petitions to God and 
man. The organization came when it was needed, and its cradle was the 
Piedmont Congregational Church, of Worcester, Massachusetts, of which 
the Rev. D. O. Mears, D. D., was pastor. It was born in 1887, and 
christened the No-License League. Within three weeks after the League 
was started in this church there were twenty-five church leagues in the city, 
and then from this church movement a city league was started. It did 
not so much create as express a new conviction that the fight for law and 
order could not be made alone on the lines of the total abstinence move- 
ment. It determined to strike at the saloon, the strongest and at the same 
time the most objectionable intrenchment of the liquor traffic. When a 
similar movement was formed in Ohio in 1893, Dr. Mears became presi- 
dent of the State organization and suggested the effective name of the 
Anti-Saloon League. The Rev. Howard H. Russell, D. D., also a Con- 
gregationalist clergyman, took hold of the movement about this time, and 
a National organization was the logical and effective result. It is not tied 
to the skirts of any political party or religious denomination. The 100,- 
000 members of the Catholic Total Abstinence Union work with and in- 
dorse the Anti-Saloon League, as do the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union and the National Temperance Society. Archbishop Ireland and 
Bishop Watterson, of Columbus, have actively gupported its efforts, and 
help from Jewish leaders has not been wanting. In no moral movement 
of the country are the organized religious forces so well united as in that 
of temperance. 

The Anti-Saloon League is not, therefore, a single organization, but 
a league of organizations. It is directed not against the individual but 
against the saloon; it stands for the largest repression of the liquor traf- 
fic. It is opposed to the license system. It is not a political party, but it 
uses parties to effect its ends. It stands by the men who stand by it. 
Alert, active, practical, the League cannot always get what it wants, but 
it gets the best it can. 

The growth of the organization has been phenomenal. It has stirred 
up and united the churches, but, what is more serious to the liquor dealer. 



208 THE PASSING OF THB SALOON. 

it has in many States united the voters under this one issue. While venal- 
ity in politics has been the discouraging feature in popular suffrage, the 
Anti-Saloon League has, without spending a dollar for votes, kindled fires 
of moral conviction which have burned out the saloon even in places where 
the ballot had been most corrupted. Liquor dealers are beginning to see 
that the insurance they most need is not against fire, but against the anti- 
saloon forces. For a long time the saloon has been the stronghold of poli- 
tics, and a good deal of dirty, mean, despicable politics at that. The sa- 
loon could not be taken out of politics, but in the South a great deal of 
politics has been taken out of the saloon, and we have now the politics of 
the church, the prayer-meeting and the home, and doubtless some "Sunday- 
school politics" mixed with it. Agitation, legislation and law enforce- 
ment is the plan of the Anti-Saloon League. 

Still a third great army corps in the organized war on the saloon is 
made up of the forces of the Christian churches in the South. The re- 
proach so often made against the Church, that it has fixed its eyes too 
much on a heaven beyond, and is not interested in social salvation, applies 
less today than formerly to the churches in the South. If Gladstone, 
John Burns, Carroll D. Wright and the United States Supreme Court have 
not made a mistake in diagnosis, intemperance is the gravest of all social 
maladies, and in striking at it the Southern churches are going to the very 
root of social disorder. Fortunately, they have not been converted to the 
inverted logic of some of our social philosophers who write their social- 
istic pellets in capital letters to prove that poverty is the main cause of in- 
temperance. 

Alcohol is essentially a product of civilization. Savage tribes have 
not the machinery, mechanical or commercial, to make and distribute it. 
Where alcoholism exists in savage communities, civilized man has sent it 
there. Whether among the Indians in the West, the negroes in the South, 
or the blacks on the Congo, it is "civilized" rum that is working its rav- 
ages. The liquor traffic requires vast machinery for its production and 
distribution; it employs a great army of men backed up by enormous 
sums of money. It has taken the advantage of the principle of association 
in modern life. Against such a mighty organization individuals are as 
powerless as a straw in the stream. This is not a conflict that can be set- 
tled by a duel between David and Goliath, or Alexander and Menelaus. 
The opposing armies, of Israel and the Philistines, of the Greeks and the 
Trojans, must settle this in the open field. Millions of men and women 
and millions of dollars are involved in this fight. The saloon has become 
the symbol of intemperance, and the church, and the school and the home 
are set over against it. Politics is the field, ballots the weapons and legis- 
lation the objective point in this great fight. Every argument, personal, 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVB. 209 

domestic, racial, economical, moral or religious, that can be brought to 
bear has been summoned in the conflict. 

As to the way the battle is going, it is significant that North Caro- 
lina has wheeled into the prohibition column; that the liquor dealers most 
frankly admit that they have been outstripped in strategy and in effective 
organization by their opponents ; and that official information communi- 
cated to the writer from the Treasury Department shows that the revenue 
of the United States Government for spirits of all characters for the ten 
months of the fiscal year ending April SO, 1908, have fallen off $11,727,- 
286.94. 

No writer going through the Southern states to study present con- 
ditions can see in true perspective this great social movement in its historic 
relations. Personal observation needs to be supplemented, not by random 
opinion, but by the thoughtful and intelligent testimony of witnesses who 
have watched the development of social forces for the last twenty or thirty 
years. The writer has been at some pains to obtain reliable data in the 
South. It is an exception to find a Southern Congressman who does not 
know his own district. He is obliged to be a close observer of forces and 
results. Requests for information were sent to some fifty-three Southern 
Congressmen, most of whom had the kindness to respond. They were 
asked to name judges, mayors, chiefs of police, sheriffs and other citizens 
whose knowledge on this question would be authoritative. One hundred 
and twelve persons were thus named by the Congressmen. To this quali- 
fied jury the following questions were presented: 

1. What influences, moral, political, social or economic, led to the 
passage of the present law? 

2. How has this law been carried out? 

3. What has been the effect on order in the community? 

4. Is it possible to say which form of regulation — state prohibition, 
local option or the dispensary — has been the most effective? 

Responses to these questions have been prompt and numerous, giving 
highly interesting testimony, showing a first hand knowledge of causes 
and presenting reliable data as to results. In addition, the local press 
of the South has been well gleaned for fact and comment. Finally, pains 
have been taken to get a view of the situation, both local and general, from 
the standpoint of the brewer, the distiller and the liquor dealer. 

I regret that limits of space will not permit me to give more than 
the briefest review of this interesting testimony. 

In Georgia, it is noteworthy that not a single one of the witnesses 
finds in the Atlanta riot or any spectacular episodes in the campaign the 
real cause of prohibition sentiment. An able judge of Greene county 
says: "The real, though remote, cause of the existence of prohibition 



210 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

laws in Georgia is the persistent attitude and teaching of the women for 
the past thirty years that alcohol is neither necessar}' nor desirable, and 
that drunkenness is disgraceful. This sentiment has reversed the ideas of 
social drinking. Local option laws were passed, and nearly the entire 
state became dry under them. The shipment of liquors from wet cities 
into the dry counties persistently was the immediate cause of the exchange 
of local option for general prohibition. The Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union and the Church were the organized factors, and in later 
years the Anti-Saloon League." 

Local option was the stepping-stone to prohibition. It was only by 
a narrow margin that the local option law was passed by the legislature in 
1885 ; but when the legislature met last year and the fight on prohibition 
was precipitated, onl} T twenty out of one hundred and forty-five counties 
remained wet. The Atlanta riot furnished an effective weapon for the 
prohibitionists, and helped to drive the state, already exasperated by the 
atrocities of the saloon, to the enactment of the most drastic prohibition 
law of any state. 

"Our prohibition law," says a competent witness, "is being more 
effectively enforced than any other law against a great and general vice." 
Opponents of the law point to many violations from the secret shipment 
of liquor into the state, but another observer says, "The consumption of 
alcoholics now is about as jugs compared to barrels formerly." 

As to the effect on law and order, the court recoias iurnish indubi- 
table proof. In Brunswick, after three months' experience, there was a re- 
duction of between 60 and 75 per cent, in the number of cases of disorderly 
conduct. The Mayor of that city says: "The effect on order in the 
community has been surprising. The decrease in crime since the passage 
of the act has been at least 80 per cent." 

The Hon. Seaborn Wright, one of the prominent leaders in passing 
the law, informs me tha.t in Commerce, Georgia, in the first two months 
after the adoption of the law, the cases in the municipal court fell off 75 
per cent. In Macon in the first three months of 1907, under barrooms, 
there were 322 cases of plain drunks in the Recorder's court ; in the same 
period in 1908 there were only 34. In Athens, in the month of January, 
1907, there were 106 cases in the Police court, 50 of them drunks ; in the 
same month in 1908 there were but 29 cases, and but 5 of them drunks. 

The Clerk of the Court of Record of Atlanta finds the closing of the 
saloons a great benefit to the poor whites and the negroes. He sends a 
copy of the police court records, which show that the court is doing fifty 
per cent, less business this year than last year. The record of arrests 
shows the same falling off of about one-half. In spite of the fact that 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 211 

the police are much more strict now in making arrests, but one-fourth as 
many are arrested for drunkenness and disorderly conduct. 

As to the dispensary, Athens, Georgia, was the first city to introduce 
it. Several other counties established it, and then it was adopted in South 
Carolina. But it is significant that few dispensaries remained in Georgia 
when the prohibition law was passed. Dawson county, in which for years 
the dispensary had paid every expense of the county, so that no county 
tax was levied, voted it out. Clarke county, operating one of the most 
flourishing dispensaries in the state, did likewise. The Athens dispensary 
sold $300,000 a year, and realized in 1907 $55,000 net profit. But the 
citizens are gladly meeting the deficiency by an increase of one-fourth of 
one per cent, in tax. 

At the meeting of the Georgia State Sociological Society at Atlanta 
in May, Judge Broyle, of the Recorder's court, showed that under prohi- 
bition there had been a decrease of 2,917 cases in the docket of the Police 
court in four months, as compared with the previous year, and a decrease 
of 1,484 cases in the number of "drunks." Judge Broyle therefore con- 
cludes officially that prohibition does prohibit. He pointed out, however, 
what he regarded as one serious defect in the prohibition law, and that is 
the failure to state the exact amount of alcohol in a beverage that will 
outlaw it. "Under a recent decision of the Georgia Court of Appeals 
this failure to state the amount of alcohol allows almost any kind of a malt 
beverage containing two or three per cent, or even more of alcohol to be 
sold without violating the law, and these beverages can be sold not only to 
adults but to minors." This opportunity to make "near beer" has been 
seized upon by the Georgia brewers, some of whom claim to be doing a bet- 
ter business than before. If this be a fact, why should not the brewers be 
content with the situation? The Savannah Chamber of Commerce, how- 
ever, is discontented enough to lead a reactionary movement in favor of 
relaxing the law. On the other hand, in the great fight for the governor- 
ship between Governor Hoke Smith and Joseph Brown, his opponent, 
both men were committed to prohibition and to the strengthening of the 
present law rather than its relaxation. Has not the time come for the 
vendors of a much-advertised brand of champagne to transfer their label 
"extra dry" to the map of Georgia? 

In Alabama, sentiment has long been making against the saloon sys- 
tem, and a number of rural counties have had prohibition for years. Some 
counties established the dispensary system a few years ago, so that the 
actual saloon area left was but about one-third of the counties of the state 
when the Anti-Saloon League was organized there about two years ago. 
The local option law was passed, and the unit of the election necessary to 
accept it was placed at the county, not the beat or precinct or city. The 



212 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

fire of enthusiasm kindled by this campaign burned further than was ex- 
pected. The county local option law was all that was adopted by the legis- 
lature at its regular session last year and all that was attempted ; but when 
a special session was called by Governor Comer in November, 1907, on 
the relation of the railways to the state, an opportunity was seized to press 
state- wide prohibition, and there was no difficulty in getting the two-thirds 
vote required. This state law docs not go into effect in those counties 
where elections have not been held until January 1, 1909; the results ob- 
served are based on the county local option law. Reports are uniform 
that there is less drunkenness and less crime. "In many counties the jails 
are practically empty. In several cities the police force has been reduced. 
The negro croons most pathetically, with strange intonation, 'Old Booze 
is dead.' " 

The Chief of Police of Birmingham reports a decrease in crime and 
improvement in public order. The State Superintendent of the Anti- 
Saloon League estimates that general crime has been reduced more than 
60 per cent, and drunkenness 85 per cent. The judge of the Criminal 
Court of Gadsden says the influence which led to the passage of the law 
was "good women and bad whisky." 

Especially interesting from Alabama is the testimony of avowed pro- 
hibitionists as to the efficiency of the dispensary. The Rev. Samuel E. 
Wasson, of Huntsville, says: "The dispensary is an improvement over 
the saloon. I have seen the operation of both on the same people. I say, 
without hesitation, that there is not a single exception in the police records 
of Alabama where the dispensary has followed the saloon that it has not re- 
duced public drunkenness and disorder from 25 to 75 per cent. It also 
increases the public revenues phenomenally. Where one saloon paid a li- 
cense of $1,000 annually, the dispensary will pay into the public treas- 
ury approximately $10,000 a year, and at the same time improve the 
public morals at least fifty per cent. ; but it has its evils and is by no means 
the final solution of the liquor question. I am first for prohibition and 
then for the dispensary." There is other testimony to the same effect, 
but another observer adds: "The corruption of the dispensary has de- 
stroyed it in this Southland." The Hon. Frank S. Moody, President of 
the First National Bank, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, says: "About 1898, the 
dispensary was introduced in the state, and spread into twenty or twenty- 
five counties. A dispensary was in operation in Tuscaloosa four or five 
years. The old topers drank less and there was practically no making of 
new topers. Crime due to drunkenness almost ceased in this county. It 
may be doubted whether a sudden and extreme prohibition law is, all things 
considered, as good a way of handling the problem as a well-regulated dis- 
pensary system. I do not undertake to speak positively about the matter. 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 213 

It may be that prohibition is best in the rural districts and the dispensary 
is best in the larger towns and cities." 

The Rev. Francis Tappey, minister of the First Presbyterian Church 
of Huntsville, while maintaining that the dispensary is better than the 
open saloon, reports that there is less crime in the prohibition counties. 

Of all the Southern states, Tennessee furnishes the most interesting 
illustration of the gradual development of public opinion through local 
option. Away up in the mountains is Sewanee University. Thirty years 
ago it felt the need of some protection against the liquor traffic, and in 
1877 the so-called "four-mile law" was passed, making it unlawful to sell 
liquors within four miles of an incorporated institution of learning. It 
was afterwards applied to all schools in incorporated towns of less than two 
thousand inhabitants. Liquor was driven from the rural districts to the 
larger towns. The limit of population was gradually raised so that all 
towns in the state might surrender their charters and incorporate under 
the restrictive features of the law. All but Memphis, Nashville, Chatta- 
nooga, and a small mining town named La Follette have done so. Thus, 
legislation in Tennessee has slowly and steadily followed the march of pub- 
lic sentiment. The testimony of judges, police captains, and mayors sup- 
ports that of Congressmen Padgett, Garrett and Houston that the legisla- 
tion has been carried out and the effect on law and order is good. Detailed 
comparison of the criminal court costs in dry and wet counties makes a 
striking showing in favor of the dry counties. The cost to the wet coun- 
ties is 12 9-10 cents per capita, and to the dry counties 5 8-10 cents per 
capita. 

Tennessee from the beginning has fought the saloon with the school- 
house. As a result of prohibition in Knoxville, every public school teacher 
has had a raise of salary and the school budget has been raised from $63,- 
000 to $106,000. The salaries of policemen and firemen have also been in- 
creased. As to the relation of the negroes to the temperance issue in Ten- 
nessee, Dr. Edward E. Folk, editor of the Baptist and Reflector, of Nash- 
ville, says: "As a matter of fact, the effect of strong drink upon the 
negroes has played a comparatively small part in the passage of these 
laws. The effect of strong drink upon the white man is just as great as it 
is upon the negro and even greater: it makes a bigger fool of him. Per- 
haps the strongest temperance section of our State is East Tennessee, 
where there are very few negroes. This section gave a majority of 15,000 
for the prohibition amendment in 1887." 

As to Oklahoma it is too soon to speak of positive results. But the 
Sheriff of Oklahoma County, in which is situated the stirring metropolis 
of the State, declares that sixty per cent, of the crime brought about by 
liquor has ceased. When the writer was in that State in January, public 



214 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

order was good, but the heat of the liquor agitation had not ceased. Al- 
though there is constitutional prohibition, the use of spirits and beer is 
recognized for medical and scientific purposes, and the new Billups law 
provides for a State agency for the sale, under severe restrictions, of 
liquor in small packages. 

The most thorough study of the relation of the liquor traffic to pau- 
perism, crime and insanity that has been made in any single state was made 
in Massachusetts and presented in the report of the Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics for 1895 under Mr. Horace G. Wadlin. An examination of the 
record of arrests and commitments for crimes and offenses in all the towns 
of the State during the year showed that no thermometer could respond 
more quickly to changes of temperature than did the record of crime re- 
spond to the reduction of the number of the saloons, and the record was 
always in favor of the no-license towns. 

Similar testimony is furnished as to the value of restriction in Eng- 
land. Lord Airedale, in advocating the pending Licensing Bill, said: 
"As an employer of some fifty years' standing, I can testify to the great 
improvement in the bearing and the character of the working people with 
whom I have been closely associated. I attribute some of it to education, 
but much of it in later years is due to restriction in the hours of opening 
and to the greater control in matters of licensing." 

John Burns said to an audience of workingmen in London: "I be- 
lieve that the best and most simple remedy for drink is abstinence, but this 
must be supplemented by local or legislative action. One drink-cursed 
district, Liverpool, has, since 1889, added 78,000 to its population, reduced 
its police drunkenness cases from 16,000 to 4,180, its crimes from 926 to 
552 per 100,000, its policemen by 100, at a saving of £8,000 to the rates, 
by the simple remedy of having got rid of 345 licensed places in eleven 
years." 

To my mind, some things are well established by a study of the pres- 
ent great movement for the regulation of the liquor traffic: 

1. The sources of the movement are easily discernible. It is not due 
to local or ephemeral causes ; it springs from a public conviction which the 
United States Supreme Court has well rendered ; namely, that "the public 
health, the public morals and the public safety are endangered by the 
general use of intoxicating liquors," and that "the idleness, disorder, pau- 
perism and crime existing in this country are largely traceable to this evil." 

2. A second public conviction is that expressed by the Supreme 
Court of Kansas, that "probably no greater source of crime and sorrow 
has ever existed than social drinking saloons." In addition the saloon has 
been the polluted sink of gambling, licentiousness and corrupt politics. 

3. Educative forces have been working for the last forty or fifty 




C/i 



CO CO 

s 3 s 




CQ 5 

H I 



S ."5 



THE TEMPERANCE TIDAL WAVE. 215 

years. A new generation has grown up, and found that alcoholic drinks 
are not necessary for health or happiness. 

4. In the movement of the regulation of the liquor traffic in the 
United States the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the Anti-Saloon 
League and the federation of Christian churches have been great factors. 

5. Local option has proved to be the most effective legislative or 
elective measure. State-wide prohibition is a dangerous experiment until 
the way for it has been paved by local option. Restrictive laws can only 
be enforced when public sentiment has created them. 

6. When public sentiment demands it, liquor laws can be enforced 
as well as any other laws. 

7. A reduction in the liquor traffic is promptly followed by a re- 
duction in crime and by greater social order and tranquillity. 

8. The economic results are seen in new evidences of personal and 
civic thrift. 

9. Finally, if I am asked if this movement has come to stay, I may 
close by quoting the opinion of an interested observer, a prominent leader 
of the distillers and brewers of this country, the editor of Bonforfs Wine 
and Spirit Circular: "Modern civilization is groping, but it is reaching 
upward, and it has decreed after a fashion that slums and hopeless poverty 
and crime due to want and drunkenness shall give way before the doctrine 
of the brotherhood of man, and that those things and those resorts which 
degrade must have no place in the civilization towards which the leaders 
of thought are now aiming." 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE GREATEST PROBLEM SINCE SLAVERY. 
By Caerington A. Phelps. 

Reprinted by permission from Hampton's Neio Broadway Magazine, New York, 

July, 1908. 

Note. — From time to time you have heard about the great Temper- 
ance Movement sweeping over this country. Magazines and newspapers 
have told the story m parts, presenting a hazy if not confusing picture of 
the mighty crusade. This article gives for the first time all the tremen- 
dous facts of the case m panoramic detail. It tells just who and what are 
bach of the movement; just how a man named Howard H. Russell and his 
powerful Anti-Saloon League are working, and how a vast army of zealous 
crusaders are locked in conflict with brewery and distilling interests repre- 
senting nearly four billions of dollars. — Editor New Broadway Maga- 
zine. 

NE day a little boy heaved a brick. It smashed through the 
window of a Georgia "white trash" rum-hole. The little 
boy ran away, the drunken white trash poured out the doors, 
saw a negro, chased him and — presently Atlanta beheld her- 
self in the throes of "Riot Week." A great red ray of wrath 
and terror shot across the South. The Negro Question was on every 
tongue. Various causes were held responsible for the situation. Some 
declared the outrages upon women were prompting it, others cried, "co- 
caine," and "racial prejudice." The Anti-Saloon League stepped for- 
ward: "Gentlemen," it said, "you are all wrong! The whole trouble is — 
whisky!" 

The psychological moment had arrived. The Anti-Saloon League 
seized the opportunity and swept victoriously over the Southern states. 
These Southern victories have been so spectacular that, added to 
others in various sections of the country, they have brought the anti- 
saloon movement vividly to the front as a national factor of tremendous 
importance. For fifteen years the anti-saloon avalanche has been gather- 
ing velocity and strength, until today townships and counties are going 
"dry" by hundreds, perforating their state maps with temperance ter- 
ritory faster than the printers can tabulate them. 

Ohio, birthplace of the Anti-Saloon League, and scene of the hard- 
216 




THE GREATEST PROBLEM SINCE SLAVERY. 217 

est, oldest fight of all, is winning a rapid-fire victory. This year she 
wiped out 300 "speak-easies," and passed a county local option law. 
South Carolina repealed her State Dispensary law this year, and is cam- 
paigning with the expectation of reaching prohibition in two years. Of 
North Carolina's 97 counties 70 are dry, and it is expected the state 
will go dry within a year.* 

Louisiana is another two year contestant. More than two-thirds of 
her territory and 65 per cent, of her population is dry — two items that 
may well serve to irritate New Orleans' two thousand saloonkeepers. 

Behold Kentucky, the traditional cradle of all good whisky ! In 
less than two years the liquor traffic has been practically obliterated, and 
yet this state has $160,000,000 invested in distilleries. Only four coun- 
ties are wholly wet at this writing, and the Jailers' State Association has 
petitioned the legislature for regular salaries because under prohibition 
conditions the empty jails do not bring them fees enough to live on. 

Arkansas is hammering saloons right and left with her "inhabitants" 
law, by which a majority of the inhabitants, including all women over 
eighteen years of age, may force a saloon to move four miles from church 
or schoolhouse. If there isn't a schoolhouse they build one — and conse- 
quently the saloon has to move! Woman's suffrage scores a point here. 
To date 58 out of 75 counties are dry in Arkansas, and more are toppling. 

Texas, popularly known as the land of lariats and six-shooters, de- 
clares with characteristic brevity, "Don't want liquor." She fights quick 
and sure, and already three-fifths of her counties are dry. Missouri is an- 
other lightning change state. Back in 1905, she had only three dry 
counties. It has been give-and-take, but since then more than half the 
state has gone dry, and every month sees more spoils brought into the anti- 
saloon camp. 

Virginia, another liquor stronghold, refused licenses to nearly fifty 
distilleries this year. Three-fourths of her counties are dry, and half the 
saloons in the state have foundered. The "blind-tigers," too, are doomed 
under the drastic law just passed. There are here and there places in Ten- 
nessee where liquor can be legally sold. It is only a short time before pro- 
hibition may be expected. 

Indiana is already counting her votes for the anticipated prohibition 
victory. Two-thirds of her territory is dry, and four miles of saloons are 
today vacant. 

Half of Delaware went dry last November after one of the hottest 
fights the state had ever known. Liquor interests all over the country 



* North Carolina has since expelled the saloon by a plebiscite majority of 40,000. 
— G. M. H. 



218 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

joined forces in the determination to stop the threatened avalanche, princi- 
pally for the sake of the tremendous moral effect. They organized, poured 
a huge and steady stream of money into Delaware politics ; fought, bled 
and came out badly mauled. Everybody is mad now, and the little state 
is in the fight with its coat off and no time limit. 

Vermont has only thirty wet townships out of 238, and she has just 
closed up over 500 saloons. The state majority is for prohibition, and the 
next legislature will see things buzz faster than a Kansas cyclone. 

Half the towns and cities in Illinois have voted out the saloon. This 
year's vote closed 1,800 more liquor shops. Of the 1,200 elections held in 
the state 900 were prohibition victories. Half the area of Chicago, the 
whisky center of the world, is dry by special legislation. Peoria, which 
distils as much whisky as any other town in existence, has sent an Anti- 
Saloon League man to the legislature. 

An active fight is on in Massachusetts, 76 per cent, of whose territory 
is prohibition territory. Illuminative of the power of the Anti-Saloon 
League in tins state is the fact that, of forty legislators whom the League 
supported, thirty-eight were elected. 

In Nebraska, 450 out of 1,000 towns and cities have voted against 
liquor, and a hard campaign is now on to carry the other half. 

New York is the hard nut to crack, and it is here that the final battle 
will be fought out. The liquor interest in this state is a formidable antag- 
onist with its 35 distilleries, 243 breweries, 30,000 saloons and its conse- 
quent political organization and power. Yet out of 933 New York town- 
ships the anti-saloonists have made 324 dry. 

In the fifteen years of the Anti-Saloon League's activities more than 
one-half the area of the United States has gone dry ; that is, every minute 
more than 150 acres of United States territory goes prohibition! 

The history of temperance reforms has been one of ups and downs ; 
it has been consistent only in failure ; waves of emotionalism have brought 
about prohibition for a time, but after the excitement had died away the 
zeal of the reformers has abated, and soon the liquor people have found 
themselves doing business again, their position apparently the stronger be- 
cause of this reaction. 

Many a grandparent of today remembers the Drunken Period of 
American history that began after the Revolution and continued for two 
generations. Everybody drank. The annual consumption of malt and 
alcoholic liquors was fifty quarts to the family, or about double what it is 
now. 

In 1808, a New Yorker named Clark (Billy James Clark, M. D.) 
persuaded some forty friends to eschew liquor and confine their atten- 
tions to beer alone. Thus was formed the first known temperance society. 




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THE GREATEST PROBLEM SINCE SLAVERY. 219 

Sixteen years later Lyman Beecher, father of the famous Henry Ward 
Beecher, took an aggressive stand against the manifest evil and, after seven 
years of discouragement, ridicule and fight, forced Congress to place cer- 
tain restrictions on the liquor traffic. One night a little Baltimore drink- 
ing club composed of two blacksmiths, a carpenter and a coachmaker, at- 
tended a temperance lecture for amusement. They were converted and at 
once started touring the country, speaking for temperance. This was the 
beginning of the "Washingtonians," a movement which soon led to a re- 
volt of 600,000 drunkards. 

John B. Gough, a reformed drunkard, was the next leader. Starting 
in 1844, he was for forty-three years, in this country and Europe, the 
eloquent voice of the anti-liquor movement. No other man has ever done 
as much to silence opposition and prepare public sentiment for the educa- 
tive and legislative work which has followed since his day. 

In 1844, five million souls in the United States and Ireland put their 
names to the pledge under the magnetic exhortations of Father Mathew, 
an Irish priest, who had been induced to join the temperance workers by 
a Quaker. 

Neal Dow, the fighting Quaker of Portland, Me., was the first to 
strike at the very root of the liquor evil. Dow preached prohibition first, 
last and always. In 1846, he began his campaign. He was beaten half 
a dozen times, but finally forced the state into the position she has never 
relinquished. A general temperance movement was about to start when 
the Civil War broke out. After the war the liquor business boomed, for 
heavy drinking had become the rule again. 

Among those who heartily deprecated the liquor evil was President 
Lincoln. At one time in his youth he had been an active temperance work- 
er, and men are living today who were induced to sign the pledge by Abra- 
ham Lincoln's convincing arguments. That he thoroughly appreciated 
the menace of liquor evils is evidenced by his declaration on the very day 
of his tragic death that "the next snarl we have got to straighten out is the 
liquor question." 

One morning, three days before Christmas, in the black panic year of 
'73, the doors of the Presbyterian Church at Hillsboro, Ohio, swung open 
and out marched thirty women, two by two, singing. They went to drug- 
stores and saloons and hotels ; tljey pleaded and sang and prayed, until 
saloon after saloon was closed at their entreaties. It was contagion that 
spread throughout the land, wholly emotional, but from this "Woman's 
Crusade" sprang the powerful Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 

For years there had been growing to womanhood in Illinois a farmer's 
girl, clean, wholesome and strong — Frances E. Willard. Educated by col- 
lege, travel and hard work, she was destined, in moulding this great wo- 



220 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

man's movement, to become "the best beloved woman" of the Nineteenth 
Century in America. Under her leadership the Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union bound its bows of white ribbon around the earth's two hemi- 
spheres, printed its pledges in every spoken tongue, and presented to man- 
kind the spectacle of the largest organization formed by women since the 
world began. One of the greatest weapons employed by the W. C. T. U. 
was the introduction of "Effects of Alcohol" literature into the school 
books. Every great movement the world has ever known has had its 

zealots and its pathfinders, its martyrs and its cranks. It has been the 
fanatic who has preached temperance to the world, but it is the cool-headed, 
methodical worker who is to-day accomplishing drink reform— reform that 
has to all appearances the elements of stability. 

The anti-saloon movement has found a man and a system. It was 
in the office of an important brewery that I got my first flashlight view of 
both. The brewer was tired and hot and mad. He had been holding 
forth for two hours on the injustice of prohibition. Suddenly he turned 
and whacked his desk. "My God!" he roared, "this Anti-Saloon League 
don't sleep. Their people work seven days a week. It's like fighting a 
presidential campaign twice a year — no rest, no let up, just pound, pound, 
pound on us twenty-four hours out of twenty-four. We've been dumb and 
blind and deaf. They've already wiped us off half the map — and we 
thought we knew politics! Now we've got to learn all over again, and 
what's more, we've got to learn from them ! This is none of your brother- 
ly -love-Willie-hold-baby-temperance-tea-parties we're up against! This 
is hell! Everybody is watching the result — watching the single state 
fights, talking about Georgia, for instance. Now mark my words ! All 
this is deeper than the surface. I don't know who he is and I don't care, 
but — somewhere there is a Man Behind!" 

I agreed and — went out to seek the Man Behind. I found him. 

He was sitting forward on the edge of an office chair, and he was 
bounded on the north by a mound of correspondence, on the south by a 
table with half a hundred reference books, on the east by a desk loaded to 
the gunwales with information, and on the west by three big maps and a 
stenographer. He was Howard H. Russell, founder, builder and back- 
bone of the Anti-Saloon League of America. 

Before I had talked with him two minutes I began to remember where 
I had before encountered that intensity of unselfish purpose, that suave but 
iron attitude, that swift, virile movement in action, that overwhelming con- 
centration. I had met it in the personnel, the organization and the every 
action of the Anti-Saloon League. This man Russell has infused into the 
work his entire personality. Studying the man means studying the Anti- 
Saloon League. 



THE GREATEST PROBLEM SINCE SLAVERY. 221 

But even Russell did not realize the immense potentiality of the live 
wire he had uncovered. He served as minister in Kansas City and Chicago 
for several year In 1895, he addressed the temperance forces of Ober- 
lin, advocating a permanent state organization to fight the liquor traffic. 
His suggestions were met with apathy, but, characteristically undismayed, 
he continued an active correspondence on the subject among his friends in 
the little college towns. Finally, they agreed to the scheme, but only on 
condition that Russell take personal charge of the work. At a meeting of 
the Oberlin churches Russell outlined his plan. It was approved and that 
night was formed the Anti-Saloon League of Ohio. 

This was the infinitesimal seedling from which the Anti-Saloon League 
grew to its present national strength. It operated in business-like fash- 
ion. Great, nation-wide conditions aided potentially in building up the 
system. 

The first step in an Anti-Saloon League campaign is agitation. This 
is carried on through the churches and through the women and children, 
always the women and children. The state is flooded with printed mat- 
ter, lecturers speak from the street corners, illustrating their arguments 
with stereopticon views of slum conditions, dives, liquor statistics and ef- 
fects of alcohol on the physical, as distinguished even from the moral and 
mental man. People begin to learn; the League continues its campaign 
of education. Then comes the practical turn to all this community of anti- 
saloon interest — politics. The League slowly builds up a non-partisan, 
independent, powerful foe. With this vote it holds the balance of power 
and can, according to its strength in township, county or state, dictate 
absolutely to either political party its choice of candidates. Gradually it 
solidifies its political structure — picking up an assemblyman or state sen- 
ator one at a time — making him feel that his constituency demands his vote 
against the saloon. Such a political machine is impregnable, automatic. 
Once built all it needs is watching. At election time the League votes its 
candidates into the legislature ; compels these men not only to pass its laws 
but to vigorously follow up their enforcement ; watches like a hawk to see 
that there is no relapse from ground gained. 

It is commonly supposed that once a state has swung into prohibi- 
tion the victory is complete. As a matter of fact, it is only the beginning 
of a long, tedious, discouraging fight for law enforcement. "Blind tigers," 
drug stores, hotels and back alley vendors begin a thriving trade in the 
illicit sale of liquor. Federal licenses to sell liquor arc issued to hundreds 
who are willing to risk the state or local penalty for the illegal selling, 
but do not dare incur the National Government's drastic punishment. 
Liquor is shipped in from other states and conditions begin to grow as 
bad as before prohibition. The Stato Anti-Saloon League renews its 






222 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



campaign, this time calling for law enforcement. Evidence is procured 
and cases pushed hotly against the offenders. Legal experts trained in 
the work are sent into the field to conduct the fight and the struggle is soon 
brought to a sharp issue. Often it is impossible to get convictions on ac- 
count of the indifference, incompetence or defiance of officials. These are 
marked down and active campaigns at once started against their reelection. 
It is only a matter of time when officials are procured who will perform 
their duty. 

The headquarters of the Anti-Saloon League is at Columbus, Ohio. 
The general policy of the movement is arranged by the board of trustees, 
composed of two men from each state. From this board is selected the 
national executive committee, which keeps in active touch with each state 
movement. This committee selects each state superintendent, who is re- 
sponsible to it for all his acts. He works in conjunction with the state or- 
ganization, which is managed by a board of trustees consisting of one or 
more men from every denomination in the state enrolling one hundred and 
fifty thousand or more members. From this board is selected the executive 
committee of seven, who carry on the actual fighting in the field. The 
organization of the Anti-Saloon League numbers over four hundred men 
who give their entire time to the work, to say nothing of the army of 
clerks and stenographers necessary to so business-like a system. A press 
bureau handles all news that is given out and supplies the press with any 
and all information dealing with the League or with temperance. The 
active workers get from one thousand to three thousand dollars a year. 
The expenses of the movement are half a million dollars a year, every cent 
of which is contributed at meetings or by subscription. 

Against this movement is being formed a vast federation of all the 
liquor interests in America. It is expected that this federation will include 
the representatives of the 3,632 distilleries and breweries, the 17,111 
wholesale houses and the 225,000 saloons — a business that pays an annual 
tax to the Federal Government of $207,124,000. The entire federation, 
exclusive of the hotels, represents investments totaling three and one-half 
billions of dollars. In simpler language it is worth three thousand five 
hundred millionaires! 

You will, I think, agree that this is to be a struggle between organ- 
ized forces, a monstrous, inconceivable death-grapple such as the world has 
never witnessed. 

Already the liquor federation has begun its campaign. Tons of lit- 
erature have been distributed among the farmers of the entire country. 
Low saloons and dives have been told to close up, have been put out of 
business by their creators, the big liquor men. All the ancient and mooV 



THE GREATEST PROBLEM SINCE SLAVERY. 



223 



era methods of public-sentiment-building — oratory, lectures, adTertising. 
editorials, etc., are being utilized to their limits. 

Let me roughly estimate a part of the profits of the liquor business. 
According to the government internal revenue reports, taxes were paid 

year on 134,031,066 gallons of distilled spirits and on 58,54:6.111 
barrels of fermented liquors. Allow the distiller a profit of 25 cents a 
gallon and the brewer a profit of SI a barrel. This gives the former a 
profit of 333,507,776, the brewer a profit of 855,156,111. The too prof- 
its together amount to 892,053,877 a year! 

But this is only a beginning. The retailer pays the brewery an av- 
erage price of $6 for a barrel of beer. He sells it for 818. Deducting 
its cost and $2 for expenses leaves him a net profit of 810 a barsel. Multi- 
ply the number of barrels by this and we have a profit in beer for the re- 
tailer of 8585,161,110. 

Now take distilled spirits, for which the retailer pays an average 
price of perhaps 82 a gallon. Estimating 70 drinks to the gallon and 
13 cents to the drink gives a gross return of 89.10 on each gallon. De- 
duct the cost and 60 cents for expenses and the retailer has left 86.50 
clear profit per gallon. Multiplying tins by the number of gallons of 
spirits reported last year gives 8871,201,929. Now add the wholesaler's 
and retailer's profits on distilled spirits and fermented liquors. The total 
reaches the enormous sum of $ 1,518,7 16,9 16. 

Suppose now the liquor people sp:nd 25 per cent, of this in the coming- 
fight. This means the tremendous expenditure of $387,179,229 a year. 
But let us be generous. Let us underestimate their strength. Cut this 
sum squarely in two and hand it back to the liquor interests for expense-. 
This leaves them a campaign fund in their fight against the Anti-Saloon 
League of over half a million dollars a day! 

And for these reasons the fight mav last for fiftv vears. 




CHAPTER XIX. 

LIQUOR'S FIGHT AGAINST PROHIBITION. 

By Carrington A. Phelps. 

Reprinted by permission from Hampton's Xeic Broadway Magazine, New York, 

August, 1908. 

Note. — Six and one half BILLIONS of wealth are involved in the 
mighty Temperance Movement now sweeping over this country. Five 
million men, women and children have a bread and butter interest m the 
outcome. No battle of capital against capital ever compared with this 
struggle of the Drink Power, backed by billions of wealth, arrayed against 
Will Power born of Public Sentiment. — Editor New Broadway Maga- 
zine. 

VERY city and town in the United States of America is under 
martial law — in the minds of the leaders of the liquor inter- 
ests and of the Anti-Saloon League. For these twain are 
belligerents in one of the mightiest moral conflicts since the 
Crusades. 
I have been in the field with the Liquor Army, eye witness of the great 
battles it has already fought and lost. Also, I have been an observer of 
the organization of this Liquor Army, and have noted its methods of fight- 
ing. 

The opposing forces are rallying; are, indeed, in general array from 
Portland to Los Angeles and from Seattle to St. Augustine. Ordering 
the campaign on the side of the Liquor Army are captains of industries 
that are backed by $6,500,000,000. The result is the most terrific war 
for existence ever fought by any group of businesses in the world. It is 
the line-up for the life or death struggle of Beer and Whisky and their 
allied forces — in a general attack on the armies of Prohibition, Temper- 
ance and Anti-Saloon. 

The battle line of the Liquor Army is different from that which any a 
war correspondent has ever seen. This is no long, thin line; it is a conti- 
nental gridiron. And facing this impressive array, at every point on all 
criss-crossed lines, stands that perfectly disciplined, cold-blooded fighting 
unit, the Anti-Drink Army. 

Necessary to the conduct of a war is a War Department, an army, 
weapons and ammunition. The Liquor War Department comprises a 
224 



LIQUOR'S FIGHT AGAINST PROHIBITION. 225 

number of bureaus represented by the various organizations of brewers, 
distillers, wine growers and saloon men. There are two secretaries of war. 
The Secretary of War for Beer is Mr. Hugh Fox, of New York City. He 
is more actively in touch with the brewers' fight than any other man in 
America through his connection, as secretary, with the United States 
Brewers' Association, which carries a membership of more than 500 firms. 
The Secretary of War for Whisky, Brandy and Allied Alcohols is Mr. 
Cyrus Turner, of New York City. He knows more about the distillers' 
fight than any other man in the country through his connection, as general 
manager, with the National Wholesale Liquor Dealers' Association of 
America. 

These two men, then, are the executive heads of the United States 
Army of Liquor, 1,200,000 strong — a number of men equal to that of 
the employes of all the railroads of the land ; equal, also, to the total num- 
ber of troops put under arms by Japan in her war with Russia. 

The Liquor Army embraces four divisions of regulars and a great 
number of brigades of volunteers, or allies. The four divisions of regu- 
lars consist of the employes of 1,747 breweries, of 1,200 distilleries, of 
over 100,000 saloons and of 350 wineries. The wine people, handling 
principally bottled goods, are not vitally affected by the enemy ; hence 
they are apathetic. As long as the Interstate Commerce Laws permit it, 
the wine crowd will go right on shipping bottled cheer into the prohibition 
states. 

The volunteers, or allies, of the Liquor Army, include those engaged 
in the many different trades, industries and callings dependent upon the 
liquor traffic, such as glass makers, coopers, bottlers, cork and stopper 
makers, wagon and harness manufacturers, producers of bar fixtures and 
— the ice man. Other allies are the farmers who supply hops and other 
raw materials and the 6,600 hotel men of the country, and the 7,000 soda- 
water makers, and hundreds of thousands of traveling salesmen of the 
liquor and allied trades. The Liquor Army has also secured the support of 
those labor unions whose members are employed by the liquor business. 

To organize these allies, the Liquor War Department sent out its 
chief recruiting officer, John A. MeDermott. That he was successful is 
shown by the fact that manufacturers' and dealers' associations, number- 
ing altogether 70,000 members, have been formed in most of the states of 
the Union to fight the cause of liquor. 

The great Why of the successful recruiting in the allied forces lies en- 
tirely in the sign of the Dollar Mark. For example, the liquor interests 
pay $15,000,000 annually to insurance men, ,^20,000,000 to freight and 
express men, $5,000,000 to fuel men and $240,000,000 to farmers for 
hops, barley, rice, rye and horse feed. The liquor forces argue that these 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

business associates are interested most vitally in the continuance of the sale 
of strong drink. Altogether, the 1,200,000 persons depending for a live- 
lihood directly upon the liquor business and the industries it supports, re- 
ceive total earnings of $600,000,000 a year. Certain it is, then, that all 
these will back up the industries that furnish them with daily bread. 

As I have indicated, the ammunition used by this mighty liquor force 
is vast wealth — six and a half billions of property and other business 
values. That is, an amount of money double that of all the cash in cir- 
culation in the United States ; it is twice the amount of deposits in all 
our savings banks. With it, the liquor interests could pay off our national 
debt and still have over five billion dollars to spare. That campaign fund 
of the Liquor Army is nearly equal to the total of the capital stock of all 
our railways ; it is one-thirtieth of the aggregate wealth of the nation. 
And so, $6,500,000,000 is Power. 

The money is represented by invested capital in liquor and allied 
trades, in bonds, wages, plants, real estate and other property, in annual 
production, good will, brand values, liquor in bond and — certain other 
things which the tax collector is not supposed to know. The main com- 
ponents forming the grand total are as follows: 

Retail investments (real estate, saloons, cafes, fixtures, etc.) $1,500,000,000 
Brewers' investments (breweries, warehouses, equipment, 

brand values, etc.) 750,000,000 

Whisky and liquor investments (distilleries, equipment, 

brand values, etc.) 600,000,000 

Wholesale dealers' investment (real estate, merchandise, 

good will, etc.) 375,000.000 

Allied trades (estimated capital invested) 333,000,000 

Wine investments (vineyards, plants, merchandise, etc.). . . 140,000,000 

Total estimated investments $3,698,000,000 

Whiskv and other liquors, sales per annum (and whisky in 

bond) $1,138,000,000 

Beer sales per annum 351,000,000 

Taxes (internal revenue, national government, state and 

city governments) per annum 340,000,000 

Wages (brewers, distillers, wholesalers, retailers, etc.) an- 
nually 600,000,000 

Farm products (annual purchases) 250,000,000 

Freight, fuel, insurance, etc., annually 40,000,000 

Total annually $2,719,000,000 

I have compiled the foregoing figures after careful investigation 
among the various liquor interests and with the aid of liquor experts. These 



LIQUOR'S FIGHT AGAINST PROHIBITION. 227 

estimates are, I believe, conservative. I have given the total investment 
as $3,698,000,000, and the annual turnover at $2,719,000,000, or a grand 
total of nearly six and one-half billions of dollars. 

An item of special interest in the make-up of this Power is the amount 
of money paid to government — national, state and municipal. The inter- 
nal revenue receipts of the United States from the liquor business is a little 
over $200,000,000 a year. State and city taxation on liquor yields an- 
other $140,000,000, making a grand tax total of $340,000,000. Nearly 
one-half of the revenues of the Federal Government alone come from the 
liquor traffic. Here, then, are the reasons the Liquor Army hopes to gain 
recruits from the ranks of the taxpayers. 

The aggregation of billions under consideration may be regarded as 
a Trust. Not a beer or whisky Trust, but a gigantic Drink Trust, con- 
sisting of twenty or more real Trusts such as The Distilleries Securities 
Company, with its 100 plants and its $42,000,000 ; the American Spirits 
Corporations, with thirteen companies and $35,000,000; the Kentucky 
Distilleries, with fifty plants and $32,000,000 ; the American Malting in- 
terests, with thirty-six companies and $30,000,000 ; the Standard Distil- 
ling Corporation, with ten companies and $24,000,000, and the United 
Brewers, with twelve companies and $6,000,000. These and the other 
genuine beer and whisky corporations may be said to form one colossal 
Drink Trust with a power of $6,500,000,000 and therefore with a power 
that makes Standard Oil and a mere billion-dollar United States Steel 
Corporation sink into comparative puniness. 

The principal weapons employed by the Liquor Army for the use of 
this ammunition include, -first, publicity in the form of paid advertising 
in newspapers and other periodicals ; "press agency" work, consisting of 
the publication of news matter, articles, etc., in newspapers and maga- 
zines; second, work by mail, letters, circulars, booklets, pamphlets mailed 
or distributed to individuals, offices or homes ; posters and other similar 
advertising matter ; third, publications either frankly devoted to the Drink 
propaganda, or perhaps more often attempting to masquerade as general 
periodicals publishing articles favorable to the Drink cause; fourth, lec- 
turers and public speakers, preferably reformers and ministers, who can be 
induced to work in the Liquor ranks ; fifth, politicians and legislators who 
can exercise influence in places and at times when it is badly needed. 

With its War Department, its army, its ammunition and its weapons, 
what are the liquor people's method of fighting ? They divide the methods 
into two classes, namely, the underground method as practiced for many 
years, and the open method, which is more or less brand new. Yes, the 
liquor interests have long known well how to grope their way in the dark 
under corridors of political and press corruption. But in the past two 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOOX. 

years they have been compelled to come out into the glare of daylight and 
fight hand to hand. They knew the uses of smokeless powder and of pois- 
oned arrows made of coin of the Republic, but now they must learn the 
use of tongue and pen, too, as weapons ; and the use of reason, as well as of 
dollars, for ammunition. Both the underground and the open systems of 
fighting are today in operation simultaneously. 

The open method involves, first, the buying of space in newspapers, 
in the form of spread advertisements — since the Liquor Arm}' cannot se- 
cure publicity on the merits of the case. The most familiar of such ad- 
vertisements is a full-page affair that is expected to be glitteringly con- 
clusive as an argument in favor of anti-prohibition — because of the state- 
ment that George Washington drank wine, or because of the statement 
that Bismarck was great solely as the result of drinking beer. It is said 
that one brewing concern is spending a million dollars "placing" an adver- 
tisement showing the twelve ages of beer from the harvest field to the table 
— to run for twelve months in thousands of publications. 

Huge posters represent another of the open methods of publicity re- 
sorted to by the Liquor Army. One popular poster shows dozens of empty 
stores resulting, it is alleged, from the bad trade conditions in Kansas 
City, Kansas, following the advent of prohibition. Sworn statements ac- 
company the pictures, but they do not explain that the great majority of 
the stores became vacant because situated in the flooded district. The 
business men of the town vigorously attacked this poster and showed the 
author to be irresponsible. 

Subterranean operations for molding public opinion involve a subsi- 
dized press and an intimidated press. Tremendous pressure is being 
brought to bear on newspapers and other periodicals to force them to work 
for the Drink cause. The beer and whisky and wine people are good ad- 
vertisers, and they are exerting all their influence to secure either a favor- 
able attitude or at least neutrality from the daily and weekly press. In 
some cases their efforts are producing results that ought to be gratifying 
to the Drink forces. I have noticed recently in several newspapers a whole 
page article espousing the cause of beer drinking. In other publications 
I have checked earnest pro-beer arguments printed as "pure reading mat- 
ter. 5 ' 

As for the intimidated press — the liquor people stop at nothing to 
crush any newspaper that dares give publicity to the liquor evils. Note 
this extract from a letter sent to the New Orleans Times-Democrat by a 
Milwaukee brewery : 

"We call your attention to the fact that certain newspapers are in- 
clined to boost prohibition. The brewers are keeping a record of such 
newspapers. As you have had a certain proportion of our business in the 



LIQUOR'S FIGHT AGAINST PROHIBITION. 229 

past, we advise you that all newspapers who fail to suppress anti-saloon 
league news hereafter will not only lose our patronage, but also that of 
most every brewery in the United States. All papers continuing to knock 
our business can expect to be turned down on any future advertising con- 
tracts from both ourselves and all other large breweries. " 

It is not necessary for me to say that the Times-Democrat was not 
disturbed — perhaps not even annoyed — by this sanguinary communica- 
tion. Fortunately for the American people the press of this country, 
taken by and large, is clean and courageous. The Drink forces will un- 
doubtedly find publishers who will print their arguments as "pure reading" 
when paid enough; but, as a rule, the newspapers will be extremely cau- 
tious in adopting any attitude that does not reflect the sentiment of their 
constituencies. 

In making my investigations for this article I found an interesting 
case, typical of the power and energy the Liquor people are using in their 
efforts to secure favorable treatment from the newspapers. In one of the 
large Eastern cities is a newspaper editor whom many men in the profession 
regard as the greatest daily journalist of the present time. He is a vig- 
orous fighter for the cause that he believes right. His own state recently 
began a fight for local option — yes, there are two states, Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey, which as 3'et have no local option laws — and this man's news- 
paper surprised and terrorized the Drink forces with a crusade that they 
knew meant the loss of the state. 

They sent a committee to see him — capable, intelligent men who knew 
how to talk and whose business it is to persuade other men to see things 
their way. "You see," said the committee, in conclusion, "we don't expect 
you to advocate our side of it ; all we suggest is that you publish only the 
live news matter en both sides. The other papers in town will treat us 
right, so that you can be sure that none of them will be printing any news 
that you won't have." 

When they had quite finished the editor said: "For ten or twelve 
years, at least, I have been trying to get the saloon people to help us clean 
up some of the worst elements that associate with the liquor business. You 
have never helped me in these movements. You have been indifferent — at 
least indifferent — to every reform effort, until now, when the danger of 
the situation has finally worked its way into your heads, you tell me what 
you will do in the way of reform. Perhaps you are sincere, perhaps not; 
at any rate this is the opportunity I have waited for and you can be sure 
that this paper will do everything it can to secure the passage of a local 
option law. So far as your advertising is concerned that is a matter you 
must settle with yourselves. \"ou can use our advertising columns, or you 



230 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

can leave them alone ; either course will have no bearing on the paper's 
policy." 

Then the committee lost its temper, and made threats. The editor 
was optimistic, even cheerful. He opined that his paper would be able to 
proceed and progress without the friendship of the Drink forces. The 
committee made good on the threats. Not only was all liquor and beer 
advertising withdrawn, but allied industries were drawn into the boycott 
until finally the newspaper lost even the advertising of the pickle manu- 
facturers ! 

The liquor interests may be made unhappy when I tell them that the 
editor has proven himself a very good business man. The circulation of 
his paper has steadily advanced, his advertising receipts have increased, 
and his monthly net profits are larger than they were before the boycott 
began. 

A still craftier method of reaching the public is through the columns 
of apparently religious or reform publications that are either owned or 
"influenced" by the liquor interests. These papers piously take the stand 
of law enforcement in regard to closing saloons on Sunday, and so forth, 
appearing thus to be the true friend of public morality. 

I have mentioned lecturers and pulpit orators in the Drink service. 
These are the fighting chaplains of the Liquor Army — cleric allies who 
serve the Demon Rum. A score of preachers who are identified with the 
liquor interests could be mentioned, but the record of two or three will 
suffice. 

First, there is the Rev. Charles F. Taylor, late pastor of a church in 
Amsterdam, New York. He is now the editor of The True Reformer, in 
which publication frequent attacks are made upon the Anti-Saloon League. 
T. De Quincy Tully, secretary-treasurer of the society publishing this 
paper, is a favorite orator at liquor conventions, and his speeches are re- 
produced in pamphlet form and used as ammunition by the Drink Army. 
Howard H. Russell tells me that at one time Tully applied for a position 
with the Anti-Saloon League, and failed to get it. 

One issue of The True Reformer advocates leaving the prize fight 
law "as it is," and devotes many pages of its space to an earnest effort to 
prove prohibition impracticable. I am told that The True Reformer is 
mailed regularly to ministers in various sections of the country. The 
True Reformer frankly states that it "is not published to make money, or 
with the expectation of even paying the cost of its publication, but as a 
medium for conveying valuable information to the people not otherwise 
obtainable." 

Another of the chaplains, the Rev. E. A. Wasson, is pastor of St. 
Stephen's Protestant Episcopal Church, at Newark, New Jersey, and edi- 




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LIQUOR'S FIGHT AGAINST PROHIBITION. 2?,\ 

tor of The Crown, a religious monthly with the following motto: '"True 
religion is true humanit}', and true humanity lies in loving and serving 
others. To love man is to love God ; and to serve man is to serve God." 

That the services of the Rev. E. A. Wasson are highly appreciated 
by the United States Brewers' Association is evidenced by the fact that 
under the title of '"The Anti-Saloon League Sham" they issue in pamphlet 
form an article from his Crown. Further appreciation is indicated by 
page 24 of the Crown for March, 1908, upon which appears an anti-local 
option argument signed "Press Bureau German-American Central Alli- 
ance, Newark, N. J.," and bearing the three stars that mean nothing to 
the lay reader but which the newspaper man interprets as "paid adver- 
tising." 

I came upon a third chaplain of the Liquor Army, through receiving 
a pamphlet containing this item: "Rev. William A. Wasson, rector of 
Grace Church, Riverhead, Long Island, says: 'The church cannot longer 
afford to have its name exploited by the prohibitionists. The church and 
the liquor trade should stand shoulder to shoulder in this great fight. 
We need each other.' ' I found the Rev. William A. Wasson to be a 
brother of the clergyman above mentioned, and an ardent representative of 
the liquor traffic at legislative hearings. His addresses before liquor con- 
ventions are all published in pamphlets by the liquor people, and scat- 
tered over the country as "representing the views of prominent clergymen 
on the liquor question." 

A fourth chaplain of the kind is the Rev. O. M. Muller, who edits 
that ambitious liquor paper, The Tribunal of Reason. This publication 
contains a paying assortment of liquor advertisements and is owned, so I 
am told, by a Brooklyn dealer named Schwab. 

The most potent of all the underground methods of the Liquor Army 
are those followed in securing control of state legislatures. In legislative 
liquor fights, the power of money can, as a rule, be brought to bear upon 
votes. Legislators can be controlled, too, on the strength of past favors. 
And the good will of the ruling political ring can be secured for a consid- 
eration. 

Despite both open and underground methods in operation in state leg- 
islative bodies, the Liquor Army has seven times gone down to defeat in 
the seven great decisive battles of the war— Maine, Kansas, North Dakota, 
Georgia, Alabama, Oklahoma and North Carolina. The Liquor Army did 
not fight hard, to be sure, in the battles of Maine, Kansas and North Da- 
kota. The sensation produced upon the Liquor Army in losing, in turn, 
those three states, was that of a flea on a lion. The lion roared — that was 
all. But in the other four states the liquor legions fought tooth and nail. 

Yet the Liquor Army was defeated in Oklahoma, its losses there mini- 



232 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

bcring 540 saloons. It was defeated in Alabama, its money losses amount- 
ing to $1,385,000 of capital invested in that state in the brewery and dis- 
tillery business. It has more recently been defeated in North Carolina, 
with pecuniary losses aggregating $308,000. 

Generals of the Liquor Army thought they would win sure in Geor- 
gia, where the very Governor of the State, Hon. Hoke Smith, was ene of 
the owners of the Piedmont Hotel, in Atlanta, a hotel with a bar. The 
great expectations of the generals of Liquor were not realized, however; 
for with courageous pen Governor Smith signed the Prohibition Bill, 
thereby personally losing many thousands of dollars through the closing 
of this bar. The loss to the Liquor Army in that Georgia campaign in- 
volved $1,680,000 of invested capital. 

A series of defeats with tremendous losses has befallen the Liquor 
forces in all the other states of the Union, too. In Kentucky, where $100,- 
000,000 is invested in distilleries, the Liquor Army has fought, step by 
step, ever backward, always in retreat, till it has lost every county in the 
state excepting four. In Texas it has lost half the state, county by coun- 
ty, together with $2,500,000. 

As for defeat and loss in other ways — during the spring of 1908 
seventy-five carloads of fixtures were returned to one Western brewery — 
from closed saloons. A million railroad men have been sworn to total ab- 
stinence through rules of their own brotherhoods. 

On constant guard are those sentries of the Liquor Army, the saloon- 
keepers. These live with their ears close to the ground. They are trained 
in close political work, are in direct contact with the people, are immensely 
powerful. They are freemen, yes. But a freeman can be a slave. He 
can sell himself to debt. The average saloon man is owned body and'soul 
by the brewers. In nine cases out of ten he is in the hands of the brewery 
that advances his license, that puts up his bond, and that furnishes him 
with beer on credit. It is estimated that the breweries own fully seventy- 
five per cent, of the saloons of the country. 

The progeny of the saloon is the dive. Last year the generals of the 
Liquor Army were forced to acknowledge at .last that the dive was bad for 
the liquor business. And forthwith the Liquor Legion began a movement 
that is called "cleaning house," which meant wiping the dives from munici- 
pal maps. Definite action was taken by the formation of the New York 
State Lager Beer Association, which made an agreement with the bonding 
companies whereby the brewers were to refuse beer, and the bonding com- 
panies to refuse to give bonds to disreputable saloon men. As a result, on 
the first day of May, 1908, revelry by night was no longer heard in sa- 
loons of the dive class in New York State. This "looked good" to the 



LIQUOR'S FIGHT AGAINST PROHIBITION. 233 

people as divisions of the Liquor Army in other States perceived. Forth- 
with, throughout the Union, a general house-cleaning movement began. 

The first to take an active step in the great anti-prohibition fight was 
the United States Brewers' Association, the most powerful body of its kind 
on earth. It was the heads of this body who promulgated the order to 
add the open method of fighting to the underground. The distillers, 
meantime, were not idle. Cyrus Turner, shrewd observer and tactician, 
took hold of the Wholesale Liquor Dealers' Association and of the Nation- 
al Protective Bureau, both comprised of whisky men, and made the work 
of these bodies effective. Later, the distillers got together and formed 
what they call the Model License League, the purpose of which was and 
is to get before the people a so-called model license bill limiting the number 
of licenses and severely punishing excise infringements. Instantly every 
hanger-on in the distillery business, realizing the cloak the new organiza- 
tion afforded, rallied around the standard of Model License and assumed 
a sanctimonious attitude. 

But the Liquor Army lacks esprit de corps. Its own camps are riven 
by internecine warfare — by strife in its own ranks. Between the brewers 
and distillers there has always existed the bitterest rivalry. 

Then, too, there is fierce competition among the brewers themselves, 
incessant factional feuds and vendettas. Moreover, manufacturers of pure 
whisky are opposing the "blenders" — the makers of blended whiskies. And 
the dealers in bottled goods not only actually welcome prohibition, but in 
some cases contribute to its campaign expenses, because it booms their 
business and kills the barreled beer and whisky shipments — the laws per- 
mitting the shipment of bottled goods into dry territory. Lastly, the 
American Wine Growers' Association is fighting alone. And here is one 
more squabble within a squabble: for the wine people are at swords' points 
with the importers who bring into the country vast quantities of foreign 
wines. 

And so the war goes on, this war which is destined to be the greatest 
national struggle the United States has ever seen. Upon the one sich 
stands the Anti-Saloon League, with its myriad Temperance allies, and 
that mighty, imponderable force, Public Opinion. It is this that is setting 
in against liquor drinking the world over. 

On the other side stands the Liquor Traffic, monstrous, inconceivable 
in its strength and craft, facing possible confiscation of its great interests, 
loss of its billions, fighting against extermination. Coolly it is distributing 
its forces, strengthening its ramparts, plotting and counterplotting, alert, 
forceful, menacing. It is prepared for any sacrifice, any price — for it is 
fighting for life, and in that balance all else counts as nothing. Six mil- 
lion dollars a day it receives from the people in exchange for its wares. It 



234 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

can well afford to be lavish in its defenses, even though the fight cost it 
half a million dollars a day for many months to come. 

In endeavoring to gain an idea of the results of this vast struggle I 
have talked with the biggest leaders on both sides, and their composite 
view seems to be much as follows: The Anti-Saloon League will continue 
its devastating, machine-like victories, sweeping perhaps half a dozen more 
states into prohibition. It will ignore as false and untrustworthy the pro- 
testations of the drink forces that their intentions toward reform are sin- 
cere. Finally, the Liquor Army will be compelled to prove its sincerity by 
purging their trade of its evils, by eliminating that American institution, 
the saloon, by adopting some other social substitute like the German Bier- 
hallen, and by actively aiding in decent legislation and law-enforcement. 
Then and only then will Public Opinion be satisfied. And once Public 
Opinion is satisfied the Anti-Saloon League will have no further cause for 
activity. 

Among the Italians there is an organization called the "Black Hand." 
This secret, oath-bound band selects a victim for assassination, and details 
some member to carry out the sentence. The assassin waylays his victim 
and drives the dagger to his heart. These men are not choice in their 
methods of murder, but accomplish their deadly designs by any and 
every means. 

This new "Black Hand" society has invaded an entirely different 
realm. As a rule, the deadly methods of the brewers, maltsters and dis- 
tillers are as secret as are the underground plans and purposes of the 
other "Black Hand" society. While the purpose to kill is not boldly 
stated, it yet remains the truth, as announced by Shylock, that "You do 
take my life when you take that which doth sustain my life." The malt- 
sters and brewers are to secure the names of all friends of temperance, 
and propose to use all the strength and power at their command to de- 
stroy the business enterprises with which these men are connected. 

This has always been the plan and spirit of the liquor trade. It 
was revealed to me a quarter of a century ago when, as a young editor 
out in West Texas, I began my fight for temperance and prohibition. 
We had had two saloon fires in our little town, and it was believed by 
many that the owners started these fires for the purpose of collecting the 
insurance. I denounced the whole liquor business as a crying evil against 
society and a menace to the public good. I was immediately waited upon 
by a leading saloonkeeper, who informed me that if I did not let up on 
the whisky business my enterprise would be destroyed. I knew that the 
threat meant very much more than this saloon man expressed, and was 
not surprised when afterward I was waylaid to be shot, and my life was 
saved only by a Providential intervention. — Dr. J. B. Cranfill. 




CHAPTER XX. 

THE SOUTHLAND'S WINNING FIGHT. 

By Harris Dickson, Judge of Municipal Court y Vicksburg, Mississippi. 

Note. — Judge Dickson is an author of wide popularity. One 
of the most interesting and valuable contributions to the literature of 
the great movement for the prohibition of the liquor traffic is his series of 
articles under the title "The Battle of the Bottle" published in The Sat- 
urday Evening Post, October, 1907, to January, 1908, from which the 
following chapter is condensed by permission. — G. M. H. 

VERY Southern state today has vast areas of dry territory: 
South Carolina, North Carolina, Florida, Mississippi, West 
Virgina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Oklahoma, Georgia, 
Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas. 

The farmers went about getting rid of doggeries in 
their good old-fashioned way. Nowhere on all the statute books of the 
world is the ancient Anglo-Saxon principle more clearly writ than in 
those early liquor laws of the South. "Local self-government' ' and 
"community rule" were guide-posts for their simple legislation. If a 
cross-road doggery interfered with a schoolhouse, or disturbed the wor- 
shipers at a church, the people of that locality had their representative 
in the legislature secure an act forbidding the sale of liquor within four 
miles of that particular church or school. The schoolhouse of the South 
is almost as much a sanctuary as the church, and the people plant them 
thickly. This throttled the doggery. 

When the slaves were freed the planter closed his big house and 
moved to town — poverty and protection the reasons. This changed the 
whole structure of southern society. Out of the wreck and the ruin a 
new society grew up. 

Somebody had to work. So the white man stepped into the furrow 
When conditions settled down the negro began to rent land and till it. 
The plantation store sprang up. Each share hand or tenant drew his 
weekly rations. 

"Gimme a quart o' whisky," says the negro on Saturday night, and 
thus he wasted his wages and crippled his efficiency. 

"Yes," the planter admits, "it's a bad business. Hut if I do not sell 

235 



236 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

whisky, the next plantation will. Negroes won't trade at a store where 
they can't get it." 

This system worked very well in prosperous years, but hard times 
came. Mortgage company and factor shut down on the planter, and he 
cut off the negro's whisky. 

After that the negro went to town for liquor. There were saloons 
for negroes who left the fields and flocked to the cities — dens of unspeak- 
able infamy with dance halls, crap games, opium, cocaine and all the rest. 
In many cities these dives existed long after stringent laws had been enact- 
ed for their suppression. Men higher up in the business protected them ; 
rich brewers paid their licenses. They constituted the political machine, 
grinding out officials who bore their stamp. They dictated the election of 
sheriffs, tied the hands of prosecuting attorneys, packed the juries, and 
tugged at the judicial ermine. And they built up a power so great that 
it held itself above the law. Instead of the law regulating the liquor traf- 
fic, the traffic regulated the law. The protest against this has been gath- 
ering for many years ; now it is irresistible. Thousands of citizens believe 
that a traffic which cannot be regulated ought to be destroyed. 



THE FIREWATER CRISIS IN ALABAMA. 

As in other southern states, the cross-roads doggery was first at- 
tacked and demolished. By special acts of the legislature prohibiting the 
sale within five miles of certain schoolhouses and churches the bar room was 
driven out of the country into the incorporated towns where it would be 
under police restraint. Very early in this conflict it developed that many 
people were opposed to the saloon itself, not only in the country districts, 
but in the towns as well. As they did not then feel strong enough to vote, 
they steered a middle course and adopted a local dispensary law. This 
gave the people in each town of five thousand inhabitants the choice be- 
tween saloons run by individuals and a dispensary run by the community. 
It was a municipal monopoly of the liquor traffic, and the profits were used 
for public improvements. 

Many good people regarded this system as a step in advance of the 
open saloon and supported it while waiting for something better. 

One system brings on another. The dispensary brought on the drink- 
ing-room near by. Growlers began to say rude and angry things con- 
cerning the dispensary, even to whisper "graft." The dispensary system 
began to wane. 

Prior to the meeting of the legislature in 1907, state-wide agitation 




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THE SOUTHLAND'S WINNING FIGHT. 237 

was begun for a local option law. Some one suggested a state prohibition 
law, but it did not pass, many Anti-Saloon League leaders opposing it. 
They feared the time was not yet ripe for state prohibition ; they thought 
it better to capture county by county, building up strength and weakening 
the opposition. 

On February 26, Governor Comer signed the local option bill. An 
even greater victory was yet to come, the Sherrod Anti-Shipping Law. 
This drastic measure makes it unlawful for any person, firm or corporation 
to accept any liquors for shipment, transportation or delivery into a prohi- 
bition district.* As the law now stands, a dealer in Mobile or Birmingham 
cannot ship a thimbleful of whisky to a dry town in the state, but the 
dealer at Pensacola, Florida, Chattanooga, Tennessee, or Louisville, Ken- 
tucky, may dump it into Alabama by the car load. That is interstate com- 
merce, which the state of Alabama is powerless to restrict. Bills are pend- 
ing, however, in the Congress of the United States, the effect of which will 
be to leave each particular state in full control of this traffic, as a part of 
its police power. The chief interest of the Alabama fight centered in Jef- 
ferson county and the Magic City of Birmingham. From this community 
the Anti-Saloon League sought to rout its ancient enemy. Petitions for 
a special election were circulated and signed by 5,538 voters, more than a 
sufficient number. The election was held on October 28, 1907.* 

II. 

AN INQUEST ON THE GEORGIA SALOON. 

When the whites were again in the saddle (after the reconstruction 
period), one of their first legislative acts was to forbid any bar-room within 
three miles of a church or school house in the state. Several years after- 
ward local option laws were enacted, the first ever passed in the South, if 
not in the United States. Almost at once the different counties began to 
hold elections, and in a decade 125 out of 145 counties in the state were dry. 
Agricultural communities almost 'without exception voted against the sale. 
The larger cities remained wet. 

This concentrated the liquor traffic in the cities. In 1896, certain 
prohibitionists determined to make a straight fight for state prohibition — 
but were defeated. After their defeat most of the prohibitionists returned 
to the Democratic party and began to work for state prohibition within 
the party. 

For it was discovered that local option was no longer safe. The 
cry was raised, "local option won't do any longer, because the liquor deal- 



* Alabama has Hinc<- become a prohibition state. — G. M. I! 



238 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ers will come down to our dry counties where there are negro majorities, 
pay their taxes and put liquor back into their hands." Then came the 
riot — brought about, as many believe, by the negro saloons on Decatur 
street, and the congregation of negroes at low dives. The mad purpose at 
the beginning was to go down to these dives and tear them to pieces. These 
establishments were closed for a number of days, and the people of Atlanta 
discovered that there was scarcely a need for a Recorder's Court. 

Such were the appalling facts suddenly thrust upon the people of the 
state who had been taught to believe that Atlanta was one of the best regu- 
lated cities in the South, with a low percentage of crime. Later, the City 
Council, at the instance of big liquor dealers, put a number of these negro 
saloons back on Decatur street. Indignation spread and the people of 
the entire state roused themselves against the traffic. Men who had never 
before been prohibitionists placed themselves squarely in the ranks. 

The prohibition giant awakened to a realization of his strength. The 
legislature being in session, the prohibitionists began to clamor for a state 
prohibitory law. Petitions began to pour in to the country members from 
clubs, anti-saloon leagues, the W. C. T. U., churches and several chambers 
of commerce. Bills were introduced by country members for state prohibi- 
tion, and, after a fiery debate there was introduced in a most spectacular 
manner that obstructive engine known as the filibuster. 

Very early of the morning when the bill was put upon its final passage 
ten thousand people assembled around the capitol. The bill was called 
and a filibuster began. It seemed practically impossible to force a vote. 
Night came, nine o'clock, and though an overwhelming majority was in 
favor of the bill, no action had yet been taken. The House adjourned. 
Next morning the filibusters agreed that if the bill were deferred until the 
following Tuesday it should come to a vote after six hours of debate. This 
final vote stood 139 for to 39 against. When Governor Hoke Smith at- 
tached his signature to the prohibition law, he is said to have signed away 
$30,000 from his private revenues. Governor Smith is quoted as saying: 
"Congress should provide by law that liquor shall not be shipped from a 
wet state into a dry state. Interstate commerce, regulated by Congress, 
should not tolerate the shipment of liquor into a state where the people 
have voted against the sale of liquor in that state. The greatest thing 
that can be done for the temperance cause is to forbid the shipment of 
liquor from wet states into dry states. Let that once be stopped and the 
argument of non-enforcement of the law is gone, and the states will go 
stumbling over each other to enact prohibition laws." 

(When Congress was granted power to regulate commerce among the 
several states, it was not intended that the so-called "United States Govern- 
ment" should possess authority to force a traffic upon a state which had 



THE SOUTHLAND'S WINNING FIGHT. 239 

legislated against it. The original thirteen States had been sovereign, 
free and independent, and when they founded the "more perfect union" of 
1787, they did not for a moment consider that the regulation of com- 
merce "among" them involved the right to coerce them into tolerating a 
prohibited traffic. Seaborn Wright once said that if the Federal Govern- 
ment persisted in forcing the Liquor Traffic upon the Southern states, they 
would exterminate the negro ! He should have said, they would wage an- 
other war for the dissolution of the Union ! — G. M. H. ) 



III. 

THE OBITUARY OF KENTUCKY AND THE EPITAPH OF TENNESSEE. 

In 1905, the County Unit Bill was passed, which excepted those coun- 
ties where there is a city of the fourth class, of 3,000 population. This 
law went into effect June 11, 1906. Under it there have been thirty-eight 
campaigns, thirty-six of which the prohibitionists have won. In the terri- 
tory thus voted dry there is a population of 600,000 people, nearly 13,000 
square miles. There is one solid block in southeast Kentucky with but one 
saloon town. Ninety-eight per cent, of Kentucky territory is dry. Seventy- 
five per cent, of Kentuckians live in dry territory. Ninety-two counties 
are entirely dry. Fourteen counties have one saloon town. Seven coun- 
ties have two saloons each. Two counties have three saloons each. Four 
counties are almost solidly wet. 

The slate has been wiped so clean in Tennessee that little can now 
be done except to write obituary. There are now only three cities in the 
State of Tennessee where liquor may be legally sold : Nashville, Chattanoo- 
ga and Memphis. Nashville has a restricted saloon district ; Chattanooga 
will reduce her saloons to 67. Memphis alone does business in the old way 
at the old stand. 

IV. 

FROM THE OLD DOMINION TO THE LONE STAR STATE. 

There are one hundred counties in Virginia, seventy-two of which 
have no saloons. Forty-six counties have no form of license whatever. 
Twenty-six counties have no saloons, but have dispensaries, or some modi- 
fied form of license. Twenty-eight counties have saloons in the cities. Out 
of one hundred and forty incorporated towns one hundred and twenty are 
dry; out of nineteen cities six arc dry. There arc hut thirty-three munici- 
palities in the state where the open saloon exists. Of the 1,060 saloons 
two-thirds arc in four counties around Richmond and Norfolk. 

The temperance forces arc thoroughly united and propose to amend 
the defective election laws. 



240 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

West Virginia came into the world as a child of war. Its first feeble 
cry was a feeble wail against the cradle's insatiate enemy. As the babe 
grew stronger its anti-liquor legislation became more stringent. There 
are fifty -five counties in the State ; twenty-nine of these are dry. Nine 
counties have saloons in one town each ; five in two ; two in three ; two in 
four, and eight in five towns or more. Two years ago the prison report 
showed that thirty -two dry counties had 106 men in the penitentiary while 
Fayette county alone, with eighty-three saloons had 159! 

Florida has had local option since 1887, by an amendment to the con- 
stitution of the state. One peculiar feature of the law is that although 
the county, as a whole, may vote wet, yet, if a single precinct in the county 
shows a majority against the sale, then no liquor can be sold in that pre- 
cinct. 

The growth of straight-out prohibition sentiment has caused a curi- 
ous change. In cities like Pensacola the most pronounced local optionists 
are the men who bitterly denounced it ten years ago. Then they were 
clamoring for the privilege of selling in counties that did not want it, 
overriding local opinions and desires. They fought local option when the 
state was trying to get it. Now they claim to be inventors of the plan, 
preaching the beauties of the time-honored Anglo-Saxon principle of local 
self-government. 

The Governor of Florida is an outspoken prohibitionist.* He makes 
one striking statement: 

"It was observed by merchants in dry communities that their bills were 
paid more promptly, that the volume of business was greater, that the peo- 
ple became more prosperous and the towns improved more rapidly, until 
now people look upon the question both from a moral and a business stand- 
point, as their observation has confirmed them in the belief that it is better 
from every standpoint that the country should abolish the sale of liquor." 

Mississippi, in 1880, had open saloons throughout the State. Since 
1886, the State has had an effective county local option law, under which 
many elections were held with varying results. As early as 1890, fort}' 
counties had gone dry. In 1890, the constitutional convention was held 
— its paramount purpose being the disfranchisement of the negro. When 
the convention assembled many ardent prohibitionists regarded it as their 
golden opportunity and pressed vigorously for an amendment, but it was 
voted down. Subsequently the brazen defiance of law in the saloon coun- 



* There ought to be a recognized style of distinguishing a Democrat or Republican 
advocate of prohibiting the liquor traffic from a party Prohibitionist. For instance, 
Seaborn Wright, of Georgia, is a "red-hot Southern Democrat" who favors the pro- 
hibition of the dram-shop — but he has no sympathy with the party of which Chafin 
and Watkins are candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. — G, M. H. 



THE SOUTHLAND'S WINNING FIGHT. 241 

ties converted thousands, and in 1908 Mississippi took her place among 
the eight prohibition States of the Union. 

Louisiana is divided; the north is largely dry; in the southern par- 
ishes it is generally wet. A strong temperance sentiment is developing 
and liquor men are taking time by the forelock in an effort to weed out the 
most objectionable members of their class. The state had a slightly modi- 
fied form of local option under which twenty-three parishes are dry, seven 
partly dry and twenty-seven wet. This situation is changing, always 
toward the dry side. 

There is a petition law in Arkansas peculiar to that State; a majority 
of the "inhabitants" may petition for the removal of all saloons within 
three miles of any church or schoolhouse. This applies to cities. As 
"inhabitants" include wives, mothers, daughters over eighteen years of 
age, it would seem that this is a most effective weapon. Indeed, it is diffi- 
cult to imagine how any further legislation could be needed. There is 
one element of certainty in Arkansas. A test of strength has been made 
and measured. If state prohibition be submitted to the people, it will 
carry. 

The local option law of Missouri permits counties to vote as a whole, 
except cities of 2,500 or more, which vote separately. Prohibition effort is 
being focused on the legislature which will meet in 1909. The plan is to 
carry the state, county by county, as was so successfully done in Georgia, 
Alabama and Mississippi. 

Political conditions in the Lone Star State have changed since 1887, 
when the prohibition amendment to the constitution was voted down by an 
enormous majority. At that time any man twenty -one years of age could 
vote and no questions asked. One hundred thousand negro ballots were 
probably cast against prohibition. Today there are not ten thousand 
negro votes in the State, out of a total vote of 900,000. Poll tax and 
registration requirements are so strict that ver}< few illegal votes could 
possibly be cast. This puts a different face on the matter. 

The liquor interests are wide awake to their danger, but in Texas, as 
in other States, they are taking notice too late. Long continued viola- 
tions of law have built up such bitter opposition to the entire traffic that 
nothing short of annihilation will satisfy its foes. 




CHAPTER XXI. 

THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION IN 

ACTION. 

ISTORY is composite biography. When the final story of 
the Woman's Christian Temperance Union shall have been 
written, it will be largely a recital of facts and experiences 
in the lives of thousands of women, who, in many places and 
stations, have discharged duty in the spirit of faith, hope and 
self-sacrificing love. From every part of the country have come to the 
editor of this book, stories of achievement in the face of apparently in- 
surmountable difficulty, triumphs in tribulation, and victories through 
invincible effort that read like the eleventh chapter of Hebrews. These 
stories, bits of biography and personal experience, are athrill with tragic 
interest. To print them all would require a volume. Sufficient extracts 
are reproduced to present a fair picture of this magnificent working force 
in action. 

Tennessee will probably be the ninth Prohibition state by the uplift 
of the prohibition wave of 1907-8. Mrs. Silena M. Holman, President of 
the State Union, in her resume of conditions, says : 

"At this writing, August, 1908, a strong fight is being made for a 
legislature in favor of state prohibition. We believe we are going to win, 
but if we fail, we shall not be discouraged, for we think all the powers of 
darkness cannot delay the matter longer than the meeting of another leg- 
islature. 

"The question naturally arises as to what causes led to this condition 
of affairs in the state. What influence led the people to a hatred of the 
saloon, and abolished it from so much of the state, with good promise of 
driving the traffic from the entire state at an early date? I would say that 
the 'Four-mile Law' has been a fine educator. Then the early temperance 
societies, the Sons of Temperance and the Good Templars did much to set 
the people thinking. But I think that no force has done quite so much 
to educate the people of the state as to the evils of the saloon as the Wo- 
man's Christian Temperance Union. 

"The Union was organized in this state in 1882. In the years since 
its organization, its speakers have visited almost every city, town and vil- 
lage, speaking to people along temperance lines. In 1887, when the cam- 
paign was made for constitutional prohibition, their speakers canvassed 

the entire state, organizing hundreds of unions, and helping under local 

242 





MRS. CORA D. GRAHAM, 

Corresponding Secretary, New York 

W. C. T. U. 



MRS. ELLEN L. TENNEY, 
Treasurer, New York VV. C. T. L r . 





MRS. C. A. G. FAIRCHILD, 
Recording Secretary, New York W. ('. I. U. 



MRS. II. L. BULLOCK, 
First Vice- President, New York \V. C. T. I 



THE W. C. T. U. IN ACTION. 243 

option. Twenty-nine out of a total thirty-two is surely progressing. 
There is not a county in the state that has not more or less dry territory. 

"Since the fact has been demonstrated that cities can be run and pros- 
per financially without the revenue of the saloon, the prohibition sentiment 
is growing rapidly among business men, and particularly among mana- 
gers of large industries. 

"Everything points to the wiping out of the saloon root and branch 
in the near future. The fact that we have but one large city is greatly 
in our favor. Our watchword is : State-wide Prohibition in 1910 !" 

From the far away West, Mrs. Lulu L. Shepard, President of the 
Utah W. C. T. U., writes : 

"The saloons of Utah feel that they have seen their best days, and real- 
ize that the death knell has been sounded. The State Convention just 
closed was the most successful in the history of our Union. Never has 
enthusiasm for our cause been so great. Many rural communities are al- 
ready planning for the closing of all saloons. Joseph Smith, President 
of the Mormon Church, has pledged the support of that great organiza- 
tion to the cause of temperance. There is but little doubt but that county 
local option will carry at our next legislature." 

From the far Northwestern region, Mrs. E. C. Bodwell, President 
of the East Washington W. C. T. U., writes: 

"For twenty-five years our Union has been protesting against the li- 
cense system of the State. We have worked for local option and hope to 
secure a law at the next session of the legislature. Recently, many towns 
in the eastern part of the state have driven out the saloons by local popu- 
lar vote. We have secured an anti-cigarette law, and our Union did much 
work for the Juvenile Court law passed in 1905. Wherever our Union 
has been active there is a strong growing public sentiment in favor of 
prohibition. As a consequence the Sunday-closing laws are better enforced 
now than ever before. We are asking our legislature for a resolution 
favoring an anti-polygamy amendment to the Federal constitution." 

From Arkansas Mrs. Lulu A. Markwell, President of the State W. 
C. T. U., writes: 

"We have sent out over 600,000 leaflets, also 45,000 posters which 
now adorn all the highways. In Pulaski county, a package of 'Convinc- 
ing Logic' has been sent to every voter. This work is in connection with 
our approaching local option election. On election day we will hold all- 
day prayer meetings. In some precincts our women will stand guard to 
prevent ballot-box stuffing." 

Mrs. Mamie M. Claflin, editor and publisher of the Union Worker, 
Nebraska, writes : 

"For thirty-five years the W. C T. U. has been taking higher ground 
c instantly, and leading the way for other organizations not so strong in 
the faith to follow. As a consequence wo now have faithful working allies 



244 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

in our work for county local option. We expect the same legislature 
which gives us the local option law also to provide for the submission of a 
prohibition constitutional amendment. The Union has secured 75,000 
names to a petition to the legislature. We have about 5,000 members, 
and were never more aggressive and determined intelligently to fight the 
battle to a victorious issue." 

From the "Mountain" state, or the "Treasure" state as its inhabitants 
like to call it, Montana, Mrs. W. E. Currah, State President, writes: 

"The steady campaign of the small band of members of the W. C. T. 
U., the I. O. G. T., the Anti-Saloon League, the Prohibition party, the 
church societies and of fraternal organizations, is gradually bringing re- 
sults calculated to protect our homes and children from the ravages of the 
legalized saloon. Like all good women everywhere, our Montana women 
never know defeat so long as there is a loved one to fight for. That the 
present 'temperance wave' will bring permanent results is the freely ex- 
pressed opinion throughout the State." 

From Massachusetts, Mrs. Janette Hill Knox, Corresponding Secre- 
tary, and editor of Our Message, writes : 

"The Massachusetts Union was organized in 1874, with Mrs. S. A. 
Gifford, familiarly known as "Mother GifFord," a sweet-spirited Friend, as 
its president. Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, of national fame, succeeded her 
after two years, and held the position for ten years. For the remainder of 
her life Mrs. Livermore was retained as honorary president, and her marble 
bust adorns the state headquarters. She was succeeded by Miss Elizabeth 
S. Tobey, who served for six years. Then Mrs. S. S. Fessenden served for 
ten years. Her successor was Mrs. Katherine Lent Stevenson, the present 
incumbent, just rounding out her tenth year of service. During all these 
years the Union has been pushing the work of organization and education. 
Massachusetts furnished the first round-the-world white ribbon missionary 
in the person of Mrs. Mary Clement Leavitt. Ten years ago, Miss Elma 
Gowen started on a white ribbon missionary tour. Mrs. Stevenson, the 
President, is to make a world tour the coming year, her special mission be- 
ing to visit educational institutions in the interest of temperance. We 
have at present nearly 250 local unions, with a membership of 10,000, in- 
cluding the Young Women's branch. There are 100 Loyal Legions with 
a membership of over 3,000. The Union is carrying on thirty-one depart- 
ments of work. We have succeeded in securing a scientific temperance in- 
struction law, laws prohibiting the sale of tobacco to minors and a cigarette 
law, and have been instrumental in preventing laws favorable to the liquor 
interests. Through its various departments, the Massachusetts Union has 
been a power for good not only in its own state but beyond." 

As all know, Iowa has been the seat of a most bitter war between the 
liquor and the anti-liquor forces. Of the situation there Mrs. Marion H. 
Dunham, President of the State W. C. T. U., writes in the following states- 
manlike way : 



THE W. C. T. U. IN ACTION. 245 

"In Iowa, which originally prohibited the sale of liquor except 
through state agencies, a Republican legislature, in 1855, inserted in the 
law the phrase, 'excepting wine and beer.' Under cover of this all liquors 
were sold freely. But in 1882, after a campaign of three years and a half, 
the voters (by constitutional amendment) declared against the manufac- 
ture and sale of liquor in the state. In December of that year, in an 
agreed case among the liquor dealers, the Supreme Court declared the 
amendment null and void, on the technicality that the wording of the reso- 
lution passed by the second legislature was not precisely the same as that 
passed by the first, though the journal which alone could have proven it, 
was not to be found. 

This setting aside the will of the people aroused the state, and when 
Lhe legislature met in 1883, a mass meeting was held in Des Moines, and 
Buch demands made that a prohibitory law was passed, going into effect 
July 4, 1884, which was strengthened in the next legislature. 

"When prohibition had been enforced the results were all that were 
over claimed for it, but the politicians plotted to bring it into disrepute, 
and many officials have refused to enforce it, and the State Temperance 
Alliance which attempted it at last had to give it up. 

"With the violation of the law as an excuse, in April, 1894, our so- 
called 'mulct' law was passed, which, while not repealing or modifying the 
prohibitory law, allowed its waiving, if a certain per cent, of voters in coun- 
ties or cities of over 5,000 population should petition for liquor selling, 
and a minimum fee of $600 should be paid, half to the city and half to 
the county. Under the shelter of that law saloons were thrust into nearly 
half our 99 counties, in most of which there had never before been a saloon. 
The flagrant violation of law still kept on. The petitions had no time 
limit, but two years ago we succeeded in getting a five-year limit placed on 
them. This is the present legal condition. Last January a mass meeting 
was called in Des Moines, and the different temperance organizations en- 
tered into a federation to work for constitutional prohibition. As a reso- 
lution to submit the question to the people has to pass two succeeding legis- 
latures it means a three and a half years campaign, but we mean to win. 

"Immediately after the mass meeting the liquor forces organized, and 
.*ro carrying on a wide distribution of literature, etc. So it will not be a 
one-sided battle as it was so largely before." * 

For thirty-five years the W. C. T. U. has been in operation in Ohio. 
Miss Frances H. Ensign, President, says: 

"We have 25,000 members and about 1,000 local unions. We aTe 
carrying on thirty-three departments of work. We have sent out this 
year a xcry large amount of temperance literature — more than one and 
one-half million pages. Our State paper is the Ohio Messenger, Lillian 
Hurt, Editor, with a circulation of 10,000. 

"The Ohio Union secured our state scientific temperance instruction 
law, and helped to secure the passage of all the temperance laws on our 
statute books, including those introduced by the Anti-Saloon League. 



• Since th<> abOTC was written, the mulct law has been declared null and void by 
judgp of tin- United States Circuit Court— G. M. H. 



246 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"We will work at the next session of the legislature to secure a bill 
providing for franchise for women in local option elections." 

Pennsylvania has the labor question complicated with the liquor ques- 
tion. Mrs. Ella M. George, President, describes the conditions from the 
viewpoint of a disfranchised woman in politics. She says : 

"The temperance conditions are not what we wish. There are two 
reasons for this : First, we have been ruled by 'bosses' who are under the 
influence of the whisky dealers, and, second, we have so many foreigners 
who, by illegal means, get the use of the ballot when only a short time in 
the country. 

"In 1889, the prohibition question was submitted to the people. The 
Boss said 'No,' and the temperance cause went under. But Pennsylvania 
was never so stirred on this question as at the present time. We are going 
to break the yoke of the Boss and free ourselves from the hand of this op- 
pressor. We are organizing Citizens' Schools for the education of our 
foreigners, where we will teach them the pernicious effects of the drink 
habit. The temperance sentiment has grown rapidly this last year. 

"The work done more recently by the Union and other organizations 
in securing votes for local option candidates stirred the state from center 
to rim. The clouds are breaking, the dawn is coming. Pennsylvania will 
soon be free!" 

New York has a membership of 30,000 in the W. C. T. U. Mrs. 

Frances W. Graham, President, says: 

"Each year shows a splendid increase over the preceding, not only in 
membership but in achievement. For the future we plan still more work 
along the lines of organization, preventive, educational, social and legal 
work, building on the evangelistic foundation, realizing that it is only by 
united and consecrated effort that we can accomplish the work to which 
we are called. 

"We have driven fermented wine from the communion table ; alcohol 
in all its forms must go from the culinary department, and from the medi- 
cine chest. We shall work for the complete prohibition of the traffic in 
strong drink through legal enactment, so that, instead of selling to men 
the right to deal in this unholy stuff, the selling of it shall be a crime and 
the seller a criminal. Until this is accomplished, the work of the Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union will not be complete. This, then, is our plan 
for the future." 

In Oregon, the lost powers of democracy have been restored. By their 
exercise a law providing for local option was adopted by the people in 
1906. The President of the State Union, Mrs. Henrietta Brown, «trvey- 
ing past, present and future in the life of the commonwealth, says: 

"Our state has been under the license system, regulated by city char- 
ters. The use of intoxicants has been very general, but not notably in- 
ordinate. Moderate drinking rather than excessive drunkenness has been 
the rule. Our large lumber camps, mills, canneries and other industries 
have suffered greatlv by the open saloon being in close proximity to their 





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THE W. C. T. U. IN ACTION. 247 

plants. The usual demoralization has followed in the wake of the saloon 
in Oregon as elsewhere. 

"A vigorous system of education, setting forth the pernicious influ- 
ence of the saloon, the disastrous effect of the drink habit upon the individ- 
ual, the home and business, has resulted in a great awakening of our people 
in the last ten years. Result: Two years ago, under the initiative and 
referendum law, local option was submitted to the people. Twelve coun- 
ties voted dry, and many precincts in other counties. This year another 
vote was taken, and now we have twenty-one counties under local option. 
After the battle was fought and lost, the work lagged somewhat for 
awhile, but later took on new life again. During the past eight or ten 
years it has steadily increased in numbers, financial ability and influence 
for good, until today it has come to be reckoned as one of the strongest 
forces for temperance and righteousness. 

"In these years many of the ablest women in our national work have 
visited and worked in the state, lecturing and building up the organization. 
Altogether, a force is kept in the field averaging about six or eight months 
of organizing work each year. Can anyone estimate the tremendous in- 
fluence this continuous lecturing along temperance lines from able people, 
traveling in all parts of our state for months and years, has had in creating 
and keeping alive temperance sentiment?" 

Washington is so big that its W. C. T. U. is sub-divided into Eastern 
and Western. Mrs. Margaret B. Piatt, of the Western Branch, writes: 

"License has prevailed in this state and, until within the last two 
years, the 'wide-open' policy has existed practically everywhere. There 
have been small towns where liquors have been excluded by popular senti- 
ment, but in numerous instances saloons have finally been forced upon such 
communities by connivance between saloon men and county commissioners. 
The saloon power has been dominant. Four years ago one of the leading 
brewers of the state was a member of the State Senate. For years any 
proposed temperance legislation was considered merely as a joke by most 
of the members of the legislature. Local option has been before the legis- 
lature at four successive sessions and failed each time. It is now the issue 
of the campaign, and there is little doubt that the next legislature will pass 
some kind of a local option measure. 

"A great arousement of public sentiment has taken place during the 
last few years, notably the last four. Sunday-closing has been compelled 
in most of the state, and the 'wide-open' policy will never again prevail. 
There is a breaking away from the saloon dominance, and the bracer will 
not again be a member of the legislature — is not a candidate, though some 
of his henchmen are. The Republican party has declared in its state plat- 
form for local option ; the Democratic party has declared for submission of 
a prohibitory amendment to the people, and the Prohibition party is in 
better fighting trim than ever, waging war for straight prohibition. 

"The W. C. T. T T . of Western Washington has increased from a few 
hundred members to probably about 3,500, including , YV and 'L. T. L.'s.' 
We have over 150 local unions. The Union maintains state headquarters 
in Seattle, and is a recognized power in the state. This is the west side 



248 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

only* The eastern side has its own organization ; that is, each side ranks 
as a separate state organization. 

"There are two unorganized counties, sparsely settled, mostly heavily 
wooded, and practically impossible of organization at present. We meet 
here the difficulty of keeping up local unions among a moving population. 
Sometimes a whole union will move, the members seeking to find or make 
homes in other places. 

"Through the persistent efforts of the Union the saloons have been 
banished from Pullman, the seat of the State College." 

A very interesting phase of the W. C. T. U. work is that which 
has been conducted in Indian Territory, now a part of the State of Okla- 
homa. Of this work Mrs. Lilah D. Lindsey, herself an Indian, President 
of the Indian Territory W. C. T. U., writes: 

As many know, we have had the most rigid prohibition laws enforced 
by the United States government from the time the Red Man took up 
his home upon the land now known as Indian Territory. All Indian 
treaties with the government bound the United States, through her courts 
established in the Territory, to enforce the prohibition law, provided for 
in these several treaties. In proper keeping with the spirit of those former 
treaties when the passing of the Tribal Government came, the Enabling 
Act providing for our evolution from Indian Territory to the State of 
Oklahoma, prohibition was one of the terms of the act. Immediately upon 
the dawn of Statehood, through a united effort of Indian Territory and 
Oklahoma Territor}', an effort was made to make prohibition state-wide. 
Under the local option laws of Oklahoma Territory enacted by their 
Territorial Government, many saloons had come into that territory. In 
the election for the adoption of our constitution uniting these two terri- 
tories into one state to be known as the state of Oklahoma, by a majority 
of more than 18,000 we made prohibition state-wide, and the saloons have 
gone from our midst, we hope forever. 

Throughout Southern California, rich in flowers and historic associa- 
tions, the W. C. T. U. is growing like the fairest of Pasadena roses. Mrs. 
Hester T. Griffith, formerly President of Los Angeles county, has be- 
come President of the State Union. At Los Angeles, in the May days of 
1908, a county Union convention was held, reported to be the most inter- 
esting and successful since the beginning. Seventy-one Unions were re- 
ported, with a membership of 2,650. 

In the April elections, anti-saloon victories were won in Imperial, Co- 
rona, Oceanside, Whittier, Elsinore, Santa Paula and San Jacinto. In all 
these elections fair progress against saloons has been shown wherever the 
question is made an issue. 

The New Mexico Union held its "silver anniversary" at Roswell, Sep- 
tember, 1908. The first Union was organized in 1883, at Albuquerque, by 
Frances E. Willard. Mrs. S. C. Nutter, the President, writes; 




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THE W. C. T. U. IN ACTION. 249 

"Through our efforts scientific temperance instruction in the public 
schools has become a law. Many reform measures have been aided for 
legislation. Protests against the sale of liquor to Indians, and petitions 
of varied nature have been sent to Congress. Money has been raised and 
sent to help suffering humanity everywhere. Aid has been given to rescue 
work and children's homes. Lectures have been given by noted speakers, 
and it is conceded by people who are interested in the welfare of New Mex- 
ico, that, if it were not for the courage and influence of the W. C. T. U., 
temperance sentiment could not have reached the point it assumes today. 
The growth of public opinion in favor of the abolition of saloons during 
the past two years has been nothing less than marvelous. With all the 
losses by removal, the Union has more than doubled its membership, and 
has added six new Unions, and three L. T. L.'s to its ranks. A few short 
years ago this section of the country was wide open, licensing other evils 
as well as the liquor traffic. Now there are several prohibitory laws, which 
will soon be strengthened and enforced." 

Miss Elizabeth March, President North Carolina W. C. T. U., writes: 

"From the most correct information I can get, I am impressed that 
the Friends, originally called Quakers, who have ever been the exponents 
of peace, purity and temperance, were the earliest promoters of the temper- 
ance cause in North Carolina. Especially is this true of the interest and 
activities of the women in the state, to educate public sentiment up to the 
principles of 'Total abstinence for the individual and prohibition for the 
State.' As early as 1880, the women of the Friends' church organized a 
'Woman's Temperance Society' at Guilford College, an educational center 
established by the denomination, where many of the young people of other 
denominations have received, no doubt, their very best moral training that 
shaped their course for useful, happy lives. 

"Other temperance influences and organizations had, of course, also 
helped to develop a wholesome sentiment in the State, giving sufficient faith 
and courage to undertake a campaign for state prohibition in 1881. But 
the time was not ripe, as was proven by the result of the election — 116,072 
majority votes cast against state prohibition. 

"The following year Frances E. Willard came into the state in the 
interest of the cause, organized a few unions, and effected the state organi- 
zation by calling a convention which was held in Greensboro. The 'Wo- 
man's Temperance Society' of Guilford College, but a few miles away, affili- 
ated with the organization, under the name of 'The North Carolina Wo- 
man's Christian Temperance Union.' A comprehensive plan of work, in- 
cluding a number of educational departments for study and practical 
application, under an approved constitution and by-laws was adopted. 

"The official duties from the beginning have been chiefly in the bands 
of the women of the Friends' church, capable, willing workers in the right- 
eous cause. They at once put into practice our watchwords, 'Organize, 
Agitate, Educate.' Favorable sentimenl prrew rteadily despite much oppo- 
sition and criticism; but experience proved to the women the truth of Mrs. 
Mary II. Hunt's assertion, 'The star of hope for the temperance reform 
stands over the schoolhouse' ; hence the need of a law requiring scientific 



250 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

temperance truths to be taught in the schools that would make the young 
people intelligent in reference to the poisonous effects of alcohol and other 
narcotics on the human system. That need was met in the splendid scien- 
tific temperance instruction law, enacted by unanimous vote in both houses 
of the General Assembly in 1891. The law was strengthened by the Gen- 
eral Assembly in 1907, and now has the hearty endorsement and commenda- 
tion of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

"Pulpit and press had become earnest, outspoken champions of the 
temperance cause. The W. C. T. U., supplemented by the Anti-Saloon 
League, an aggressive re-enforcement, were a united force against the 
liquor power. With confidence and hope the temperance people of the 
state thought the time had fully come for action. The League, taking 
the initiative, representatives of home protection, memorialized the General 
Assembly in its extra session last January asking that the people be 
granted the privilege to vote on the question of state prohibition. The 
request was granted, the campaign was inaugurated and brought to a 
glorious consummation on May 26, 1908, in the gratifying victory of 
44,196 majority votes for state prohibition." 

From Washington, D. C, Mrs. Clinton Smith, President of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia Union, writes: 

"The liquor traffic has been pressed hard towards its death in the 
District of Columbia. For many years we had low license. Now we 
have an $800 license fee. We have some 600 saloons. Every license is 
reported to Congress, both House and Senate, early in the session each 
year. The Congress of the United States, through its agent, the Excise 
Board, licenses these saloons one by one as fast as the licenses expire, so 
there is no lack of licensed places. Besides, there is an equal number of 
unlicensed places, which are constantly checked and closed by the police, 
and as constantly resumed. There is a serious movement on foot to have 
the Federal Government provide an inebriate asylum to provide shelter 
and sustenance for the poor wrecks that have produced the revenue. 

"No one votes here besides members of Congress. Congress makes 
all laws, good and bad. In the District no citizen has a voice in any gov- 
ernmental matters — for instance, whether there shall be a new school 
building; who shall teach his children in the public schools; at what sal- 
aries, and how or what. His taxes must be paid regularly ; but how much 
they shall be, and how they shall be used, is not for him to say. There 
has been a lively agitation whether license or prohibition of the liquor 
traffic should prevail here, but no person has any power to register his 
opinion upon it. All that he can do is to appeal to Congress as a peti- 
tioner. Last season many hearings were held by congressional com- 
mittees ; many public mass meetings addressed by noted speakers in the 
largest churches in the city packed b}~ the populace to the doors, where 
the evils of the liquor traffic were fearlessly handled. 

"The advocates of the liquor traffic, too, have met and depicted 'The 
Horrors of Prohibition,' and declared that they would save the nation 
from it. The liquor league has brought its brightest lights to bear, the 
brewing interests, the Wholesale Liqucr Dealers' Association, the Retail 



THE W. C. T. U. IN ACTION. 251 

Liquor Dealers' Association, their attorneys and their national presidents, 
have appeared and spoken at the hearings. Miss Phoebe Couzins, of St. 
Louis, Mo., has come to Washington more than once to combat the Union, 
but the sentiment for prohibition is a recognized power. Several thousand 
children have been enlisted, equipped and enthused, to help win the blood- 
less victory, and take part in the peaceful war. 

"The liquor traffic, its backers and promoters, have succeeded in de- 
ceiving the most valuable and conservative force opposed to drink, the 
church. For years the political power of the liquor traffic has been boasted 
of until many good people believe that it is invincible. This belief is our 
greatest obstacle. In what can this great strength lie? Not in numbers. 
Heaven forbid ! How great a showing can it muster at the polls ? If its 
political power should be tested it would crumble like a rope of sand. 
There are a great many saloonkeepers, bartenders and drunkards and 
moderate drinkers who will not vote for liquor per se. Political affiliation de- 
pends upon other things. Besides, a large proportion of these people desire 
to see the passing of the liquor traffic, which means more than the fall of 
the saloon. 

"This spring the Anti-Saloon League appealed for local option for 
the District of Columbia. The W. C. T. U. did not join in this work as 
we believe that a place where there is no voting is an unreasonable place to 
ask for local option." 

HAWAII. 

By Mbs. Maey S. Whitney, President W. C. T. V. of Hawaii. 

In the year 1802 an English ship, "The Margaret," visited this 
group. One of the officers, John Turnbull, wrote an account of the voy- 
age. He found that convicts from Botany Bay had previously escaped 
to these islands, and had been put in possession of tracts of land, upon 
which they raised sugar cane, and from this contrived to distill a sort 
of liquor. The King made some mild remonstrance, but, before long 
acquired a relish for spirits and navigators carried on a lively trade in 
liquors. Not long before his death, however, he tabooed all distilleries, 
but, upon his death, in 1819, all restraint was thrown aside. The chiefs 
and common people abandoned themselves to drunkenness and all kinds 
of excess. 

Among such a people as this the first missionaries arrived in April, 
1820. The habits of the young king were an especial hindrance to suc- 
cess, and great efforts were made to induce him to change them. In 1823, 
his mother died, and for a time he seemed to reform. But the influence 
of profligate white men overcame his better principles. Not long after he 
departed for England, where he died and the good queen mother resigned. 

In 1829, the first criminal code was enacted by the chiefs against 
retailing ardent spirits, and in 1831 a native temperance BOCiety was 
formed at Honolulu, having about a thousand members — four years before 



252 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

the first National Temperance Convention in the United States declared 
in favor of total abstinence, and nine years before the great Washingtonian 
movement. 

In 1832, the queen regent died. She was succeeded by the young 
prince, and for a time the restraints upon the manufacture, sale and use 
of intoxicating liquors were relaxed. 

In 1835, at a great temperance meeting a committee of natives was 
appointed, who drew up a memorial to the king, protesting against the 
distilling and retailing of spirits. This was signed by six of the chiefs 
and nearly three thousand of the people, and the government was almost 
entirely freed from responsibility for the traffic. 

About this time a prohibitory law was enacted. In 1838 the first 
license law was enacted, and in 1840 a law prohibiting the manufacture 
and use of intoxicating drinks was signed by king Kamehameha III. 

These were the halcyon days of the Hawaiian mission. Upon this 
quiet scene there appeared, July 9, 1839, a French ship of war, and 
traffic in French wines and brandy was forced upon the islands under threat 
of bombardment. But the king and chiefs of their own accord formed 
a temperance society, and for many years afterwards drunkenness was 
almost unknown among the natives. But this was not true among the 
foreign population, and in 1844, the first temperance society among for- 
eign residents was formed. In 1859 a new society was organized, and 
for twenty years, except in Honolulu, the islands were under practical 
prohibition. But in 1882 the prohibitory law was repealed against the 
protests and petitions of thousands of our best citizens. 

In April, 1881, the "Committee of Twenty-one" was appointed to 
conduct public meetings, solicit signatures to the pledge, and endeavor 
to enforce more perfectly existing laws relating to the manufacture and 
sale of intoxicating drinks. A year later a great wave of religious inter- 
est swept over all the islands. Meantime, the W. C. T. U. had grown 
strong, and the leaders were desirous of extending its influence to other 
lands. In 1884, Mrs. Mary Clement Leavitt, world organizer, arrived, 
and held a series of meetings. The Committee of Twenty-one was disor- 
ganized, and Miss Mary E. Green was elected President of the W. C. T. U. 
of Hawaii, and performed the duties of the office until her death, in 1901. 

Francis Murphy, E. S. Chapman, and John G. Woolley have visited 
the islands in the interest of the great reform, and a branch of the Anti- 
Saloon League has been established, the present effort of which has been 
to secure local option. 

Two years ago we came within one vote of obtaining local option 
from our legislature, and a strong fight is being put up to elect men who 
will carry the measure next spring (1909). 




So 



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CHAPTER XXII. 

THE PROHIBITION PARTY AT WORK. 

HE National Prohibition party has been one of the earliest 
and strongest "educative" forces in the United States on 
the evils of the liquor traffic, though some writers seem 
disposed to ignore this fact. As early as or even before 
the "No License League" of Massachusetts, or the "Local 
Option League" of Ohio, or the "Anti-Saloon League" of the District of 
Columbia, or the "Interdenominational Christian Temperance Alliance" of 
Washington, D. C, or the "Connecticut State Temperance Union," or the 
"Kansas State Temperance Union" (out of which organization the Anti- 
Saloon League of America sprang), the National Prohibition party had 
been organized, had raised aloft its high ideal and instituted its vigorous 
and unremitting propaganda. As early as 1884 Frances E. Willard was 
a member of its National Executive Committee, and had aligned with it 
her great organization. 

If the men who have been conducting campaigns of that party since 
1869 had been dumb, and if the women who have cooperated with them 
had been idle, there would have been no "tidal wave" in 1907-1908. If 
there had been no Voice in New York — with the echoing Prohibition press, 
there would have been little story to tell of the anti-saloon sentiment that 
has incorporated itself in the national movement of the first decade in the 
twentieth century. 

Walter Wellman, the newspaper correspondent, as he sat in Memorial 
Hall at Columbus, Ohio, and looked out over the 1,500 delegates who had 
met to formulate a Prohibition platform, and nominate candidates for 
the national campaign ^of 1908, wrote as follows: 

"Earnestness, conviction to a high ideal of duty, the proselyting, re- 
forming, crusading spirit, the spirit that has helped in all ages to make 
the world what it is through moral force rather than through physical 
conquest, the spirit of the liberators, of the champions of human rights — 
all these are dominant notes in this convention. It is impressive in its love 
for humanity, its singleness of purpose. L T nthinking, superficial, ribald 
persons might sneer at them, but the fineness of them is in their good faces, 
bespeaking intelligence, refinement and work for a cause in which their 
souls are warm. The men — many of them are ministers of the gospel, 
many are business men, some of them of more than ordinary success, 
while manv more are of that stamp of earnest, courageous men vou always 

253 



254 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

find in a great moral movement, in a cause which has altruism and not any 
sort of selfishness whatever at the back of it." 



Perhaps no better illustration can be given of the attitude, hopes and 
prospects of the Prohibition party than is reflected in the addresses noti- 
fving the candidates, this year, 1908, for President and Vice-President, of 
their nomination, and their responses. 

The notification address to Eugene W. Chafin was delivered by Hon. 
Charles Scanlon, of Pittsburg, who was chairman of the convention. In 
the course of the address he said: 

"It is an honor worthy of any man to be chosen as standard-bearer 
for such an exalted position by a company of men and women as unselfish 
in motive, lofty in aim, patriotic in spirit, sound in principle, firm in con- 
viction, strong in faith, persistent in effort and logical in method, as ever 
stood forth in God's name to give battle to a mighty foe. 

' "You are not asked to lead a forlorn hope. The final issue of this 
struggle is not now nor ever has been in doubt. The principles advocated 
by the Prohibition Party are as certain to prevail as time is to continue. 

"We do not claim that intemperance is the only sin in the world, or 
that the liquor traffic is the only subject demanding attention. There are 
many vitally important questions before the American nation, moral, social, 
religious, industrial, economic, sanitary, scientific — all pressing for solu- 
tion. Among them are the race problem, impurity, bad literature, Mor- 
monism, marriage and divorce, the prevention and treatment of crime, 
pauperism, insanity, degeneracy, disease, trusts, immigration, capital and 
labor, municipal government, political corruption, the development and 
preservation of our natural resources and others. But all of these would 
be greatly simplified, and some of them completely settled, by the exter- 
mination of the liquor traffic. 

"Recognizing those other questions, the Prohibition party has framed 
a platform which is clear and concise, conservative, constructive and com- 
prehensive. It contains everything of value in all of the others without 
their evasions, technicalities, obscurities, false issues, sophistries and sub- 
terfuges. 

"But some one asks, What have the Prohibitionists done? They have 
unmasked the liquor traffic, and made it a by-word and a hissing through- 
out the world; they have taught every man, woman and child in the na- 
tion that one strong, simple word — PROHIBITION — on the lips of hon- 
est men, is the death warrant for the most atrocious criminal that ever 
preyed upon the human race ; without deal or dicker, without compromise 
or confusion, and with unsullied garments they have moved through the 
political mire of nearly forty years, 'as conspicuously beautiful as a star 
riding solitary through the night' ; under a galling fire of ridicule from 
opinionated opponents, up steep and stony paths which could be tracked 
only by the feet of fearless faith, they have borne aloft the banner of right- 
eousness and planted it upon the ramparts of truth ; they have stormed the 
citadel of antiquated science, and dispelled the medical superstitions of 
centuries; they have won verdicts from the courts which the liquor inter- 




£ .2 



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i 




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x ■: 



y - 



THE PROHIBITION PARTY AT WORK. 255 

Dsts would give millions to have reversed: they have expounded the word 
of God, so that on this great issue the church has harmonized its position 
with His revelation of Himself in his works of creation and in the life and 
teaching of His Son. 

"These, Mr. Chafin, are the people and the principles you are com- 
missioned to represent. If you command the support you deserve, you will 
have the praise, the sympathy, the assistance and the vote of as many as 
have votes, of the one hundred and sixty thousand ministers in the United 
States, cf the one and one-half million Sabbath-school teachers, of the thirty 
million church members, of the four hundred and sixty thousand public 
schoolteachers, and of all others who love virtue and hate vice ; and you will 
be the next President of the United States. If you do not get the support, 
you will deserve it, and that is better than to get the office and not deserve 
it." 

Following are extracts from the response of Mr. Chafin : 

"On the fourth of March, 1909, our National Government will have 
completed its 120th year of constitutional history. During that time 
twentv-flve men have occupied the presidential office. All have been men 
of high distinction, and a few of them of eminent ability. For the first 
time since the death of Washington, December 14, 1799, we are without a 
living ex-president. When Lincoln took the oath of office five former pres- 
idents were living — the greatest number in our history. They did nothing 
to help him in the great struggle which resulted in the passage of the 
Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which marked a higher stand- 
ard of Christian civilization. They were the representatives of two domi- 
nant political parties, Whig and Democrat, which, for about fifty years, 
opposed the bringing of any great new question into the political arena. 

"We are now approaching the close of another fifty years, where two 
dominant political parties, Republican and Democratic, have allied them- 
selves with the most gigantic crime that ever cursed the world, and by their 
attitude make known to the American people that they do not propose to 
permit them to have a chance, even though the majority may favor it, to 
destroy the liquor traffic, and add another amendment to the Constitution 
which would mark the highest achievement of civilization in the world's 
historv. 

"Twenty-seven presidential campaigns have been more or less fiercely 
fought to gain control of the Government. Most of them have been bat- 
tles over fictitious issues which had little or nothing to do with the admin- 
istrations which followed. In not more than six instances would a line of 
American history have been changed if the defeated candidate had been 
elected instead of the successful one. 

>r a long time there has been a disposition on the part of the lead* 
ing politicians of the old parties to belittle and ignore the Liquor problem. 
This has now reached an acute stage, which amounts to a conspiracy on 
the part of the leaders of these parties to coin up the conscience of the 
people into liquor license revenue and offices. To show that these parties 
are wrong and that the Prohibition party is right, and thai we are justi- 
fied in pressing this issue as by far the greatest in American politics, I will 
call but one witness, lie was the greatesl man who Lived in the nineteenth 



256 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

century, Abraham Lincoln. He made five speeches in his lifetime, which 
constitute his political creed. One of them was upon the liquor question, 
for he was a life-long total abstainer and a prohibitionist. It was deliv- 
ered at Springfield, Illinois, February 22, 1842. In the course of that 
speech he said: 

" 'If the relative grandeur of revolutions shall be estimated by the 
great amount of human misery they alleviate and the small amount they 
inflict, then, indeed, will this revolution be the grandest the world shall ever 
have seen. Of our political revolution of '76 we are all justly proud. 
Turn now to the temperance revolution ; in it we shall find a stronger bond- 
age broken, a viler slavery marfumitted, a greater tyrant deposed; in it 
more of want supplied, more disease healed, more sorrow assuaged. And 
when the victory shall be complete — when there shall be neither a slave nor 
a drunkard on the earth — how proud the title of that land, which may 
truly claim to be the birthplace and the cradle of both these revolutions 
that shall have ended in victory! How nobly distinguished that People 
who shall have planted, and nurtured to maturity, both the political and 
the moral freedom of their species !' 

"I consider my nomination the highest honor that will be conferred 
upon an American citizen this presidential year. With a firm reliance upon 
Divine Providence, I accept your commission, and will hold high the ban- 
ner of our party, and defend the only national platform made this year 
that recognizes Almighty God, and give all there is of me in thought, 
strencrth and soul, until these great reforms are crystallized into law, and 
the victory is complete." 

The address to Aaron S. Watkins, notifying him of his nomination 
for the Vice-Presidency was delivered by Robert H. Patton, of Spring- 
field, 111., chairman of the notification committee. Among other things 
he said: 

"As you, sir, are to be our leader for this distinguished national office, 
it is most appropriate that I here place, and that you and the party in this 
campaign place, the most emphasis upon that part of our platform which 
declares upon the burning question of the hour, the national prohibition 
of the traffic in intoxicating liquors. There can be no final, effective so- 
lution of the drink problem which stops short of the fullest recognition of 
the fact that this question is a national political issue. There may and 
will be local victories, resulting in relief of great value, but no permanent 
cure without the national death warrant to the liquor traffic. 

"For this reason the Prohibition party, for the tenth time, has taken 
its stand for the national prohibition of the manufacture, sale, importation, 
exportation and transportation of alcoholic beverages. Local and state 
prohibition must be reinforced by national legislation. There is not a 
community or state which has outlawed the traffic but what knows and feels 
the necessity of such national action. There is a universal conspiracy to 
break down all prohibition laws, which can be met only by the concerted 
action of all the states backed by the power of the national government. 

"In the first place the national government must change its attitude. 
It now stands as an interested party in its perpetuation, by sharing in the 



TBt PROHIBITION PARTY AT WORK. 25? 

profits of this traffic. The government was not instituted for this, but Ho 
secure life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.' 

"The Constitution vests in Congress the control of interstate com- 
merce. This makes this question a national issue of first magnitude today. 
All of our prohibition territory, state and local, lies helpless before the flood 
of liquors imported from other states. By newspaper advertisements and 
the United States mails, the distillers and brewers carry on this guerrilla 
warfare upon our homes in utter defiance of all local sentiment and laws. 

"The Prohibition party in its platform declares there is a remedy for 
this condition, the constitutionality of which no good lawyer will question. 
The power of the national government to entirely prohibit the interstate 
traffic in liquors is conceded. For this we declare. 

"From the exalted pinnacle of the home of Abraham Lincoln, out of 
the noise of tumult, riot and lawlessness, the blood of innocent victims cries 
today in unmistakable tones, and gives us a new revelation of the neces- 
sity for the speedy national outlawry of this traffic. The race riots of the 
past, of which our recent one at Springfield is without parallel in its 
atrocities, have written across the sky of both the North and the South 
the inevitable conclusion that peace, law and order cannot be perpetuated 
side by side with the saloon. The state of Georgia read this lesson in 
the riots of Atlanta, heeded it, and banished the saloon. The rest of the 
nation must do the same thing or reap the harvest they have sown." 

Mr. Watkins, in accepting the nomination, made an address, from 
which the following extracts are taken : 

"I am glad to be the nominee for Vice-President of this the greatest 
party now concerned in American politics. The question of the saloon is 
nation-wide in its scope. The liquor question affects every grade and form 
of government in this land. This of itself constitutes the liquor question, 
the greatest question in American politics, and the party that faces this 
question boldly and takes a stand upon it thus becomes the greatest of all 
political parties in America. 

"The party which I represent is not only the greatest party in the 
breadth and scope of its principles, but it is the greatest in the unselfish 
devotion of its members to a high moral principle without any hope of re- 
ward, graft or emolument of any kind. Never before has the attention 
of our nation been directed with such keen interest to the doings of the 
Prohibition party as in this year of 1908. The press is anxious to secure 
copies of our addresses and to give prominence to our meetings and to our 
plans. The people hear us gladly and thoughtfully, and all this largely 
because they appreciate our unselfishness and admire the heroism of the 
movement. 

"It is often assumed that a third party Prohibitionist has no confi- 
dence in any method of solution of the liquor traffic except the political 
one. Nothing could be further from the truth. In the State of which I 
am a citizen, hundreds of municipalities have voted out tin* saloon. In 
every ease, no matter who had the management of the contest, the third 
party Prohibitionists were always in line, and always voted and usually 
worked with whatever influence they might possess for the ridding of their 



i 



258 rrHE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

community of the saloon. In my own case, I have never allowed any tem- 
perance organization to exist anywhere within range of my influence with- 
out giving it my hearty support. 

"We arc shut up to one method of dealing with the question, and that 
is the method of prohibition- But the more serious problem arises, Shall 
prohibition be accomplished by means of a political party, or shall it be left 
to some non-partisan organization or effort? We insist that the partisan 
method is the only true method under existing circumstances. 

"There are many well meaning temperance men who refuse to unite 
with the Prohibition part}-, believing that more immediate and practical 
results can be obtained through the influence of non-partisan organization. 
We refer such friends of the cause to recent events in the state of Ohio and 
other states. Men who have taken a very prominent position on the tem- 
perance question have, with almost uniform regularity, been relegated to 
private life, although we believe they had the good wishes of a majority 
of their constituents. The non-partisan method has disappointed its warm- 
est advocates. It has not achieved the immediate and practical results that 
were predicted. 

"But there are many who are dissatisfied with this method who still 
do not unite with the Prohibition party. They have their excuses or rea- 
sons for refusing to do so. One of the most common is, 'I do not want to 
throw away my vote.' In the state of Pennsylvania this year there is not 
one chance out of a thousand that Mr. Bryan will receive the electoral vote, 
and, since the votes of the individual citizens count for nothing unless they 
have achieved a plurality and obtained the electoral vote of the state, there- 
fore, according to this principle, every Democrat in the state of Pennsyl- 
vania is now reasonably certain of 'throwing away his vote' at the coming 
election. Mr. Bryan will probably receive the electoral vote of Georgia; 
therefore, every Republican in Georgia will 'throw away his vote.' 

"I confidently expect that many who are now before me will live to see 
the saloon an outlaw in all the states of the American Union. It may be 
that Mr. Chafin will not be elected President of the United States this year ; 
it may be that I will never preside over the Senate ; but some day a Prohi- 
bitionist will be occupying each of these positions. And when the record 
of the great temperance reformation is written by the impartial historian 
of the future, the convention which nominated Mr. Chafin and myself will 
take its place, along with the Virginia Convention and the Continental 
Congress, as a landmark of American progress and of worldwide reform." 



In reports from representatives of the Prohibition Party in different 
states, one reads of heroic efforts in the face of almost overwhelming odds. 
Mr. John P. Coffin, State Chairman of Florida, says: 

"Prohibition has taken hold of our state with such force that 
it will never again go back to the old status. Each day adds to 
the great army of those pledged to the utter extermination of the liquor 
traffic in the 'Land of Flowers,' and it is certain that, with the legisla- 
ture and senate now nominated and sure of election, a constitutional 
amendment will be submitted to the people. When this is done we can 



NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, PROHIBITION PARTY, 1908. 








A. A. STEVENS. FELIX T. McWHIRTER. J. B. CRANFILL. 




CHARLES R. JONES. W. G. CALDERWOOD. A. G. WOLFENBARGER. 






OLIVER W. STEWART. SAMIKI. DICKIE. FINLEY C HENDRICKSON. 



THE PROHIBITION PARTY AT WORK. 259 

rest assured of victory by an overwhelming majority. Many of the 
wholesale liquor houses and distilleries are flocking to our large cities 
from neighboring states which have driven them out. They are locating 
here in the hope that, with the power of their combined wealth, they can 
put off the evil day. But they are building upon an insecure founda- 
tion, for the people of Florida have made up their minds that this great 
evil shall not overshadow them and spread a blight upon the youth and 
maidens of this sunny land. More than this, the employers of labor, 
the merchant and the farmer, have found out that the way to bring and 
keep prosperity is to banish that which tends only to destroy it. They 
see that the great love professed for them by the dealers in liquor is 
only for the dollars they may take from them. The rank and file of 
the state is solidly against the manufacture and sale of the stuff in 
Florida. 

"We expect to cast the largest vote for the Prohibition Party that 
has ever been cast in the state at the next election. But no matter what 
the Prohibition Party as a party does or does not do, it is certain that 
the people of all parties will join hand to hand to drive liquor out. Vic- 
tory is assured, even before the gage of battle has been cast." 

The Chairman of the State Executive Committee, Idaho, Mr. Aaron 
M. Bray, says: 

"Idaho has had a law on her statute books for several years giving 
the different cities and towns the right to prohibit the liquor traffic. 
The last legislature gave county commissioners the right to refuse license 
in rural districts, and this has been done in some cases. Through the 
labors of Mr. Nichols and others a number of towns have closed the saloons. 

"The Prohibition Party stands for statewide prohibition, and, in the 
meantime, advises its members to take advantage of the laws we now have. 
Some counties have in their own conventions declared for local option, in 
some cases declaring for the county as ftie unit. Opposition to the liquor 
traffic is growing fast, and will doubtless result in something before long. 
The Sunday Morning Statesman ts conducting a forum on the liquor 
question, in which all kinds of arguments are given on all sides of the 
question." 

On the face of the statutes Georgia is a saloonless state. Colonel W. S. 
Witham, Chairman Prohibition Party Executive Committee, says: 

"The prohibition law works beautifully in Atlanta and the state, and 
is a success everywhere except in two or three cities where the mayor and 
other officials by negligence encourage the whisky people, who have sworn 
to bring the law into disrepute. 

"When the legislature passed the law the present wet city officials 
were in office and will hold over this }'ear. Certain members of the legis- 
lature from some city districts have given notice to the legislature and the 
people of Georgia that the law would not be upheld in their towns. One 
of these cities has kept the promise. 

"The whisky people openly state that their success has always been, 
and will continue to be, through bringing the law into disrepute. 



260 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"Twenty years ago the city of Atlanta went dry, and the Prohibition- 
ists immediately folded their arms and went to sleep, as is the custom of 
Prohibitionists everywhere, while the whisky people diligently worked the 
disrepute trick, and whisky came back. 

"The chief of Atlanta police stated, at a mayoralty convention, that 
whisky drinking and crime has been reduced about fifty per cent, in At- 
lanta since the prohibition law went into effect. 

"The saloon has been and is now charged with having been the direct 
cause of the riot which occurred in our city last year." 

In little Delaware, where the anti-saloon sentiment has been developing 
and crystallizing into laws, there has been a Prohibition Party organization 
since 1888. Mr. R. M. Cooper, Chairman of the State Committee, says: 

"The state has been under a moderate license law for many years, 
license granted by the court on petition of applicant endorsed by twenty- 
four respectable citizens — respectability often questionable. 

"The party has had an active working force in the state. We have 
barely held our own all these years, because the two old parties have tried 
to freeze us out. The better class of old party men would say, 'You are 
all right,' but they continued to vote the license ticket. 

"Numerous efforts were made to secure the passage of a local option 
bill by people of all parties, but all efforts proved failures until 1903, 
when a prominent Democratic lawyer openly announced himself in favor 
of such legislation. When the bill was passed and the way open, the better 
class of voters organized for local option, sentiment grew in strength, and 
friends of the cause in numbers, even the colored voters falling in line, 
till unexpected majorities won the election for the two southern counties, 
and reduced the license vote in lower New Castle so that a little more 
effort would have won it also. 

"Regardless of party, the better class of citizens openly avow them- 
selves in favor of men for state officers who stand firmly for enforcement of 
present laws and further legislation for prohibition in the state, and 
national legislation to stop interstate traffic. The candidates who stand 
for these things will get the votes, all other issues being out of the question 
for the time being." 

Many of ihe men who made the Prohibition Party, and who still are 
making political history in the United States as pioneers of reform, are 
still living. One of them, Mr. T. B. Demaree, of Kentucky, a member of 
the National Prohibition Committee, gives a bit of his life story : 

"I was one of the organizers of the party in Kentucky, in 1876. Gen. 
Green Clay Smith and myself were the organizers and the first members of 
the National Committee, and I have been honored with that position con- 
tinuously up to the present. 

"The Independent Order of Good Templars was the first to strike 
for a law prohibiting the sale of liquor in this state. In 1872 the Grand 
Lodge appointed a committee to secure petitioners asking the legislature 
to submit the question to a vote. Nearly 200,000 names were secured, and 



THE PROHIBITION PARTY AT WORK. 261 

the writer was one of a committee to present it. The House passed the 
measure, but it hung fire in the Senate after the liquor dealers sent tens of 
thousands of dollars to defeat it. But they gave us a local option law as 
a compromise, and in a very short time we had over one-half of the state 
under local prohibition. And this is all the legislation we have ever been 
able to secure. But with it we have voted out the saloons in ninety-seven 
of the one hundred and nineteen counties in the state, and in all except 
four or five counties there are saloons in the county-seats only. 

"There were only four persons present at the organization of the 
party, and I believe that I, alone, remain. The others have crossed over 
the river." 

W. G. Calderwood, Secretary Minnesota Prohibition Committee, 
writes : 

"The first movement in this state looking toward a party that would 
take up the prohibition question was inaugurated about 1876. In the elec- 
tion of 1877 a temperance ticket was in the field and received 2,396 votes. 
Subsequently this was increased to 9,030, and in 1888 the Prohibition 
Party polled 17,026. 

"After suffering repeated defeats, at the close of the campaign of 
1902 the State Executive Committee determined that the usefulness of 
the Prohibition Party as a mere protest or political purity organization 
had passed. It had taught the lesson of the evil of the saloon, and it now 
confronted the new problem of delivering political results commensurate 
with the purpose of the party. It was determined to concentrate the 
entire force on the legislature, and in 1904 this was carried into execution. 
The legislative vote in 1902 was only 4,000. Nominations were made in 
twelve districts, and the legislative vote increased 12,000. In one instance, 
the Prohibitionists lacked only sixteen votes; in another fifty. In 1906 
the party nominated candidates in thirty-two districts, pushed the legis- 
lative vote to 32,000, and elected three men to the legislature, without the 
advantage of any cumulative system of voting, such as Illinois enjoys, a 
record equaled by no other state in the Union. The value of this achieve- 
ment is accentuated by the fact that a clean party fight was made in every 
instance, and that no endorsement in any district was given by any other 
party or organization. In no other state did the Prohibitionists elect three 
out of a total of one hundred and nineteen. 'Out to Win' campaigns were 
conducted, not so much as party campaigns as 'good men' campaigns. 

"In the 1908 campaign nominations were made in forty-eight out 
of sixty-three legislative districts of the state with seventy-one candidates 
out of a total of one hundred and eighteen. "Out to Win' campaigns were 
conducted in thirty-nine districts." 

Edwin C. Hadley. Chairman of the Han as Prohibition Committee, 
writes : 

"Prohibition (state constitutional) in Kansas twenty-eight years well 
enforced in four-sixths of the state, partially enforced in one-sixth of the 
state, poorly enforced in one-sixth of the state. Wherever poorly enforced 
it is because of' public officials (sheriffs, prosecutors, mayors, etc.) who 



262 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

have no regard for their oaths of office. Open joints (saloons) in probably 
not over a half dozen places in the state. In most places where the law 
is not enforced the trouble is with the drug stores which do not obey the 
law as to selling for medicinal purposes only. 

"In Kansas City, Kansas, formerly most hostile as far as public 
opinion was concerned, the law has been well enforced for two years, owing 
to the courage of Assistant Attorney General C. W. Trickett. Kansas 
City, Kansas, last year had the largest proportionate increase in building 
operations of any city of the Union, according to a Federal census bureau 
report. 

"Political parties, as such (except Prohibition Party), have never 
stood for prohibition in Kansas, and not until the last and present cam- 
paign have they stood for law-enforcement. 

"Thousands of grown men and women in the state never saw a saloon. 
The sight of a drunken man is very rare in any of the Kansas cities and 
towns. Even lax enforcement of a prohibitory law is much better than 
open saloons. 

"The Prohibition Party has had slow growth in Kansas, because the 
voters, having state prohibition, have not realized the additional importance 
of national prohibition. 

"Continual attempts of brewers to get the question re-submitted in 
Kansas have always failed. Nine-tenths of the people are in favor of 
prohibition. 

"Thirty-five counties of the state have empty jails, and thirty-seven 
counties have no criminal cases on the docket. Forty-four counties are 
without a single pauper, and twenty-five counties have no poorhouses." 

In New York state is a good illustration of what earnest effort sys- 
tematically directed will accomplish. In 1907, Mr. C. E. Pitts, a young 
attorney of Oswego, N. Y., was made Chairman of the State Committee. 
Mr. Pitts had had experience in connection with a very successful organ- 
ization of Oswego County. He introduced the methods learned there in 
the state work with excellent results. In a brief account of the work in 
New York state, he says: 

"At the time of the birth of the Prohibition party in this state, which 
occurred at Oswego in 1869, the state was blessed with strong men in the 
Prohibition line. After 1882, the vote increased rapidly, to 25,000 in 
188-1, and to 41,000 in 1891, we holding a large balance of power in the 
state. Then came the free silver split in our party ranks, and our vote 
dropped down to 17,000, and we were nearly wiped off the ballot. 

"Then for years after that disastrous campaign, amid great discour- 
agements, State Chairman J. H. Durkee fought for the advancement of 
the party, and got the vote back to 22,000, but, since we had not a 
vestige of real working organization, the vote again began to slump until 
it dropped below 16,000 in 1906. We had no organization worthy of 
the name, no systematic enrollment, no election district, town and ward 
committees, except in rare cases. 

"In the meantime, Oswego County had been organized and enrolled 





A. U. COATES, 

Member, National Committee, Prohibition 

Partv, Iowa. 



F. W. LOUGH. 

Chairman, Indiana Prohibition State 

Committee. 





\l.<)\/() K WILSON, 
Member, National Committee, Prohibition 
Pan\ | Chairman. Illinois Prohi- 
bition Stair Committee. 



HUR \M W. DAVIS, 

Chairman, Kentucky Prohibition State 

( !i immittee. 



THE PROHIBITION PARTY AT WORK. 263 

by election precincts, fighting organizations builded, towns swept by the 
Prohibition party, four score Prohibitionists elected to office over their 
Republican and Democratic opponents. The county conventions had in- 
creased in size from 11 delegates in 1900 to 885 in 1906. This led to a 
demand for the same kind of organization and work in the entire state, 
since a similar pro rata vote in all the counties would mean 250,000 votes 
in the state, and over 4,000 officials elected to office. 

"In March, 1907, the writer was elected State Chairman. We at 
once inaugurated Oswego County plans in the balance of the state, and 
have been cheered by scores of our discouraged men rallying to the fight. 
At present we have over three-fourths of the 4,522 election districts of 
the state enrolled so that we know every Prohibition voter and can place 
our hand on him at any time. We have over one-half of the election dis- 
tricts organized. We are placing in our county and district workers' 
hands over sixty kinds of supplies for organization and work. As a result, 
the entire party organization is becoming uniform, and our men all along 
the line are moving forward. 

"Our county conventions this year have run from three to fifteen 
times the usual size. Our state convention was three times as large as 
usual, and ten-fold more enthusiastic, over one thousand Prohibition work- 
ers being present. 

"We have tickets in every one of the over 550 judicial, congressional, 
senatorial, county, assembly and school commissioner districts of the state 
where candidates are voted for this fall. Full tickets everywhere and one 
continuous word of cheer comes from the counties, east, south, west and 
north. Our men are working like beavers. We shall poll 50,000 votes in 
the Empire State this fall. 

"We are also pushing the "Venango Plan" (named from the county 
of its birth), by which the voters sign a pledge-card agreeing to vote the 
Prohibition ticket in the given town or county when a specified number 
(enough to make a majority) have signed. We are pushing this in two 
'concentration districts,' and seven out of every ten voters approached are 
signing. Illustration — the town of Wilna, Jefferson County, has 1,050 
voters, and with but five-sixths of the town canvassed, we have six hun- 
dred and fifty signatures to the Venango pledge; Champion, with 512 
voles has 381 signed. The state committee will concentrate enough work 
in these counties to sweep them, then branch out into others. 

"We shall hold 10,000 meetings in the rural schoolhouses and churches 
of the little hamlets and villages, reaching scores of thousands of voters 
who never before heard our issues discussed. We have placed in the county 
chairman's hands nine kinds of supplies, and matters are nicely started 
and will be kept going. 

"We have an extraordinarily strong ticket this fall, headed by the 
Hon. George E. Stockwell for Governor, and Marshall A. Hudson for 
Lieutenant Governor." 

The following table shows the votes cast in the different states for 
Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates from the first campaign in 
1872 up to the election of 1904. It is but fair to say that the small votes 



264 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



polled by the party are entirely out of proportion to the strong and 
wholesome influence it exerts: 

Prohibition Party's Vote, 1872 to 1904. 





1904 


1900 


1896 


1892 


18S8 


1884 


1880 


1876 


1872 


STATE 


s 

0Q 


I 




3 


& 

n 


M 

a 


i 


s 


GO 


M 

n 


Alabama 


612 

1-25 

993 

7,380 

3,438 

1,506 

607 

5 

C85 

1,013 

34,770 

23,817 

ii f (M>] 

7,245 
6,609 

"i,510 

3,044 

4,274 

13,302 

6,199 

"7,181 

327 

6,326 


2,762 


2,147 


239 


583 


613 








Arizona 








Arkansas 

California 

Colorado ....... 

Connecticut 

Delaware 


584 
5,024 
8,790 
1,617 

638 
2,234 
1,396 

857 

17,«26 

13,718 

9,502 

3,6o5 

8,780 

' 2,585 

4,582 

6,202 

11,859 

8,167 

5,965 

298 

3,655 


839 
2,573 
1,717 
1,8' 8 

855 
1,778 
5,618 

179 
9,796 
8,056 
3,192 
1,921 
4,781 

" 1,570 
5,918 
2,99s 
5,025 
4,343 

485 
2,169 

186 
1,193 


118 

8,096 

1,652 

4,026 

564 

561 

98* 

288 

25,870 

18,060 

6,343 

4,553 

6,442 

' 8,062 

5,877 

7,539 

20,857 

14,017 

910 

4,298 

549 

4,902 

89 

1,29« 

8,136 


641 
5,761 
2,191 
4,234 
400 
423 
1,808 


2,960 

761 

2,805 

64 

72 

168 


'"61 

""409 


378 


""265 


Florida 








Georgia 

Idaho 














Illinois 


21,695 

9,881 

3,550 

6,779 

5,225 

160 

2,691 

4,767 

8,701 

20,942 

15,3il 

218 

4,539 


12,074 
8,028 
1,472 

4,495 
8,139 
828 
2,160 
2,827 
9,928 
17,403 
4,684 

2,153 


443 

' ' 692 

25 

258 


141 

' 86 
110 
818 




Indiana 

Iowa 




Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana . . 





Maine 


93 

' ' 682 
942 
286 


"" 10 

84 

767 

144 

64 




Maryland 

Massachusetts. . 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 


1,271 


Nebraska 

Nevada 


9,429 

41 

1,566 

7,904 


2,899 





1,599 





New Hampshire 
New Jersey ... 
New Mexi co . . . 


749 
6,838 


1,270 
7,183 


779 
6,614 


1,570 
6,153 


180 
191 


43 


200 


New York . 
North Carolina. 


20,787 

861 

1,105 

19,339 

1,544 

3,795 

33,717 

768 

2,965 
1,889 
4,244 


22,043 

1,006 

731 

10,203 

2,536 

27,908 
1,529 

i ,542 

8,900 

2,644 

205 

368 

2,150 

2.363 

1,585 

10,124 


16,052 

675 

858 

5,068 

' ' 919 

19,274 

1,160 

" 685 
3,098 
1,786 


88,193 

2,63«> 

899 

26,012 

25,123 
1,654 


80,231 
2,789 


24,999 
454 


1,617 


2,329 


201 


North Dakota . . 








Ohio 


24,356 

"i,677 

20,947 

1,250 


11,069 

' ' 492 

15,283 

928 


2,616 

1,939 
20 
43 


1,636 

1,319 
68 


2,100 


Oklahoma 

Oregon . 




Pennsylvania . . 

Rhode Island . . . 
«5outh Carolina . 


1,630 


South Dakota . 






Tennessee 


4,856 
2,165 


5,969 
4,749 


1,131 
3,534 








Texas 








Utah 








Vermont 


792 
1,882 
3,229 
4,604 
9,770 

207 


738 
2,350 

9' 8 
1,203 
7,509 

186 


1,424 
2,798 
2,553 
2,145 
13,182 
530 


1,460 
1,682 

1,084 
14,277 


1,752 
188 

' ' '789 
7,656 








Virginia 

Wa»th ington 

West. Virginia. . 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 














96 


153 














Totals 


260,114 


209,936 


132.009 


269,191 


549,907 


150,626 


10,366 | 


9,787 


6,607 




CHAPTER XXIII. 

SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 

HE following statements of the anti-liquor situation in each 
of the states and territories are condensed from reports fur- 
nished by the official representatives of the Prohibition Party, 
the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the Anti-Saloon 
League, and other active workers in the field. Limitations of 
space have compelled condensation to the lowest terms. It is unfortunate 
that the flavor of personality, and the fragrance of faith, courage, pa- 
tience and triumph that characterizes these reports, must be lost. Chang- 
ing the simile, it may well be said of them that they do indeed constitute 
a Symphony, a sounding together of a song of faith, gladness and tri- 
umph. 

A careful endeavor has been made to make these reports accurate and 
up to date. But the battle is in progress everywhere, victories are being 
won daily, and progress is so rapid that it is difficult to keep the record 
even with the events. 

It was the original plan to print, in connection with these reports, 
maps showing wet and dry territory in each state, but it was found that, 
owing to the rapid additions that are being made to dry territory, the 
rrnps would be out of date by the time they could be printed. For the 
same reason it is found impossible to present a summary showing in 
totals the wet and dry territory and population for the whole country. 

ALABAMA. 

Alabama is soon to become one of the dry states. In 1908, the legis- 
lature enacted a state prohibitory law, to take effect January 1, 1909. 
Local option had previously driven the saloons out of fifty of the sixty- 
seven counties. At the last previous session of the legislature, laws were 
enacted giving county local option and preventing shipment of liquor 
from wet territory to dry. Under this law there are, at latest advices, 
only four counties in the state where saloons arc located, one with bar- 
rooms and dispensary saloon, and twelve witli dispensary saloons. These 
will disappear when the new law goes into effect. B. B. Comer, Governor, 
utters these hopeful words: 

205 



266 T HE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"It is not the man who does the drinking and commits the deed who 
suffers most. The man in prison is cared for ; his victim, God knows where ! 
It is the mothers, wives and orphans of these men who do the suffering. 
Suffering is not caused by these criminals within the walls of the peniten- 
tiary only, but by those at home who frequent the saloons, spending their 
money for drink, leaving their wives and children in squalor without the 
protection of their rightful guardian. 

"Our larger towns, Birmingham, Decatur, Gadsden, Huntsville and 
Dothan. under prohibition, have greatly decreased their criminal record. 
We estimate that with a few years of prohibition our penitentiaries will 
show a marked decrease in the number of their inmates. 

"I think the above statement of facts would be sufficient, to make any 
humane party do all he can for prohibition. Aside from this, we think 
our state will have several millions a year that has hitherto gone for liquor. 
This leaves a margin for illicit and other sales." 



CALIFORNIA. 

In 1898, Sutter Count}- and ten small towns were under prohibitory 
law. Outside of this area every square foot in the state was practically 
under domination of the liquor traffic. There was then no legislative 
provision for the banishment of existing saloons, no public official seeking 
to obtain such legislation, and apparently no one else who had any hope 
of seeing the liquor traffic dethroned. However, the state had given John 
Bidwell, as Presidential candidate on the Prohibition ticket in 1892, the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union and other organizations were at 
work, and the anti-saloon sentiment did exist. But, with the organization 
of an Anti-Saloon League, under the leadership of Rev. Ervin S. Chap- 
man, D. D., author of "The Stainless Flag," the tide turned. With him 
in command, the forces rallied, and apparent defeat was turned into vic- 
tory. There are now over fifty incorporated cities and scores of towns 
and villages which have driven out the saloon. Five counties have pro- 
hibitory ordinances, and others would have if the popular will could find 
expression in a referendum. Five counties have precinct option ordinances, 
under which there are more than 150 "dry" precincts. 

On "Stainless Flag Day," 1907, 1,000 pastors delivered addresses 
appropriate to the occasion, and distributed 135,000 copies of the Stain- 
less Flag Address in their congregations. 



ALASKA. 

Note. — The following statement was prepared specially for this book. 
It is significant and important because it proves that an executive can 
enforce law without con-suiting so-called public sentiment. The dance 
halls and gambling saloons were closed by exercise of police powers, and 




MRS [MOGENE F. II. LaCHANCE, 
President, Arizona W. C. I U. 



MISS CHRISTIANNA G. GILCHRIST, 
Vice President. Arizona W. C. T. U. 



MRS. S. I). WILBUR, 
I i easurer Arizona V\ ( I I 



MRS. LUELLA E. THOMAS, 
Corresponding Secretary, Arizona \Y. ('. T. U. 



MRS ANNA THOMPSON, 
Recording Secretary, Arizona W. C. T. U. 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 267 

the laws proposed, while m advance of public opinion, are crystallizing an 
attitude hostile to the traffic in intoxicating liquors. — G. M. H. 

By Hon. W. B. Hoggatt, Governor. 

I have to state that since I became Governor of this territory, two 
years ago, we have succeeded in closing all dance-halls and gambling 
halls, both of which had heretofore flourished in all parts of the territory 
in connection with the saloons. 

We are now making a strong effort to prevent the licensing of sa- 
loons, except in incorporated towns and places where we have a United 
States Commissioner or marshal resident. I asked Congress for an amend- 
ment to our code which would enable us to effect this reform, and a bill, 
H. B. 21,957, passed both houses of Congress at its last session, and is 
now on the Speaker's table ready for conference at the beginning of next 
session. If this becomes a law, as I think it will, the number of saloons in 
Alaska will be reduced by one-half. 

These reforms are as yet somewhat in advance of the public sentiment 
of the territory, but, when in effect, I am satisfied will be sustained by 
growing public sentiment. 

ARIZONA. 

Arizona has a local option law, but it requires a two-thirds majority 
to expel the saloons. At an election held in May, 1908, in Maricopa 
County, there was a majority of 203 against the saloons, but not a two- 
thirds majority. A movement is on foot to secure a change in the law, 
making a mere majority sufficient under local option to eradicate the 
saloon. The Anti-Saloon Leagues of New Mexico and Arizona are under 
the same management. Since 1900 there has been a Prohibition party 
contingent in Arizona, but its vote has been small. 



ARKANSAS. 

Of the 75 counties, 58 are dry. Eighty per cent, of the population 
is in dry territory, and 68 per cent, has been in dry territory for ten 
years. In 1894 the license majority was 52,358. In 1906 the no-license 
majority was 15,618. The people vote by wards, townships and counties 
on the question of selling liquor. All applicants for license must pay 
$400 county tax, $300 state tax and from $50 to $200 in addition to the 
county fund. Saloons can be prohibited within three miles of a church 
or school by petition. Under provision of this law a campaign was in- 
stituted during 1908, and the Church Temperance Association, under the 
leadership of a commissioner, was in the front of the fight. He predicted 
that in six months Arkansas would be without licensed saloons. 



268 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Election returns (September 17, 1908) indicate that Little Rock, Pine 
Bluff, Helena, Texarkana and Newport have gone wet, the large number 
of negroes being voted like sheep for license candidates. St. Francois 
and other interior counties voted dry. Claims of fraud are made on every 
hand, the election officials being charged with ignoring the requirement 
that negroes shall show poll tax receipts before being allowed to vote. 

COLORADO. 

In Colorado there are eight general regulatory laws against the 
saloon which, if enforced by the authorities or voluntarily obeyed by the 
saloon men, would close all the dram-shops in the state. The saloon- 
keeper is prohibited from selling after midnight and on Sunday. He is 
not permitted to sell to minors, nor are women permitted to frequent his 
place of business. Wine rooms are prohibited. He cannot sell to Indians, 
idiots or drunkards. 

Previous to the passage of the local option law in 1907 there were 
a large number of prohibition and no-license communities in the state. In 
the two largest, Colorado Springs and Greeley, there is a clause in the 
title deeds prohibiting forever the manufacture, sale or giving away of 
intoxicating drinks as a beverage on the property, subject to forfeiture 
of property right to the Townsite Company if the regulation is violated. 
Other communities of this class are Fort Morgan, Steamboat Springs, and, 
during the current year, still other places have been organized subject 
to the same property conditions. 

The passage of the local option law last year gave each municipality, 
ward or voting precinct the right to settle the saloon question by majority 
vote. In the elections which have been held under this law, twenty towns 
gave majorities against the saloon, among them suburbs of Denver, such 
as Highland, South Denver, University Park, Berkeley, Barnum and 
Harmon. Other places already had no-license ordinances. 

A fight under county local option is under way, and several counties 
are dry. 

CONNECTICUT* 

In 1854, a prohibitory law was enacted, but repealed in 1872. Then 
followed local option laws. Licenses are granted by county commission- 
ers selected by the legislature. A vote on the question, saloon or no saloon, 
may be taken annually upon petition of twenty -five voters. Of 168 mu- 
nicipalities, 96 are dry. The tax levied on the retail liquor traffic is $450 
in towns of over 3,000, and $250 in all other places. In small towns a 
license may be issued to a well-regulated hotel at not less than $150. 

The temperance forces are working harmoniously by their different 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 269 

methods toward state prohibition. The Connecticut Temperance Union 
is the oldest state temperance organization in the United States, and ante- 
dates the National Temperance Society by nearly a year. It does the 
work of the Anti-Saloon League, with which it affiliates, and carries the 
burden of other reform movements. The W. C. T. U. is a decided force, 
and the Good Templars, Sons of Temperance, Catholic Total Abstinence 
Union, etc., are all working well in their special fields. Annually, in Sep- 
tember, a "get-together meeting" is held. All shades of opinion are freely 
and frankly expressed, and a friendly discussion of differences produces 
a closer union. 

DELAWARE. 

In 1897 the Constitutional Convention adopted a provision for local 
option on prohibition or license, which hostile legislatures rendered abortive. 

After ten years of effort by the Delaware State Temperance Alliance 
and affiliated bodies a general local option law was enacted in 1907. As 
a result, Kent and Sussex counties, embracing two-thirds of the geographic- 
al area of the state, were delivered from the saloon. New Castle county 
and the city of Wilmington, the metropolis of the state, were not so for- 
tunate. 

The anti-liquor forces are now making vigorous efforts to secure law 
enforcement in Kent and Sussex counties, to elect legislators in New Castle 
county favorable to re-submission of the question to voters, to influence 
the selection of a congressman from Delaware favorable to national tem- 
perance legislation, and to end the domination of the saloon and its agents 
in all parts of the commonwealth. There will be no rest until state-wide 
prohibition is secured. 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

The Anti-Saloon League was organized in the District of Columbia 
when there were 1,100 saloon licenses, with the number increasing every 
year. Had the rate of increase continued, there would be 1,400 saloons 
in the District. They have decreased to about 600. 

The anti-liquor forces of the District are seeking prohibitory legis- 
lation. A local option bill, recommended by the commissioners of the Dis- 
trict at the session of Congress 1907-1908, while not as far reaching as 
desired, will, if passed, greatly lessen the evils of the traffic in the national 
capital. 

FLORIDA. 

A local option provision was incorporated in the constitution in 1887. 
Of 46 counties, 37 are dry. Only twenty-two incorporated towns have 
saloons. Nearly three-quarters of the population live under prohibitory 



270 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

law, and the laws against the sale of liquor are very stringent. There 
are only about 240 saloons left in the state, and a law forbidding saloons 
within four miles of a church or school building, except in incorporated 
towns, has enabled the citizens to extend dry territory. 

There is a state license of $500, but counties, towns, and cities, may 
impose an additional license not to exceed $250. 

There is a growing sentiment for state-wide prohibition. N. B. 
Broward, Governor, says: 

"When my opinion is asked on the subject by any member of the 
legislature, I do not hesitate to say that I believe in prohibition, and if 
the resolution were passed and before the people, I should favor its adop- 
tion and speak in its favor. I would suggest that the ministry of the state 
urge each member of the Senate and House to vote for the measure, and 
in that way the woods, so to speak, may be fired to that extent that what- 
ever the motive may have been that prompted the introduction, the reso- 
lution will be forced to a successful conclusion." 

GEORGIA. 

As a result of one of the most remarkable campaigns in the history 
of the anti-saloon war a prohibition bill was passed by the Georgia Senate, 
July, 1907, by a vote of 34 to 7 ; the House passed the bill by 139 
to 39 ; and Governor Hoke Smith signed it on August 6. The law went 
into effect on January 1, 1908, with a strong legislative backing, and an 
overwhelming prohibition sentiment among the white people. One hun- 
dred and twenty-five out of 148 counties were already dry, and practi- 
cally 93 per cent, of the state was under prohibitory law. 

The results of prohibition are most gratifying. The courts have 
almost nothing to do. A drunken man is seldom seen, and sometimes in 
the city of Atlanta, with a population of 100,000, there is not a prisoner 
in the station house. Drunkenness has decreased 50 per cent., and crime 
75 per cent. Another noticeable feature of improved conditions is a 
marked decrease of the jug trade. 

Prohibition has come to stay, and Georgia will enforce her law at 
all hazards. Hoke Smith, Governor, says : 

"It is absolutely impossible to have a permanent, decent municipal 
government where the saloon dominates municipal politics. The elimination 
of the saloon will help municipal politics everywhere, even in those places 
where the saloon does not dominate municipal politics. 

"Over one hundred counties in the state have had prohibition for 
years. They have outgrown counties situated similarly which permitted 
the sale. There is no doubt that prohibition is wise from an economic 
standpoint. The overwhelming sentiment of the white people of Georgia 
is for prohibition, and the law will be enforced." 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 271 

HAWAII. 

By John G. Woolley. 

Note. — During the year 1907, Mr. John G. Woolley lectured in the 
islands in the interest of the Anti-Saloon League. He resided in Honolulu 
and from that city wrote several articles which were published in The 
Daily News of Chicago. In one of these he gives a very interesting ac- 
count of the conditions and prospects. — G. M. H. 

"Since the treaty of annexation and the consequent increase in tourist 
traffic, and especially the increased number of warships and transports 
that put in here, saloons have multiplied in number, influence and malign 
results — the native having become not only a customer but also a possible 
commodity in liquor legislation and law non-enforcement. The saloons 
have been tolerated by the good but futile 'leading class' on the hoary 
misconception that the military and tourist visitors are against unfer- 
mented hospitality in all its possible and delightful forms, when almost 
any tourist, and an increasing number of soldiers and sailors would testify 
that they drink because they run up against the goods and the custom, 
rather than because they seek to do it. 

"The white population is small, intelligent, reputable, prosperous 
and benevolent, but greatly weakened in its political influence by a certain 
South Sea, unconscious holier-than-thou-ness, which, along with a splendid 
inheritance of good blood, good sense, good training and good fortune, 
has come down from missionary times; and paralyzed in its political effi- 
ciency by inter-marriages. 

"Long contemplation of the immoralities of the natives has induced 
a prevalent strabismus in the whites as to immoralities of their own ; and 
civic courage has gone glimmering in a mesh-work of affinities and con- 
sanguinities. The basest job-chaser is likely to be son-in-law or brother- 
in-law to the best and cleanest; the wine and the spirit merchant is likely 
to be cousin to the deacon ; and brewery stock spreads like the Russian 
thistle through the assets of the pious. All this of course is fatal to clean 
administration; but only for the time being, for a sounder substratum of 
good character than there is here is nowhere. The federal and territorial 
officials have been and are, with rare exceptions, men of unblemished in- 
tegrity ; but the count}' and city organizations are molasses barrels to the 
blue-bottle flies of tainted politics. 

"In the native mind white society is missionar} r society, and the incon- 
sistency of missionary preaching with 'missionary' practice is the pons 
asmorum of native progress. In the old missionary days the chiefs were 
absolute and the people something worse than serfs. The teachings of 
the missionaries took strong hold of the King and the chiefs, with such 
effect that the islands came by fiat under complete prohibition more than 
half a century ago, and even the great chiefs poured out their fluid devil- 
try upon the sand. Then crime and disorder all but disappeared, and the 
wonderful little Christendom enjoyed its golden age. Afterward came the 
constitution, with representative government, freehold lands, and the 
seven-devilness of a reinstated liquor trade ; and finally, American rule 



272 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON, 

with mone3 T ism, partyism, and the infamous doctrine that saloons and 
slums and crimes are normal symptoms of human liberty. 

"Thus 'missionaries' were, relatively, as unfit for suffrage as the na- 
tives. They had learned to think of themselves as wheat-kernels in bins 
of chaff, and before they had quite awakened to the phenomenon that 
what seemed shucks to them was grain too, the political liquor-dealer had 
preempted the mill-site. 

"It is a land of principle and of good deportment. But the only 
conviction I could see that was red-hot and ready for the anvil, was that 
the natives are amiable, unstable, and desperately in need of temperance 
work. But the natives not only bear the brunt of the liquor evil, they 
have the votes by which to banish it. The population of the islands is 
about 155,000, of which there are native Hawaiians 54,000, white 13,000, 
Chinese 26,000, Japanese 62,000, and a few thousand negroes and Porto 
Ricans. Of the Orientals only those born here are entitled to vote. 

"I visited several conventions of native ministers, and found them 
very intelligent as to conditions and very receptive as to ways and means. 
My interpreter was the Rev. Stephen Desha, a half-white grandson of 
the old Governor of Kentucky, a man of power in whose glorious eloquence 
my small speeches became sheaves of thunderbolts, whereat my pleasure 
was made humble and my humility pleasant. But the problem was to 
reach the native masses. Accordingly, at the time this letter is written, 
I am en route around Robin Hood's historic barn to the ballot-box via 
the school-house. 

"Armed with permission from the territorial superintendent of pub- 
lic instruction I have spent eight da} T s circumnavigating this island of 
Oahu in a road-wagon, and speaking in every public school on the island 
about how to mix drinks and good gray matter to produce success in life. 

"Teachers and pupils received me with enthusiasm, and I knew in- 
stantly when beginning to address them that the soil was ready to be sown. 
A few questions brought out clearly that the case against the liquor traffic 
is made out in every nook and corner of the country. Practically every 
child old enough to understand was keen to sign the pledge of total absti- 
nence. But I asked them to postpone the decision until they had talked 
it over at home, when, if they wished, they could write me a letter. 

"I go now to make a similar tour of the other islands. Then, having 
met all the teachers and pupils and got the subject into the homes in that 
way, I go over the same routes, holding public meetings for the adults, 
and finally close the campaign with a series of meetings for the whites 
in Honolulu. It is the most elementary work I have yet had, but very 
interesting and good in my opinion for great returns. Great prohibition 
news is coming from the Mainland. Before many months the Mainland 
shall hear good news from us." 



IDAHO. 

Idaho has been a license state, although she has had a law on her 
statute books for several years giving cities and towns the right to pro- 
hibit the traffic. But few persons knew anything about it, and no advan- 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES, 273 

tage was taken of it until Mr. Emmett D. Nichols called attention to it 
and began agitating the matter of getting municipalities to act within 
their statutory rights. County commissioners have power to refuse license 
in rural districts, and in some cases this has been done. Meridian was the 
first town which closed its saloons. Malad, and Moscow — seat of the State 
University — and other towns in the same county have passed prohibitory 
ordinances. Opposition to the traffic is developing rapidly, and soon will 
find expression through a direct local option law. 

In 1904 there was no dry territory. In 1908 many towns are under 
no license and saloons are closed on Sunday by state law. 



ILLINOIS. 

In Illinois the minimum license is $500, but there is no limit on the 
maximum license which may be exacted, and in many municipalities the 
license fee is placed at a $1,000. 

The law of 1907 provides for local option by townships and munici- 
palities, and by precincts and counties not under township organization. 
In the spring election of 1908, out of 1,250 townships voting, 900 abol- 
ished the saloon. Of the 1,400 townships in the state 1,053 are now "dry." 
Twenty-five counties were voted dry, making a total of 36 dry counties 
in the state. Of the 40 larger cities voting upon the question 22 were 
carried by the anti-saloon forces. The largest city which voted dry was 
Rockford, with a population of 40,000, where 53 saloons were suppressed. 
The large vote cast in cities like Springfield, Bloomington, Joliet, Dan- 
ville, Elgin, Aurora, Rock Island, Moline, means that there are multitudes 
of people living in these cities who are seeking relief from the presence 
of the saloon. This should be granted in the form of a resident district 
bill. 

Among the most effective forces in the creation of anti-saloon senti- 
ment is the system of Chautauqua Assemblies conducted by the Prohibition 
Party. 

INDIANA. 

By Govehnob J. F. Hanly. 

Three years and a half ago I recommended to the General Assembly 
that it pass a law giving the majority of the legal voters of a township 
or city ward the right to remonstrate against the traffic in intoxicating 
liquors at retail, and making it unlawful for the Board of County Com- 
missioners, after the filing of such a remonstrance, to grant a license to 
any person within such territory for a period of two years. Under this 
law 830 townships hare inhibited this traffic. 



274 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Public sentiment has been created in behalf of this law, and public 
opinion has advanced under the demonstration of the benefits derived from 
the inhibition of the dram-shop in these communities, until, today, the 
people of the state would, in my judgment, overwhelmingly favor the 
enactment of a county local option law that will preserve without impair- 
ment the present remonstrance law and be additional and supplementary 
thereto. Personally, I am so fully persuaded of the moral, economic and 
financial value of such legislation that I shall recommend and earnestly 
insist upon the enactment of such a measure. 

The Moore remonstrance law, enacted 1905, is in effect local option 
by a majority petition of voters in townships and city wards, the town- 
ship including all incorporated towns, but not cities. Forty-three county- 
seat towns, 20 cities, 250 incorporated towns and 23 counties are dry. 
Eight hundred and nineteen townships are dry. And, in the wet 
cities, 53 wards and 37 residence districts are dry, making a net 
population of 230,000 living in dry territory in cities which are partly 
wet. There are 1,579,775 people of the state living in dry territory; 600 
saloons were closed during the first six months of 1908, and 80 per cent, 
of the territory of the state now grants no license. 

Note. — In September, 1908, Governor Harily convened the legislature 
in special session for the adoption of a county local option law, which was 
passed by a handsome majority. — G. M. H. 



IOWA. 

In 1883 a prohibitory amendment to the constitution was secured, 
but it was declared void by the state supreme court. The legislature then 
enacted a prohibitory law. This was afterwards amended by a mulct pro- 
vision, which practically nullified the prohibitory law in any community 
upon petition of 65 per cent, of the voters. Of the 99 counties in the 
state 77 are dry; of the 1,112 municipalities 975 grant no license. The 
minimum tax is $600. In 1906 2,000 saloons were operating in Iowa; in 
1908 there were only 1,600. A total of 1,225,000 of the population live 
in dry territory. 

A campaign for a re-submission of the constitutional amendment has 
been inaugurated, but it will be necessary to pass the bill in two general 
assemblies before it can be submitted to the people for special election. In 
January, 1908, a mass meeting was held in Des Moines, and the different 
temperance organizations — W. C. T. U., Prohibition Party, Anti-Saloon 
League, etc. — entered into a federation to work for the amendment. These 
forces are enlisted for the three and a half years campaign necessary under 
the law. 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 

KANSAS. 

By Hon. E. W. Hoch, Governor^ 

Note. — The governor of Kansas very kindly has contributed the 
"following brief statement of the situation m his state. Kansas is one 
of the pioneers in the prohibition movement, and the magnificent results 
that have followed her successful experiment are a most valuable object 
lesson for the citizens of other commonwealths. — G. M. H. 

In 1880 Kansas adopted a constitutional amendment prohibiting the 
manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors in this state, except for med- 
icinal, scientific and mechanical purposes. Kansas was a pioneer in this 
prohibition movement. It proceeded upon two fundamental assumptions: 

First, we claimed that the logical attitude of government toward a 
recognized evil is that of prohibition. That the liquor traffic is a recog- 
nized evil is attested by every license law high or low. For, we insisted, if 
the liquor traffic is good, it should be as free as the grocery business, or 
the blacksmith business ; hut, if it is bad, then the government should 
have no partnership with it. 

Second, we held that a business which decreases the earning capacity 
of a large number at least of its patrons cannot, in the nature of things, 
be a good thing financially for a community, state, or nation. 

Upon these lines we have fought our battle for a quarter of a cen- 
tury, and the result has been most gratifying. I believe Kansas is today 
the soberest, most orderly state in the union, and I believe no similar 
number of people anywhere on earth are relatively more prosperous. 
Without great banking centres containing accumulations of outside money, 
we have over one hundred dollars per capita in our banks. One third of 
our counties are without prisoners in their jails and without paupers in 
their poorhouses. One half of our counties have not sent a prisoner to 
the penitentiary in the past year. More than one half the prisoners in 
our penitentiary never lived in Kansas long enough to gain a residence. 
The state is practically free from saloons, and the sentiment is over- 
whelming in favor of maintaining this condition. No political party 
dare antagonize this policy, and no politician who wishes success dare 
espouse the cause of the saloon in Kansas. 

Prohibition has been a great success in Kansas morally, educationally, 
and financially, and abundant facts can be produced to substantiate all 
statements. 

Indisputable testimony proves that constitutional prohibition was not 
enforced in Kansas under an administration of party government which, 
for the sake of retaining power, compromised with illicil liquor dealers 
in Kansas City, Leavenworth, Wichita, and other cities and towns. The 
Mercantile Club, of Kansas City, saj 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOOX. 

"Prior to July 1, 1906, Kansas City for many years had from one 
to two hundred 'joints' selling liquor in open violation of law. . . The 
proprietors of these places were technically arrested and fined, once a 
month or once every two months, according to the custom in vogue. . . . 
The amount of money collected from 'joints' and not paid into any public 
treasury will never be known. Enough is known of unofficial collections 
to make the system remembered as a public disgrace." 

To party Prohibitionists, as well as liquor dealers, this was proof 
that the saloon was safe in the hands of political organizations which 
refused to commit themselves against it in their declarations of principles. 

However, in 1906, the moral influences in the state, which had been 
so long suppressed by political compromise, suddenly became operative, 
and an Assistant State's Attorney, Hon. C. W. Trickett, emerged from the 
official body of the commonwealth as an administrator of law. In an 
address, delivered at the No-License Conference, Indianapolis, December 
3, 1907, this attorney said: 

"With many misgivings I accepted my office. I went to Topeka, 
and, in the presence of the Attorney General, Governor Hoch said, 'I do not 
believe it can be done. . . But we will make one more attempt ; we will 
try again.' " 

The Assistant State's Attorney did try again — and succeeded. Open 
saloons, blind tigers, dives and joints disappeared. A limited clandestine 
trade, however, was still conducted in back lots and sheds ! The Mer- 
cantile Club says: 

"The people of Kansas City do not yet claim to have a model city 
in every way. But they do claim that no other city in the United States 
can present such a record of progress made." 

In his Indianapolis speech Attorne}' Trickett sa/d further : 

"Two years ago, the word went forth to sound retreat on the tem- 
perance question. Out in Kansas they were organizing 'Re-Submission 
Temperance Societies.' People were discouraged, but, when the notes 
were heard, it was, instead of 'Retreat,' 'Forward ! Charge !' And the 
Old Guard, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the Christian 
Endeavorers, swung into line, and the saloon has been driven out of Kansas. 
And, in my judgment the day is not far distant when it will be decreed 
that governmental sanction cannot be given to a traffic which destroys the 
morals, peace and safety of the people." 

Kansas has a strong and efficient working organization of the W. C. 
T. U. The Kansas State Temperance Union (now affiliating with the 
Anti-Saloon League) has long been a great moral power in the state. 
The attitude of the dominant political parties in the state being friendly 
to prohibition, the Prohibition party has had no strong organization or 
following. The church, the schools, and the public press all reflect the 
high moral sentiment of the state against the liquor traffic. It is safe to 
predict that hereafter as heretofore Kansas will be found in the front 
rank of the Great Reform. 





bi> 



5 ~ 
- X 




'/. 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 275 

The pro-saloon forces consist of the Personal Liberty League, the 
Anti-Resubmission League, the German American Alliance, the Wholesale 
and Retail Liquor Dealers' Association and the Brewery Association. They 
are carrying on a wide distribution of literature, etc. 

The campaign this time will be a fight to a finish. 

KENTUCKY. 

A local option law was enacted in 1906. In the first 37 local elec- 
tions all went "dry." Out of the 119 counties, 92 are dry, 4 are wet, £ 
have three wet towns in each, 7 have two wet towns in each, and 14 one 
wet town each. There are less than sixty localities in the state where intoxi- 
cating liquors can be legally sold. Seventy-seven per cent, of the popu- 
lation live in dry districts, and 98 per cent, of the territory is under prohi- 
bition. There is also a law in force prohibiting the wholesale traffic in 
dry territory. All cities of 3,000 or more are separate units. 

The Mayor of Louisville was removed from office by the Governor 
because he would not enforce the Sunday-closing law. 

The I. O. G. T. was the first organization in the state to advocate a 
law prohibiting the sale of liquor. In 1872 the Grand Lodge appointed a 
committee to secure petitioners asking the legislature to submit the ques- 
tion to a vote of the state, and nearly 200,000 names were secured. The 
House passed the measure but it hung fire in the Senate, after the liquor 
dealers had spent tens of thousands of dollars to defeat it. Other organi- 
zations have since lent their aid. 



LOUISIANA. 

In 1882, when Frances E. Willard organized a Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union in New Orleans, it was very unpopular, and its repre- 
sentatives found it difficult to get a hearing even in a church. In 1888, 
when the Prohibition Party made its first appearance in the state, it polled 
only 188 votes. But these two organizations, aided by others, began a 
course of agitation and education which gradually worked a great revolu- 
tion in conditions of the state. In 1905, Rev. P. A. Baker organized the 
Anti-Saloon League in the state, and secured a state superintendent, who 
was compelled to carry on his work for three years without money and 
without an office. 

From these unpromising beginnings t he work has progressed until 
in the spring of 1908 there were 34 parishes out of 59 which had gone dry, 
thus placing three-fourths of the territory and 10 per cent, of the popu- 
lation under prohibition. 

The Shattuck bill recently enacted, if enforced, will destroy all the 



276 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

viler saloons remaining in the state ; if it is not enforced state-wide prohi- 
bition will surely follow in 1910. Prohibition sentiment is growing rap- 
idly, and it is believed that, with or without the enforcement of the Shat- 
tuck bill, the whole state may be carried for prohibition within two years 
by a systematic campaign. Governor Sanders says: 

"Prohibition has worked well in those sections of the state where popu- 
lar sentiment is behind the law, and some of the most prosperous towns 
and parishes are those where prohibition has prevailed for a period long 
enough to afford fair tests of its merits." 



MAINE. 

In 1851 a prohibitory iaw was enacted, repealed in 1856, and re- 
enacted in 1858. In 1884 it became a part of the constitution. All efforts 
for re-submission have been defeated, and, despite the violation of law in 
certain cities, popular opinion is so largely in favor of the constitution 
that repeal would be impossible. 

At the present time the law is very well enforced in nearly every sec- 
tion of the state. The result of practically every election held in the state 
in the past quarter of a century has hinged upon the question of prohi- 
bition. According to government statistics, the amount of liquor sold in 
50 illegal places in Maine is not equal to the amount sold in one average 
saloon in a license state. W. T. Cobb, Governor, writes: 

"So long as I am governor I shall oppose nullification, shall insist 
upon law-enforcement, and so long as the Sturgis law remains on our 
statute books and officials fail to do their duty, I shall use that law to 
enforce prohibition with all the power, influence and resources at my 
command." 

Valuable testimony in favor of the efficiency of Maine's prohibitory 
law appears in the Bar and Buffet, one of the ablest and sanest of the 
liquor journals: 

"Deputy Commissioner Sturgis Goss is at work on a song which will be a 
parody on 'Locked in the Stable With the Sheep,' only he will call it 'Found in 
the Hide With the Booze.' 

"Deputy Goss' inspiration comes from a seizure which Deputies Beaulieu and 
Stevens made in a stable on Lincoln alley early Friday morning. They took a peek 
into things at their leisure before the proprietor showed up, and discovered one of 
the most ingenious and best concealed hides which has been unearthed by the officers 
of late. 

"Entrance is made by first going up two flights of stairs and then down one. But 
the flight that you go down is so carefully concealed that it was only by the merest 
chance that the officers found it. The stairs creaked with each step, which was the 
only noise except that of scampering rats as large as pet poodles and with tails as 
long as a train of cars. 

"At the foot of the stairs the officers found an open room which apparently was 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 277 

a part of the stable. A lamp with a smoky chimney was on a box beside which were 
a number of glasses. Near by were a ten-gallon keg, a two-gallon jug, a gallon measure 
and a pint measure, all containing whisky. This booze den was evidently the retreat 
and source of supply of the pocket peddlers. 

"Liquor selling in Lewiston and other Maine cities which have been invaded by 
the Sturgis deputies has been reduced to such an exact science that those who take 
chances are being called professional booze vendors. As doctors can tell whether a 
person is ill by the look of his face, so can these peddlers tell whether a man wants 
to buy whisky when he shows up at a resort where the stuff is dealt out on the sly. 

"Only one question is asked a customer by the pocket pedler. He simply walks 
up to the man and says: 'Big or little?' and soon produces the goods ordered. 

" 'Big or little ?' means more than the words indicate. If the customer says big, 
he gets a pint, and if he says little, he gets half a pint. He isn't asked what kind 
of stuff he wants, for only one is carried. He gets whisky or nothing." 

This is a good example of the much talked-of "blind-pigs" or "blind- 
tigers" that are said to flourish in dry territory. Such a place cannot be 
very popular and is a great improvement over a wide open, attractive, 
legitimatized saloon. It illustrates also the length to which this anarchistic 
trade will go in law-breaking. 



MARYLAND. 

The state contains £3 counties and the city of Baltimore. Ten coun- 
ties are dry, 3 have saloons in only one place each; 2 counties are almost 
free; 6 have some dry territory, and only two are wholly wet. Baltimore 
has several dry residence districts. 

A campaign is on for a uniform local option law for counties, election 
districts, municipalities and wards. The anti-liquor organizations are all 
active, prohibition sentiment is growing, and the time seems not far distant 
when the whole state will be dry. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

Massachusetts is a license state, with provision for municipal and city 
local option. The license cannot be less than $1,000 per annum, and is 
determined by the local licensing board, except that the minimum fee is 
in all cases $1,000. In one case the fee was made $1,000,000 in a town 
which had accidentally voted "yes." The various towns and cities are 
allowed to vote on the question once a year. 

The present local option law of Massachusetts was passed in 1881. 
The high-license feature was enacted in 1888, and many towns and cities 
have remained dry under this law for over twenty years. It is estimated 
that about 45 per cent, of the entire population is now under no-license. 

Among the large cities of Massachusetts which are now dry under 
the local option law are Worcester, population of 130,000; Cambridge, 



278 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

100,000; Lynn, 50,000; Quincy, 30,000; Brockton, 50,000, and Haver- 
hill, 40,000. There are 277 dry municipalities to 77 wet ones. Seventeen 
cities are under no-license, while 16 still retain the saloon. 



MICHIGAN. 

Although Michigan is the home of the father of the Prohibition party, 
and there is record to show that the nucleus of that organization was 
formed in a compact between two members of the order of Good Templars 
at a lodge meeting in 1861, yet, prior to 1908, there was but one dry county 
in the "Wolverine" state. On that date ten additional counties voted dry, 
and at this writing, out of 84 counties 11 are dry, and 90 municipalities 
out of 412 grant no license. 

The Michigan law provides only for county local option, except that 
in an incorporated village a council may pass a prohibitive ordinance. 
The retailer's state license is $500 in addition to the special United States 
tax. The total receipts from liquor license in 1907 averaged about one 
dollar for each person in the state. 

The anti-liquor organizations are carrying on a vigorous prohibition 
propaganda which will soon result in additional dry territory. F. M. 
Warner, Governor, takes this strong stand: 

"The people certainly have a right to expect officials of the counties 
which have voted dry, to do away with the selling of liquor, to see that the 
liquor law is enforced. In the event of violation of the law, I should cer- 
tainly take such steps as may be necessary to bring about a change in that 
regard, even if it made necessary a change in those holding the offices. The 
law has been placed upon the statute books by the people themselves, and it 
is going to be enforced in those counties where that action has been taken, 
and those who believe otherwise have no business holding official positions." 

MINNESOTA. 

Minnesota has a township local option law, also local option for mu- 
nicipalities organized under a village charter. Out of the 525 munici- 
palities, 160 are dry; of the 1,800 townships, 1,200 are without saloons, 
while 400 of the remaining 600 have saloons only in incorporated villages. 
Forty-five per cent, of the population, 900,000 persons, are in dry ter- 
ritory, which includes the patrol limit of Minneapolis, under which saloons 
are limited to a small section in the business district. There is a reasonably 
strict enforcement of the law closing the saloons on Sunday and at 11 p. m. 

The minimum state license in cities of 10,000 or more is $1,000; else- 
where the license fee is $500. But any municipal or county board, having 
authority to grant license, may impose higher license fees, or even refuse 
to grant license. 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 279 

At this date a campaign is on for the election of a legislature which 
will enact a county local option law. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

During the present year, 1908, a state-wide prohibition law has been 
adopted. 

Local option prevailed in the state as earl}' as the 50's It then ap- 
plied to beats, supervisors' districts, and towns. In 1880 a county option 
bill was passed, and in 1886 a more liberal local option law was adopted. 
Under this the saloon was speedily removed from rural districts and small 
towns. As a result of this law, 69 counties (90 per cent, of the territory) 
out of the 76 in the state are dry. Edmund F. Noel, Governor, says: 

"In Mississippi unlawful retailing is generally less frequent than gam- 
bling or carrying concealed weapons. None but anarchists contend that 
other criminal laws tempt commission of what they prohibit, yet human 
nature is the same in its results and workings in regard to all classes of 
prohibited acts. The men, the money, and the literature that are being 
provided by the liquor manufacturers and dealers for their bitter and re- 
lentless war against prohibition prove that they do not believe, in the 
slightest, that prohibition does not greatly lessen the use of stimu- 
lants. 

"Upon this question the judgment of the dry counties as to what is 
good within their own borders is to be made equally applicable to the whole 
state. The right of the majority to voice public policy is even more un- 
questionably possessed by the state than by its smaller subdivisions; and 
its condemnation of the liquor traffic being clearly expressed, it is for us 
to make it effective. Method and time are the only questions for real 
discussion." 

MISSOURI. 

Missouri has a local option law with a county unit, excepting cities 
having a population of 2,500, which vote independently. Of the 114 
counties, 77 are now dry, and 10 other counties have but one saloon town 
each. About 700 saloons have gone out of existence in St. Louis on ac- 
count of Governor Folk's strict enforcement of the Sunday-closing law 
the last three years. The first four months of 1908, 308 saloons were 
closed by local option and public sentiment. The state license is $200, 
and applicants for license must have a majority petition of taxpayers 
in the block in cities of over 2,000 ; and in towns or cities under 2,000 
population, must give bond in the sum of $2,000 with two sureties, and 
must be of "good moral character," and pay $600 to $1,200 for county 
purposes each year at the discretion of the county court. The town or 
city may impose additional license, which varies from free to $5,000 a year. 



280 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

averaging throughout the state about $1,200 city license. The average 
total license in the state is about $2,000 a year. 

Prohibition sentiment is very strong and growing. Further legisla- 
tion will be demanded. J. W. Folk, Governor, reports: 

"When I became governor and had the power to put an end to saloon 
lawlessness in the cities, I endeavored to have the law enforced. For doing 
this I have been constantly abused and vilified by the liquor interests and 
their allies." 

MONTANA. 

The temperance sentiment in Montana is confessedly sluggish, owing 
to wide territory and scattered population. But, since Montanans 
are progressive people, the prospects are that the moral standard of the 
state will be elevated and the Indian reservations will not long be the only 
dry spots in the state. Prohibitionists, Anti-Saloon Leaguers, the I. O. 
G. T., the W. C. T. U., and various church societies and fraternal organi- 
zations are cooperating to charge the atmosphere with enough lightning 
to smite the liquor traffic. A campaign for a municipal local option law 
is under way. 

NEBRASKA. 

For fifteen years sentiment against the saloon has been intensifying 
as a result of agitation and legislation. Out of the 90 counties of the 
state 21 are now dry, 13 have one wet town each, and 4 have two each. 
There are approximately 1,000 towns in the state. Of this number, 150 
are merely post-offices and stations. Of the remaining towns, 450 are 
without saloons. In the city of Lincoln saloons are not allowed to sell 
after 7 o'clock in the evening, nor before 7 o'clock in the morning. 

In 1890 a constitutional prohibitory amendment was adopted by 
popular vote, but by treachery and chicanery the liquor forces defeated it. 

A campaign for a county option law is in progress, with promising 
prospects of success. It seems very probable that Nebraska will soon be 
numbered in the list of prohibition states. 



NEVADA. 

Nevada has the unenviable distinction of having a larger number 
of liquor dealers in proportion to population than any other state or ter- 
ritory in the United States. Many of the mining camps have more saloons 
than all other places of business combined. Nevada has a license system 
for saloons and gambling. Towns in the state are all wide open. There 
is no Prohibition party in the state, because election laws require ten per 
cent, of the voters to sign a petition in order to ^et a place on the official 





Z be 

s s 



N CO 



CO 




SI* 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 281 

ballot. It is thus far impossible to secure the requisite number. Many 
men come to Nevada to exploit the mines, and expect to go elsewhere to 
live when they have accumulated sufficient wealth. Of course, such men do 
not have as much interest in the moral condition of the state as permanent 
residents. However, thoughtful cicizens who see what other states are 
doing contemplate the possibility of some legislative action. A resident 
of the state suggests that a Prohibition party would be a good thing to 
gain and hold the balance of power. 

The W. C. T. U. maintains an organization in the state, and the Anti- 
Saloon League has a superintendent for Nevada, Wyoming and Utah 
combined. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

For nearly fifty years this state was under the prohibition policy, 
until the legislature of 1903 passed a law, known variously as the "local 
option" law, and the "license" law, by which it was made legal to sell 
liquor in any town or city which should vote for license. 

There was strong opposition to the enactment of this law, but, de- 
spite it all, a legislature strongly Republican enacted the law, and the 
Republican Governor gave it his approval. Prior to this legislation, some 
of the cities and larger towns had been very lax in the enforcement of the 
prohibitory law. 

At a special election held in the spring of 1903 57 towns and 11 cities 
voted for license, the total popular majority for license being 7,700, only 
two of the ten counties returning a majority against license. 

In 1904 the towns again voted upon the question, and 45 towns voted 
for license and 177 against. The cities continued for another two years 
under the license policy. 

In 1906 the whole state again voted on the license question, and 42 
towns and 5 cities voted for license, while 182 towns and 6 cities voted 
against, making, in the aggregate, a popular majority of 513 in favor 
of license in the whole state, only three of the ten counties giving a license 
majority. 

A slight study of the situation as revealed by these election results 
shows that the tendency of the voters since the first election has been stead- 
ily toward no-license. 

The people have found that the effect of license has been steadily to 
increase drinking and drunkenness, and all the disorder that usually ac- 
companies the saloon. The old prohibitory law has never been repealed. 
Its provisions are simply suspended in those towns and cities that vote 
for license. The temperance sentiment is growing in favor of the repeal 
of the license law, which would then leave the state under a good prohi- 



282 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

bition law, with greater stringency than it possessed before the passage 
of the license law. 

The Anti-Saloon League has decided that the license law must be 
repealed; the Prohibition party demands the same action and is working 
to that end ; the W. C. T. U., and probably every other temperance organ- 
ization in the state, demand its repeal. The religious organizations heart- 
ily favor the same action. 



NEW JERSEY. 

New Jersey is a license state. The law provides for a minimum fee 
of $100 in townships and in places of less than 3,000 people; $150 in 
townships of between 3,000 and 10,000, and $250 in townships of over 
10,000. But any town may impose an additional tax by direct local vote. 

The state has no local option law and none of the counties are dry. 
Ocean Grove, famous as the Methodist Camp Meeting Grounds, is, of course, 
free from saloons and so are the towns of Vineland, Millville and Bridge- 
ton, in Cumberland County. These are the only municipalities of any 
size free from saloons. The number of smaller municipalities that are drv 
is variously estimated. 

There is a Sunday closing law. During August, 1908, the Governor 
threatened to call out the militia to close the notorious resorts at Atlantic 
City on Sunday. But the proprietors surrendered, and the saloons and 
gambling places for the first time during the season were closed on Sunday. 
An agitation for a county option law has been started and the anti-liquor 
forces are cooperating to secure its passage. 



t 





%0 








CHAPTER XXIV. 

SYMPHONY OF THE STATES— CONTINUED. 

NEW MEXICO. 

|EW MEXICO is practically a license state. The statute books 
show little restrictive legislation. The only notable excep- 
tion is an old law which forbids the issuing of licenses in 
any but incorporated cities and towns, or in villages of less 
than 100 population. The license fee is from $100 to $400, 
according to the location, but an incoporated city or town may require 
any additional license tax which the council may see fit to impose. The 
license thus exacted in some of the towns is as high as $2,400. 

In a few cases the town councils have passed ordinances prohibiting 
the granting of licenses, but the greater number of municipalities are 
governed in the interests of the saloon. The anti-liquor forces are agi- 
tating for a local option law and other restrictive legislation. 



NEW YORK. 

Note. — New York being the most important of the northern states , 
and presenting conditions that are or have been repeated in the other 
states of that section, the situation as reported by representatives of the 
Woman y s Christian Temperance Union, the Anti-Saloon League ■, the Pro- 
hibition Party and other organizations is given at some length. — G. M. H. 

Under the provisions of the Raines law, adopted in 1896, an excise 
commissioner, appointed by the Governor with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, has control of the liquor trade. The term of the commissioner 
under this law is five years, and he appoints his own administration staff. 
Under the provisions of the law, townships only are given the right of 
local option. 

About 315 townships, with an aggregate population approximating 
600,000 persons, are dry, and 296 others, with a population of 500,000, 
are under partial license. The remaining townships of the state, 322, 
comprising a population of about 1,200,000, together with all the cities, 
are wet. 

The license fee in any city with a population of 1,500,000 or more 
is $1,200. In any city with a population of 500,000 to 1,500,000, $975. 

283 



284 • TEE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

In cities and towns from 50,000 to 500,000, $750; 10,000 to 50,000, 
$525; 5,000 to 10,000, $450; in cities, towns and villages of from 1,200 
to 5,000, $300; in all places with a population of less than 1,200, $150. 
The form of local option under the Raines law provides for the sub- 
mission of four questions: 

1. Whether the sale of liquor to be drunk on the premises should 
be permitted. 

2. Whether the sale of liquor not to be drunk on the premises should 
be permitted. 

3. Whether the sale of liquor in a drug store, under a prescription 
from a physician, should be permitted. 

4. Whether the sale of liquor in connection with a hotel should be 
permitted. 

There are in New York State at this time 243 breweries, 35 distil- 
leries, and about 30,000 holders of liquor tax certificates, or, upon the 
average, one to every 300 people, and one to every 60 voters in the state. 

In 1858 the constitutional prohibition idea as it is now understood, 
was definitely broached, and then the necessity of including the manufac- 
ture as well as the sale of liquors seems not to have been perceived. In 
that year William H. Armstrong, Grand Worthy Patriarch of the Grand 
Division of Sons of Temperance of Eastern New York, proposed and 
discussed the plan. In 1857 he secured a unanimous endorsement from 
the Grand Division, which was renewed at three subsequent sessions. Mr. 
Armstrong printed in the New York Witness for May 29, 1858, a very 
thorough article defining the new program, suggesting that an amend- 
ment worded as follows be added to the Constitution of the State of New 
York: 

"The sale of intoxicating liquors shall not be licensed or allowed in 
this state excepting for chemical, medicinal, or manufacturing purposes, 
and then only under restrictive regulations to be made by the legislature. 
It shall be the duty of the legislature to prescribe proper penalties for the 
sale of liquors in violation of this provision, such liquors being hereby 
declared a common nuisance and liable to confiscation." 

Although some temperance organizations joined with the Sons of 
Temperance of Eastern New York in favoring constitutional prohibition, 
no practical steps were taken until the legislative session of I860, when 
the following joint resolution was introduced into the New York Senate 
(see the New York Tribune for April 9, 1860) : 

"Resolved (if the Assembly concur), That the Constitution of the 
State be amended as follows: 

" 'The sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage is hereby prohibited, 
and no law shall be enacted or be in force after the adoption of this Amend- 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATUS. 285 

ment to authorize such sale, and the Legislature shall by law prescribe 
the necessary fines and penalties for any violation of this provision.' 

"Resolved (if the Assembly concur), That the foregoing amendment 
be referred to the Legislature, to be chosen at the general election of 
Senators, and that, in conformity to Section 1 of Article 13 of the Con- 
stitution, it be published for three months previous to the time of such 
election." 

The Senate approved this joint resolution on the 13th of March, 
1860, by a vote of 30 yeas (29 Republicans and one Democrat) to 6 nays 
(all Democrats), and the Assembly concurred on April 5, 1861, by 69 
yeas to 33 nays. The endorsement of the next Legislature was required 
before the proposed amendment could go to the people; but the exciting 
events of the Civil War caused the abandonment of the plan. 

The Woman's Crusade movement probably originated at Fredonia, 
this state. There is record that the women of that town moved against 
the saloons for eight days before the women of Hillsboro, Ohio, inaugu- 
rated their campaign of prayer and of appeal to the saloon-keepers. 

The State Woman's Christian Temperance Union was organized Oc- 
tober 14, 1874, and from that day to this has been one of the most effective 
factors in the political life of the commonwealth. Through the efforts 
of the Union — 

Scientific temperance instruction has been introduced in the public 
schools. 

A law prohibiting the giving or sale of cigarettes to boys under six- 
teen years of age has been secured. 

A law raising age of protection for girls from 12 to 16 and then to 
18 years has been enacted. 

A successful protest against the introduction of the English bar- 
maid system has been embodied in legislation. 

A successful demand for the enforcement of the law which prevents 
society women from serving intoxicating liquors at the Langtry tea, in 
New York City. 

Indecent, vile, and immoral shows at state and county fairs have been 
prohibited. 

Curfew laws through ordinances have been enacted in at least seventy- 
five villages and cities. 

A bill giving tax-paying women the right to vote in towns and vil- 
lages on propositions submitted to taxpayers has been secured. 

A drinking fountain was erected on the Pan-American grounds. 

The Union maintains the Mary Towne Burt free bed in the National 
Temperance Hospital in Chicago. 

The Union assisted in securing the passage of the Anti-Canteen Law 



286 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

in Congress, and also the state law prohibiting the sale of liquor on state 
and county fair grounds. 

The repeal of the Horton law which legalized prize fighting was due, 
in part at least, to the Union's influence. 

Legislation looking to legal opening of the saloons of New York 
City on Sunday has been successfully prevented. 

The Union assisted in securing the passage of the bill prohibiting 
the sale of intoxicants in government buildings and at Ellis Island, added 
its protest to that of other women's organizations which resulted in the 
unseating of Brigham Roberts, representative in Congress from Utah, 
and in the effort to secure an amendment to the federal constitution that 
shall prohibit polygamy. The Legislature of the State of New York was 
the first to adopt a resolution to that effect. 

In 1900 the Union had a bill drawn up and presented to the Legis- 
lature to provide for local option in cities. Every year since then a similar 
bill, with some changes and modifications, has been introduced through 
the efforts of the Anti-Saloon League. In the effort to secure its passage 
the Union has heartily co-operated. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

The state adopted a prohibitory law in May, 1908, by a majority 
of 44,000 in a total vote of 292,669. Five years earlier, in 1903, the 
Watts bill was passed, by which prohibition was given to the rural districts, 
and a local option election was granted to municipalities upon petition of 
one-third of the voters. Under the operation of this law 68 counties 
adopted no-license, and only 30 favored the saloon. Nine-tenths of the 
state was under prohibitory law before the vote of 1908. There was no 
saloon outside of an incorporated town. Governor Glenn led the fight 
for statutory prohibition. He declared: 

"The last bridge is burned behind me, and I stand squarely with the 
great temperance forces to drive out this hideous monster from our fair 
state. A man must take a square and unmistakable stand for the right or 
for the wrong, for righteousness or for evil, for happiness or for misery, 
for justice or for oppression. As for me, I am heart and soul against the 
liquor traffic. 

"But some one says money derived from the liquor business is neces- 
sary to run the schools. I say it is not. The schools do not depend on 
blood-money. Wipe out the liquor business and, if necessary, the state 
can well afford to increase the tax on property to sustain the schools and 
save the boys and girls of this land. 

"You have all heard the old cry that prohibition will not prohibit ; 
blind-tigers and all forms of unlawful sale will flourish. Prohibition can 
be enforced as effectivelv as other laws are. Let the officers of the law. 









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SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 287 

backed up by the moral sense of the community and the cooperation of 
good citizens, do their duty; let the men who break the law be sentenced 
to the roads, and let no government grant them a pardon, and you will 
have prohibition in full force." 



NOETH DAKOTA. 

North Dakota was admitted as a state in 1889 with a constitutional 
prohibitory provision. The state, largely settled by men with little capi- 
tal, has obtained a degree of prosperity under prohibition which is little 
short of marvelous, when the shortness of time and other circumstances 
are considered. The United States census report shows that North Dakota 
has the greatest wealth per capita of any state in the Union. Farm earn- 
ings per capita are the greatest in the nation. The state has a $100 per 
capita in savings banks, second only to Maine, six times the amount per 
capita in the savings banks of the great state of Pennsylvania, seven times 
that of Illinois, and ten times that of Ohio. Population has increased 
seventy-five per cent, in ten years. 

Public sentiment would not re-admit saloons under any conditions, and 
prohibitory requirements are more and more strictly enforced. John 
Burke, Governor, writes: 

"We have had prohibition so long in North Dakota that in some coun- 
ties there are no jails. There is not much crime in the state." 



OHIO. 

On February %% 1872, the first national nominating convention of 
the Prohibition Party was held at Columbus, Ohio. 

In December, 1873, the Woman's Crusade sprung into public notice 
at Hillsboro, Ohio. 

On November 17, 1874, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
was organized at Cleveland, Ohio. 

On June 4, 1893, the Anti-Saloon League was organized at Oberlin, 
Ohio. 

While the State of Ohio thus has the distinction of having been the 
scene of the inauguration of these great anti-liquor organizations and 
demonstrations, yet the state has also had an unenviable notoriety for its 
truckling to the liquor trade, its connivance at the violation of its consti- 
tutional provision against the traffic, and its industrial and political sub- 
serviency to liquor behests. There is hardly any phase of the pro and con 
of the liquor question that has not had its illustration in the state. 

In 1851 the licensing of the retail trade in liquor was specifically 
prohibited by a clause of the Constitution of the State. But, by subter- 



288 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

fuge, the General Assembly long ago established what is practically a 
license system by the passage of the so-called "tax" law. In 1883, by a 
popular majority of more than 82,000, the voters of the state adopted an 
amendment to the constitution, reading — 

"The manufacture of and the traffic in intoxicating liquors, to be 
used as a beverage, are forever prohibited; and the General Assembly 
shall provide by law for the enforcement of this provision." 

At the same election another proposed amendment conferring upon 
the General Assembly the power to regulate the traffic in intoxicating 
liquors was voted down by a majority of over 92,000. 

Yet by various legal technicalities and court influences resorted to 
by the liquor interests, the people of Ohio again were robbed of the fruits 
of their victory. But the moral sentiment has continued. In no other 
state perhaps have the pro-liquor and the anti-liquor forces been more 
fiercely arrayed against each other. Gradually victory is being won by 
the anti-liquor forces. 

In 1888 a township local option law was passed, and in 1902 another 
law giving local option to cities and villages, as a whole, was adopted, 
and in 1906 still another law giving local option to residential districts 
in cities was secured, and in 1908 a new residence local option law was 
adopted, providing that saloons may be wiped out by petition instead of 
by election. 

Under these laws 500 villages and cities grant no license, while 1,155 
out of 1,371 townships are "dry." About 68 per cent, of the territory 
in the state is without a saloon. City residence districts, with an aggre- 
gate population of 425,000, are free from the saloon under the Jones law. 

At the last session of the legislature a county local option law was 
passed, which went into effect September 1, 1908. Andrew L. Harris, 
Governor, said: 

"You believed that slavery was a crime. There are other reforms, 
such as the question of temperance. I believe today that the sentiment of 
the nation is of such a character that there is but one feeling in either of 
the great political parties of this country, and that is that there should be 
restrictive laws, at least in regard to temperance; that public sentiment 
is reaching such a point when such a thing as laws permitting the dealing 
in intoxicating liquors will not be known upon our statute books. We may 
differ as to progress and methods, but I believe there is in every section a 
sentiment in favor of temperance, and in favor of stopping the evils re- 
sulting from the sale of intoxicating liquors." 



Addendum. — There are 88 counties in Ohio. When the county 
option law went into effect, September 1, 1908, five counties were already 






SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 289 

dry through township and municipal option. Since September 1, and up 
to November 24, 1908, 49 counties have voted dry and 7 wet under the 
new law, and 1,658 saloons (seven miles frontage) have been closed. In 
the 49 dry counties the average majority was 1,214, while the average 
wet majority in the other 7 counties was 518. Elections are pending 
in other counties. The indications are that all but the few counties con- 
taining the larger cities will soon be dry. 

Through the efforts of the liquor forces Governor Harris was de- 
feated for re-election. Curiously enough, some of the counties which gave 
majorities against Harris have now given dry majorities. This seems to 
indicate that some of the personal liberty advocates, after all, do not 
want saloons next door to themselves. 

Public sentiment has become so aroused that it will not be surprising 
if a state-wide movement for constitutional or statutory prohibition fol- 
lows. Undoubtedly Ohio would give a decided popular majority for pro- 
hibition. 



OKLAHOMA. 

On a certain day in the summer of 1908 some of the state officials of 
Oklahoma were seen emptying bottle after bottle, keg after keg, barrel 
after barrel of beers of various brews, wines of many kinds and whiskies 
of different brands, into a wooden trough that carried the liquor into a 
sewer. The different liquors mixed in the trough ilowed harmoniously 
into the man-hole. 

What was the meaning of this "destruction of property"? The peo- 
ple had brought their commonwealth into the Union under a constitution 
absolutely prohibiting the manufacture, sale, barter, giving away, or 
otherwise furnishing, except for medicinal and industrial purposes, of 
intoxicating liquors within the state. Regardless of the constitution and 
the laws adopted under it, the liquor trade had persisted in its efforts to 
distribute its contraband goods in the state. The liquors destroyed on 
this day had been confiscated throughout the state and shipped to the 
headquarters in Guthrie. All of it had been examined and found to be 
below the state's standard for medicinal purposes, and under the pro- 
visions of the law it must bo destroyed. Altogether on that one day 
80,000 pint bottles and 25 kegs of beer were emptied, as were several 
dozens of cases of whiskies, wines, etc. 

The liquor dealers will testify that "prohibition docs prohibit" in 
Oklahoma. 

As Oklahoma also includes what was formerly known as Indian Tcr- 



390 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ritory, and the 6tate includes a large Indian population, a brief account 
of the adoption of prohibition is interesting. 

Indian Territory had been under the most rigid prohibitory laws 
enforced by the United States Government from the beginning of its 
jurisdiction. All Indian treaties bound the United States to enforce the 
provision against the sale of intoxicating liquors incorporated in these va- 
rious contracts. When the tribal government ended, the enabling act pro- 
viding for the erection of the State of Oklahoma included prohibition as 
one of the conditions. Immediately upon the inauguration of statehood an 
effort was made both in Indian Territory and Oklahoma to make prohibi- 
tion state-wide. Under the local option laws of Oklahoma enacted by the 
territorial government, many saloons had been introduced. In the election 
for the adoption of the state constitution a majority of more than 18,000 
electors declared in favor of prohibition. The people had so thoroughly 
canvassed all aspects of the case that the new commonwealth begins its 
history under a regime which assures its freedom from the evils so ap- 
parent in states where the dram-shops exist. The first state legislature 
has enacted a suitable code of enforcement laws and the constitutional 
provision is being well deserved. C. N. Haskell, Governor, says: 

"Prohibition is argued as being an infringement on personal liberties. 
Is there a single law in the broad length of our land that would permit 
any man to commit suicide? If the kisses of the wife and the clinging 
embraces of your babies are to be conducive to happiness, then begin there 
in your search for pleasure. Is the promotion of such pleasures as that 
an infringement on personal liberties? 

"They say: 'Oh, don't destroy the progress and prosperity of our 
town.' Not for a minute does the existence of a saloon assist the substantial 
prosperity of any town. You said in your constitution that the governor 
shall be charged in his oath to enforce its provisions, and by the Heavens 
eternal, you've elected one who will see that they are enforced." 



OREGON. 

The State of Oregon has one of the best local option laws in the coun- 
try, passed by the people under the initiative amendment to the consti- 
tution in 1904, the majority for the adoption of the law being about 1,600. 
In the spring of 1906 the brewers and liquor dealers of the state sub- 
mitted to the people under the initiative an amendment to this law which, 
had it been adopted, would have killed the measure. After two years' 
experience under the old law the people of Oregon rejected the amend- 
ment and sustained the law by an increased majority of almost 10,000. 







MRS HESTER T. GRIFFITH, 
President, Southern California W. C. T. U. 




MRS. MARY C. SAM PSON, 
Corresponding Secretary, Southern Californi 

w. c T. c 



MRS. S \\. PLIMPTON, 
Treasurer, Southern California \Y. C. I. (J. 

MRS M\m ALDERMAN GARBUTT, MRS. CHARITY WAY, 

treasurer of remple, \V. C. T. U., Los Recording Secretary, Southern California 

\ngeles, California. W. C. T. C. 



- 



SYMPHOOT OF THE STATES. 2S1 

Eight entire counties of Oregon are dry. Seventy precincts in other coun- 
ties are dry, and five college towns in the state do not have a single saloon. 
In the local option contests during the spring of 1908 the anti-saloon 
forces won victories in favor of local option. Of the 33 large counties 
21 voted dry, thus excluding the saloon from more than two-thirds of the 
state's area. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Pennsylvania and New Jersey are the only states east of the Rocky 
Mountains having no prohibition or local option law. A local option bill 
was introduced in the legislature of 1907-1908, but was defeated by a 
small majority. The question was again submitted at the primary elec- 
tions in April, 1908, and candidates were asked to pledge themselves to 
vote for a local option bill. The local option question will come before 
the next session of the legislature. 

The Brooks High License law gives local judges the power of grant- 
ing licenses. The people have the privilege of remonstrating and proving 
violations of the law against an applicant for license, but results depend 
upon the personal attitude of the judge. A bond of $2,000 is required 
from each licensee. Applicants must have signatures of twelve reputable 
electors of ward, borough, or township. The license tax in cities of the 
first and second class is $1,100; third class, $550. In all other classes, 
$350: in boroughs, $200; in townships, $125. The operation of the law 
in very many cases is a tragical farce, and the anti-liquor forces are com- 
bining to secure local option. 

Green County has no saloons, and there are many towns that never 
have had one. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

A prohibitory law was passed in 1852, and was re-enacted in 1853 to 
overcome the effect of a decision of the United States Court. The ques- 
tion of its repeal was submitted to the next election and resulted in retain- 
ing the law. This law provided for what has since been known as the 
''dispensary system." In 1863 the law was repealed, and a license law 
enacted in its stead. Another prohibitory law was passed in 1874, but 

repealed in 1875, when the former license law with sonic modifications 
was re-enacted. 

In 1884 a prohibitory amendment to the constitution was adopted. 
The liquor interests secured the appointment of one of their tools as the 
chief of the state police, whose duty it was to enforce the law. Such scan- 
dal and confusion arose in consequence that, in 1889, a large majoritj 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

voted to repeal prohibition, and a license system, with local option features, 
was adopted. 

The license fees run from $300 to $1,000 for retailers, and from $700 
to SI, 500 for wholesalers. Under the local option features 16 of the 88 
cities and towns have no saloons. These 16 towns include 8 per cent, of 
the entire population of the state. 

SOUTH CABOLINA. 

For years after the Civil War South Carolina was cursed with the 
open saloon, winch was to be found everywhere, even at the cross-roads 
and grocery stores throughout the state. So much of vice and crime and 
misery resulted that a sentiment against the open traffic was aroused and 
rapidly crystallized. A law was secured under which the saloon was driven 
from the rural districts and was confined to the incorporated towns and 
cities, where it would be under police regulation. The time soon came when 
the towns and cities began to ask for relief, and, under a system of local 
option, a number of these corporations banished the saloon. 

In 1892 the famous "Dispensary Law" was enacted. A state liquor 
dispensary was established at the capital city, Columbia, from which 
county dispensaries were supplied with liquor to be retailed to the people. 
This system led to such serious abuses that in 1907 the dispensary law 
was repealed, and a bill adopted granting to communities local option as 
to dispensaries or prohibition. Of the 41 counties 23 now have dispen- 
saries and 18 are dry. Fifty per cent, of the territory of the state is dry. 

A vigorous campaign for state- wide prohibition is now under way. 

SOUTH DAKOTA. 

South Dakota entered the Union as a prohibition state. An amend- 
ment to the prohibitory law, however, has been passed, which provides for 
its nullification by a majority vote of a municipality at an annual elec- 
tion. In order to maintain saloons in any community tins vote must be 
taken each year, and, unless the vote is taken, or a majority of the voters 
decide otherwise when the vote is taken, the prohibition feature remains in 
effect. Of the 64 counties in the state 13 are dry ; and of the 136 towns 
and cities 42 are without saloons. 

The license fee, provided in communities where the saloons are in- 
stalled by a majority vote cf the citizens, is $1,000, $400 of which goes 
to the county and $600 to the municipality. There are 547 licensed sa- 
loons in the state, and about 1,500 places that have federal tax receipts 
or certificates winch renders them immune from federal punishment. 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 293 

County option is now the issue. Two years ago a county option bill 
was defeated in the legislature, but an appeal was made to the people 
under the referendum clause of the constitution. 

It is interesting to note that the campaign now in progress turns 
not so much upon the rightfulness or wrongfulness of the saloon, as upon 
the privilege of the American voter to determine for himself by a majority 
vote as to what he wants. This illustrates the strength of the argument 
for the initiative and referendum,* 



TENNESSEE. 

At the close of the Civil War one of the first plans of hundreds of 
the men of the state for retrieving their fallen fortunes was by making 
and selling liquor. Small distilleries were established all over the state, 
and at every cross-road settlement liquor was retailed. Naturally, crowds 
of dissolute men congregated at such places, and children going to and 
from school were exposed to danger. It was necessary, as early as 1865, 
to adopt laws forbidding the sale of liquor near school-houses. These 
were special acts applying to particular schools, and many such were 
adopted. 

In 1870 the constitution was revised, and such special laws pro- 
hibited. In 1877 a law was passed forbidding the sale of liquor within 
four miles of any incorporated school outside of incorporated towns. The 
result was that small towns surrendered their charters and incorporated 
their schools. Little log cabins in remote country places were incorporated. 

Ten years later, in 1887, the four-mile law was so amended as to 
include all schools, public or private, incorporated or unincorporated. In 
1899 the law was amended so as to apply to incorporated towns of 2,000 
inhabitants and under. Such towns then re-incorporated — of course, with- 
out the 6aloon. In 1903 the law was amended to include towns running 
up to 5,000 inhabitants. In 1907 it was amended to include all towns in 
the state. When this last amendment was passed liquor had been abolished 
in all the towns of the state excepting 12. After the passage of this law 
the saloon was outlawed in all the towns excepting 4 — Nashville, Chatta- 
nooga, Memphis and LaFollette. 

Early in 1908 a movement in favor of state- wide prohibition was 
inaugurated. This question became involved in the canvass of the two 
Democratic candidates for the governorship, with the result that the tem- 
perance vote was divided, and state prohibition apparently failed. A cam- 
paign was then immediately started to elect legislators who will favor 

• By a majority of 1,000 this measure failed to receive the endorsement of 
the people at the election in November, 1D08. — G. M. H. 



294 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

state- wide prohibition, resulting, November 3, 1908, in the election of safe 
prohibition majorities in both the House and the Senate. 



TEXAS. 
By Rev. B. F. Riley, Superintendent Anti-Saloon League. 

From the foundation of Anglo-Saxon supremacy in Texas there 
has been a conflict with the liquor traffic. More than seventy years ago 
deliverances were made in church assemblies against it, and sermons were 
preached in opposition to the saloon. 

After the Civil War conditions became such as to make it a matter 
of necessity to stem the tide of demoralization. As a life-long friend of 
the negro, I desire to say that he has a natural thirst for strong drink. 
Restrained from its use during his bondage, he became its easy victim 
after his emancipation. Corrupt politics in the South was coupled with 
the saloon in compassing the depression and demoralization of the great 
black race. 

But the saloon was not confined to the negro in its ravages of demor- 
alization and ruin. Mexicans and Anglo-Saxons were equally its victims. 
By 1887 the inroad on society was so serious that there was an upheaval 
of public sentiment in favor of state-wide prohibition. Sufficient force 
was brought to bear on the legislature of that year to compel the sub- 
mission of the question to the people relative to a prohibitory amendment 
to the constitution. 

The result of this contest was a defeat of the measure by more than 
90,000. It is a matter of history that Ex-Governor Lubbock, the chief 
representative of the liquor men, procured a letter from Jefferson Davis 
just prior to the election, in which letter Mr. Davis advised against state 
prohibition as a curtailment of personal liberty. This served to win many 
votes in favor of the saloon. 

At that time the election law of Texas was exceedingly lax, of which 
fact the liquor men took advantage, and in the crowded centers had thou- 
sands of repeaters on election day. In addition to this they imported 
thousands of Mexicans across the border and voted them, together with 
other thousands of negro women whom they dressed in the garb of men. 
If a fair election could have been held, prohibition would have begun in 
Texas twenty-one years ago. 

It is worthy of comment and reflection just here that every public 
and prominent man who engaged in behalf of liquor during that contest, 
in 1887, afterwards was relegated by the people to oblivion. Both United 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 295 

States Senators, Roger Q. Mills and Richard Coke, passed forever from 
public view. 

The result of the election aroused interest afresh in the hearts of 
the people, and they forced the legislature to give the best local option 
law perhaps in existence. At that time there were only three dry coun- 
ties in the state. As the result of local option we have now 156 dry 
counties, 77 partly dry and for the most part dry, and only 25 wet 
counties. 

Local option proved to be both too local and too optional, and the 
liquor men began rapidly to ignore and defy public sentiment by every 
possible species of lawlessness. Liquors were smuggled in, officers were 
controlled in the non-enforcement of the law, and in a number of counties 
it was made of no effect. The local option law provides for a possible elec- 
tion every two years, on application of 250 signers of a petition. As a 
result of the demoralization nine counties were won back to the liquor 
traffic, but, within the same period, fifteen others were carried for prohi- 
bition, giving the result just stated. 

In June, 1907, the Anti-Saloon League began work in the state. 
The presence of a state-wide organization which proposed the extirpa- 
tion of liquor and the full enforcement of the laws, quickened and stif- 
fened public confidence at once. Illustrations of its ability to bring about 
the enforcement of the law made the Anti-Saloon League at once a popu- 
lar institution, and public confidence grew rapidly. 

In January, 1908, there was a spontaneous demand for a mass meet- 
ing of the prohibitionists of the state, the result of which was a general 
movement looking to state-wide prohibiton. After a thorough discussion 
of the matter, it was resolved to avail ourselves of the provision for such 
action in the election law of the state. That law provides that on appli- 
cation by petition of one-tenth of the voters to the Democratic executive 
committee for the submission of any measure to a primary referendum 
on the part of the party thus petitioning, it shall be thus submitted, the 
result of which primary shall determine whether it be made a platform 
demand or not. 

There being practically but one party in Texas, that of the Democ- 
racy, the condition was complied with, and the names of many more than 
one-tenth of the voters were presented. In order to circumvent this action 
and to confuse the public thought, the liquor men, through their attor- 
neys, presented at the same time a larger petition in behalf of local option, 
although local option was already grounded in the constitution. They 
were prompted to this action by the following reasons : 

First — They recognized the utter impossibility of success in case of 
a square issue between liquor and prohibition. 



296 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Second — Local option is a cherished principle to the people, and the 
liquor men realize that it would be better to retain that than to lose all, and 
they hoped sufficiently to disguise the fact that it was already constitu- 
tional from a sufficient number to cause submission to be defeated. 

Third — If the majority should declare in favor of local option as 
against submission, that would have the effect of subduing public senti- 
ment. The executive committee, in compliance with the request of the 
liquor men, granted this concession. Thus the ticket was loaded with four 
propositions : One for submission ; another against submission ; still an- 
other for local option, and yet another against local option. The effect 
of this was very confusing, but the purposes of the liquor men were grad- 
ually exposed to the public, or at least sufficiently exposed to enable sub- 
mission to prevail with about 5,000 majority. Doubtless thousands were 
confused, or the majority would have been much greater. 

Beaten at the ballot-box, the attempt was made to nullify the result 
on a technicality. Every attempt was made to evoke an opinion of the 
attorney general favorable to the contention of the liquor advocates, but 
he declined to give such opinion. Then the contest was transferred to 
the Democratic executive committee, which committee declined to declare 
the result sought. 

This was followed by a contention on the floor of the Democratic 
state convention, in which the prohibitionists outnumbered the opposition 
two to one. The result of the entire contest was the following plank in 
the platform: 

"We demand the submission by the Thirty-first Legislature of the 
State of Texas of a constitutional amendment to the people of the State 
of Texas, for their adoption or rejection, prohibiting within the State of 
Texas the manufacture, sale, gift, exchange, and intra-shipment of spirit- 
uous, vinous, and malt liquors, and medical bitters capable of producing 
intoxication, except for medicinal and sacramental use." 

This was followed by the speech of Governor T. M. Campbell, who 
was, at this time, renominated to succeed himself. He said : 

"The platform of the Democratic party means something in Texas 
to-day. It is a covenant with the people of this state, and it will be re- 
deemed by those intrusted with power in this state. The duty of the Dem- 
ocratic party now, and the duty of the Democratic legislature, has been 
defined by this convention, and I pledge you that I will use every effort 
that legitimately belongs to the office of governor to the end that the 
platform demands adopted by this convention shall be carried out in letter 
and in spirit." 

This prohibition demand is the only one made in the platform. Mean- 
while the Texas Brewers' Association has appropriated $300,000 with 




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SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 297 

which to defeat prohibition, and announces that it will control the next 
legislature. Of the effects of prohibition Governor Campbell says: 

"About fifty of the totally dry counties, and many of the precincts 
in the others, have become so since 1903. The effect has been to greatly 
decrease the consumption of intoxicants and has greatly decreased the 
amount of crime." 

Texas is well equipped with anti-liquor forces. The W. C. T. U. 
is well organized, active, and influential, with an efficient colored branch. 
The churches and the colleges and schools of the state are unusually 
strong factors. 

UTAH. 

Utah is a license state. A campaign for county local option is now 
in progress. This has the endorsement of all the church organizations, 
including the Mormon church. Economic conditions in the Mormon com- 
munity are almost ideally perfect, and the influence of Mormonism is in 
itself hostile to the drink traffic. 

VERMONT. 

In 1904 there were 138 prohibition towns. In 1908, 216. The 
original prohibitory law of 1852 was repealed in 1902. Town local op- 
tion for prohibition or license was adopted. In March, 1908, 265,584 
of the people were living under prohibition. Only 77,047 were under 
license. The vote in the state has changed from 5,222 license majority, 
1903, to more than 9,000 no-license majority in 1908. In the first year 
of license in the saloon towns drunkenness increased 200 to 840 per cent. 
All the temperance forces of the state have combined in a campaign for 
the restoration of the prohibitory law of 1852. 



VIRGINIA. 

A local option law was passed in 1903. Under its operation 80 coun- 
ties have expelled saloons, 14 have saloons in only one place, and in 50 
counties no form of license is issued. Under the new liquor law all distil- 
leries as well as saloons have been removed from dry territory. Since 
1904, 1,500 drinking-places have been abolished. The spring campaign 
of 1908 closed up 375 saloons, distilleries, and social clubs. A movement 
for state-wide prohibition will soon be undertaken. 

WASHINGTON. 

Until within the past two years the wide-open policy has existed prac- 
tically all over the state. Councils in incorporated cities and towns, and the 



293 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



board of commissioners in counties, have the power to regulate or prohibit 
saloons. The license law provides for fees running from $300 to $1,000. 

The town of Pullman, forty-five square miles of residence section in 
the city of Seattle, and the Indian reservations, are the only dry territory. 
With half the population of the state living in cities, and with the liquor 
traffic wealthy and well entrenched and very active, the temperance forces 
have a hard struggle. A local option bill has been defeated in four suc- 
cessive sessions of the legislature. 

The anti-liquor organizations, however, are active, and growing 
stronger, and public sentiment is advancing so rapidly that it is believed 
a local option bill will be adopted at the next session of the legislature, 
and that within the next eighteen months at least half of the geographical 
area of the state will become dry territory. 



WEST VIRGINIA. 

The constitution authorizes county commissioners to grant or refuse 
liquor licenses. The legislature grants to councils of certain towns and 
cities the right to issue licenses. License fees run from $300 to $2,000. 

Out of the 55 counties 32 grant no licenses, 12 grant licenses in one 
town each, and 11 grant licenses wherever an application is made. 

There were 748 prisoners in the penitentiary in 1904. Of this num- 
ber, 106 came from the 32 no-license counties, 104 from the twelve one- 
town license counties, and 458 from the 11 wide-open license counties. 
From Fayette County (wide-open license), which has 3 per cent, of the 
population, came 159 — or 20 per cent, of the inmates of the penitentiary, 
53 more than from the 32 no-license counties. The criminal expenses of 
the no-license counties average 72 mills for each inhabitant. For Fayette 
County, 491 mills for each inhabitant, and for McDowell County (also 
wide-open license) 919 mills for each inhabitant. Hancock County, which 
has not had a saloon for sixty years, had not one cent of criminal expense 
for the year ending October 1, 1904. 

State prohibition was defeated at the last session of the legislature 
by a narrow margin, but the campaign is on anew, with the prospect that 
the next legislature will submit a constitutional amendment to the voters. 
Wm. M. O. Dawson, Governor, writes: 

"Do men talk of graft? It is the saloon that furnishes the scene and 
atmosphere where bribery is easy and secure from interference. Do men 
deplore the rule of corrupt political bosses? It is the saloon that rallies 
the mass of venal and unpatriotic voters who constitute the phalanx of 
the bosses' power. Has crime become rampant on the streets? The saloon 
is the refuge of the criminals. Dotes vice seek protection? The saloon 



SYMPHONY OF THE STATES. 299 

effects the arrangement with the policemen who are familiar with its dark 

secrets and comrades of its debased fraternity. Do gamblers wish to ply 

their demoralizing trade among the young? The saloon affords them not 

only the shield, but brings them the susceptible patronage of inexperienced 

youths. Is there a movement afoot for any measure of civic betterment? 

Its opponents foregather in the saloon, and if any chicanery can beat the 

better will of the majority, the fraud will be devised in the saloon. 

"These are no wild charges from crazed fanaticism, but a statement 

of conditions that can be demonstrated out of any year's history in any 

American municipality of importance. To emblazon this responsibilitv of 

the saloon so manifestly before the eyes of the public that it cannot escape 

the notice of any man who thinks at all or be ignored by any person who 

professes the slightest concern for a pure civic life, is the immediate next 

task of the saloon's enemies. And it is a task that should be discharged 

.... 
without rant or railing, but simply with calm resort to the inevitable logic 

of common experience in America." 



WISCONSIN. 

Wisconsin has a tax law, with a provision for city, township, and vil- 
lage local option. In 1907 an additional law was passed, providing for 
district option. The minimum state tax is $100 in rural districts, and $200 
elsewhere. By popular vote, at a special election, the former may be in- 
creased to from $350 to $500, and the latter to from $500 to $800. Elec- 
tions for this purpose however cannot be held oftener than once in three 
years. 

There is not a county in the state entirely dry, but, of the 1,454 
towns, villages, and cities, about 800 are dry under local option. County 
local option is the next step in the way of advance temperance legislation. 

WYOMING. 

License laws are in operation, and the state is practically wide open. 

The evil results of the traffic are so apparent, however, that a strong 
temperance sentiment exists, although far in advance of any present organ- 
ized effort. The anti-liquor forces are organizing, and progressive legis- 
lation against the liquor evil undoubtedly will soon be found upon the 
statute books. 




CHAPTER XXV. 

THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 

By C. W. Teickett, Assistant Attorney General, Kansas. 

Note. — No other event in the anti-liquor warfare has been more 
spectacular and significant than the attack upon the saloon forces in Kan- 
sas City, Kansas. This battle was initiated and carried to successful issue 
by C. W. Trickett, an attorney of Kansas City, appointed Special As- 
sistant Attorney General by Governor E. W. Hoch. In this chapter is 
given Mr. Trickett's own story of his successful campaign against the 
saloons of his city. — G. M. H. 

|R. TRICKETT'S remarkable achievement of closing two hun- 
dred and fifty-six saloons, two hundred gambling dens, and 
sixty houses of social evil, in Kansas City, Kansas, in the 
short space of thirty days, immediately attracted national 
attention to him. 
At the annual convention of the Kansas State Temperance Union, 
held at Topeka, Kansas, February 5, 1907, Governor E. W. Hoch, in 
delivering the address of welcome, said : 

"I shall be especially sorry that I shall not be able to stay to share 
with you the pleasure and profit which I am sure is in store for you, espe- 
cially in the address that is to be made to you to-night by the man, I was 
about to say, who has wrought a miracle in Kansas — Mr. Trickett, of 
Kansas City. I do not believe that as great a single achievement for tem- 
perance, for sobriety, for good government, for the home, for everything 
we hold dear, has ever been wrought in the state of Kansas, or in the 
Union, as great for all these interests, as has been wrought by Mr. Trickett 
and his associates in Kansas City." 

Commenting on the above, Mr. J. K. Codding, attorney for the 
Kansas State Temperance Union, says: 

"Subsequent events have verified the Governor's statement that the 
closing of the Kansas City, Kansas, saloons by Mr. Trickett was the most 
important forward step for state-wide prohibition of this generation. Not 
only has Mr. Trickett's work been important to the nation, but it came 
at an opportune time in the fight for law enforcement in Kansas, and from 
the day that he successfully closed the Kansas City, Kansas, saloons, the 

permanencv of the prohibitory law in Kansas was assured." 

300 




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THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 301 

In the following address, delivered by Mr. Trickett at the Chau- 
tauqua Assembly, Winfield, Kansas, Mr. Trickett gives his own account 
of his victory over the saloons and the beneficent results that have followed. 



Every thinking person has often asked himself the question, "What 
is Life?" and the answer which satisfies depends upon the point of view 
of the questioner. 

Many have attempted to answer the question, and the answer inva- 
riably reflects the speaker's point of view. For instance, one will say 
that life is a "gala day," while another describes it as "a vale of tears." 
One will say it is "a dream in the night," and another will define it as "the 
mist in the morning." One says "Let us eat, drink and be merry, for 
to-morrow we die," and another says, "Life is a great battle with con- 
stant engagements." 

Perhaps this last definition is the only one that will apply to universal 
mankind. The world is one great encampment, wherein each man and 
each woman is a soldier. We did not enter the service as volunteers, but 
each one is drafted. We were given no voice in the matter of enlistment, 
and no choice of place in the ranks. 

There is no end to the days of our service until we are mustered out 
by death. Neither the wealth of a Rockefeller, nor the power of the might- 
iest monarch can procure for us a substitute. 

No greater battle ever raged in the world than that now in progress 
between the friends and foes of a higher standard of civic righteousness 
in our municipalities. 

As I stand here to-day I am looking in the face of a battalion of 
the Great Commander's army. Some of you are going to be heroes in 
that engagement, and will receive badges of honor for service well done. 
Some of you will be deserters, and some will prove cowards and slip to the 
rear and out of sight. Some may even be traitors and go over to the 
enemy and fight under the black flag of wrong. Woe unto this state 
and nation if it contains many such sons, and woe unto that person who 
proves such a son. 

We naturally pause to ask, what is at stake in this engagement? Is 
this a skirmish or a general engagement? Is it epoch making — is it to 
be one of the great decisive battles in our national progress? 

I venture the assertion that this engagement is of the utmost impor- 
tance. That its result will determine whether a government of the people, 
by the people and for the people can long endure. 

Eighteen centuries ago we arc told that "When He beheld the city, 
He wept over it." And the world still weeps over its cities. When this 
government was founded, Thomas Jefferson declared cities to be "ulcers 



302 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

upon the body politic." But the situation is tenfold more alarming now 
than when Jefferson made the remark. At that time there were but two 
cities in this nation as large as Kansas City, Kansas, is to-day. 

It has been declared by our wisest statesmen that our most alarming 
situation is the gravitation of population to the city. We are nearing, 
if we have not already reached, the point where one half of the popula- 
tion of the country can be found in our cities. 

There is no problem more grave than that of rescuing our munici- 
palities from the corrupt and corrupting influences that are threatening 
our very civilization. 

The slightest investigation will convince any intelligent person that 
the American Saloon is the one great and corrupting influence of our 
city life. 

You would probably discount the statement of ministers and temper- 
ance orators as to the evils flowing from the use of intoxicating liquors, 
but you cannot question the judgment of our supreme court, before whom 
come the criminal cases of every county in the state, and who have actual 
knowledge of that which caused the crime. I read from the case of the 
State of Kansas vs. Crawford, 28 Kansas, 733 : 

"Probably no greater source of crime and sorrow has ever existed 
than social drinking saloons. Social drinking is the evil of evils. It has 
probably caused more drunkenness and has made more drunkards than all 
other causes combined, and drunkenness is a pernicious source of all kinds 
of crime and sorrow. It is a Pandora's box, sending forth innumerable 
ills and woes, shame and disgrace, indigence, poverty and want ; social 
happiness destroyed; domestic broils and bickerings engendered; social 
ties sundered ; homes made desolate : families scattered : heart rending 
partings ; sin, crime and untold sorrows ; not even hope left, but every- 
thing lost; and everlasting farewell to all true happiness and to all the 
nobler aspirations rightfully belonging to every true and virtuous human 
being." 

The Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Mugler 
vs. Kansas, 123 U. S. 205, says : 

"We cannot shut out of view the fact, within the knowledge of all, 
that the public health, the public morals and the public safety are endan- 
gered by the general use of intoxicating liquors ; nor the fact established 
bv statistics accessible to every one, that, the idleness, disorder, pauperism, 
and crime existing in the country are largely traceable to this evil." 

The Supreme Court of Indiana, in the case of Beebe vs. State, 6 Ind. 
542, says: 

"That drunkenness is an evil both to the individual and to the state 
all must admit. That its legitimate consequences are disease, and de- 
struction of mind and body, will also be granted. That it produces four- 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 305 

fifths to nine-tenths of all the crime committed is the united testimony of 
those judges, prison-keepers, sheriffs, and others engaged in the adminis- 
tration of the criminal law, who have investigated the subject. That 
taxation to meet the expenses of pauperism and crime, falls upon and is 
borne by the people, follows as a matter of course. That its tendency is 
to destroy the peace, safety and well being of the people, to secure which 
the first article in the Bill of Rights declares all free governments are insti- 
tuted, is too obvious to be denied." 

Bearing in mind these decisions, and the declaration of every supreme 
court in our Union, that the saloon is a menace to the health, happiness 
and morals of the community, listen to what the Supreme Court of the 
United States says : 

"No legislature can bargain away the public health, or the public 
morals. The people themselves cannot do it, much less their servants." 
Stone v. Miss. 101 U. S. 816. 

And again: "No legislature can bargain away the public morals 
or the public health, or the public peace." Phelan v. Va., 8 Howard 
163-168. 

In the light of this declaration by the highest court in our land, how 
can any legislature pass a law that is constitutional that licenses those 
dens which every court says are the prolific source of crime, and are de- 
structive of the morals, health, and happiness of the community? 

I presume there is no intelligent person who will defend the saloon 
upon moral grounds. We have passed that point in the discussion. The 
excuse given for the enactment of license laws is that prohibition does not 
prohibit; that high license is the better method of control; that liquor 
will be sold anyway, and that the city ought to derive a revenue from it 
to take care of the expense made upon the public by the traffic. 

Then again, they say prohibition may work in rural districts, but 
cannot be enforced in a large city; that dens of vice are necessary in a 
large city, and to wipe them out will destroy the prosperity of such city. 
These statements have been so frequently and persistently made by the 
friends of the liquor traffic, that a large number of good citizens have 
come to believe them. 

Temperance advocates have answered by saying if liquor will be 
sold anyway, it must be sold without our license — we will not be partners 
in the crime — we will not accept part of the blood-money. 

About a quarter of a century ago the people of this state said that 
they would not legalize a traffic which, as our Supreme Court says, pro- 
duces innumerable ills and woes, shame and disgrace, indigence, poverty 
and want. 

Twenty-five years ago we discovered a precious jewel, and we hid it 
away. It has been hid so long the world was denying we possessed it; 



304 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

bo it became necessary to polish it, and hold it forth to prove we owned it, 
as well as its great value. 

Kansas is to-day the experimental station of the world. In this State 
is to be determined and forever settled whether prohibition can be en- 
forced in large cities as well as in rural districts. Kansas proposes by 
actual experiment to demonstrate whether dens of vice are necessary for 
the prosperity of large cities. Peculiar circumstances caused the selection 
of Kansas City, Kansas, as the first experimental station. It was a city 
of nearly one hundred thousand inhabitants, and the metropolis of the 
state. It was a manufacturing city, and the home of the wage-earner. 
It had a large population of foreigners — the pauper labor of the old 
world. It possessed a larger number of undesirable citizens in proportion 
to its population than any other large city in this nation. Time and 
again has the slum broken forth like a volcano, burning property, wreck- 
ing trains and destroying lives. It is a city that elected by two thousand 
majority a mayor whose platform was "Damn the constitution and laws 
of the State of Kansas;" a city that was regarded throughout the world 
as the most law-defying community on earth — the Sodom of the age. 

Surely if prohibition could be enforced in such a city, it could be 
enforced in any other large city in the world. If such a city could get 
along and prosper without its dens of vice, surely any other large city 
might do likewise. If the closing of the saloons in such a city lessened 
crime, and elevated the morals of the community, then it would be a good 
thing for any other large city. These are the reasons why the people of 
Kansas, and of the nation have kept their eyes upon Kansas City for the 
past year. 

Eight days from to-day will be the anniversary of the closing of the 
last open saloon in Wyandotte County. It is a coincident that the anni- 
versary of the birth of the nation should be the day of the redemption 
of the metropolis of our state. July 4, 1906, was the first day since 
that county was settled that the inhabitants lived, moved, and had their 
being, without an open saloon. 

I am not here to-day to preach to you the beauties of temperance. 
I am here to read to you a chapter covering twelve months in the life of 
Kansas City, Kansas, and let those unvarnished facts present their own 
moral. I shall tell you how the saloons were closed, and what was the 
effect on business, crime, and morals, and leave you to your own conclu- 
sions. 

I was appointed Special Attorney General for Wyandotte County 
on June 8, 1906. At that time there were 256 open saloons, 200 gam- 
bling dens, and 60 houses of social evil. 

Of these saloons, 210 were in Kansas City, 22 in Argentine, 10 in 





ALFRED L. MANIERRE, 

Attorney. Prohibition Party Worker of 

New York. 



REV. C. J. C. SCHOLPP, 
Editor, "The Sentinel," Frewsburg, New York. 





WM. SCHALBER, 
C'ount\ Chairman, Prohibition Party 

ter, New York. 



Roch 



IK VNCIS E. BALDWIN, 

Ex-Chairman, New York Prohibition State 

Committee. 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS, 305 

Rosedale, and 14 in other localities. Thirty days later there was not a 
saloon in the county. It will be hard for you to realize that so many 
could be closed in such a short time, but when you have heard how it was 
done, you will wonder why it took so long. 

For two weeks no outward movement was made. The saloon-keepers 
were in high glee, and temperance people in sackcloth and ashes, each 
thinking nothing would be done. But during those two weeks scouts were 
sent into every joint in the county to gather evidence, and court records 
were examined to ascertain the condition of old suits. 

During the last five years something like fifty or sixty suits had been 
filed, but in no instance was the judgment entered of record. Wherever 
the petition was broad enough, a journal entry was prepared and re- 
corded providing for a "writ of abatement." 

The first public act was to issue these writs in four cases. Those 
were selected which contained costly fixtures, and located in different parts 
of the city, in the hope that, when the power of the law was demonstrated, 
the others would take the hint and quit. But no such result followed, and 
the business continued. The next day we issued writs in all remaining cases 
where judgment would permit, and there were publicly destroyed fixtures 
of the estimated value of $25,000. But even this did not cause a ripple, 
and the saloons continued business just the same. 

Having exhausted all cases where there were judgments, injunction 
suits were filed by the wholesale, and at the commencement of these suits 
the saloon-keeper and his bartenders, and the owners of the property, were 
enjoined from maintaining a place where intoxicating liquors were sold 
or kept for sale. This had not the slightest effect, and the saloon business 
continued just the same. The arresting of violators of these injunctions 
for contempt of court was the next move. Six bartenders were taken, 
one after another, from one saloon, and placed in the county jail, but 
that saloon continued business just the same with new bartenders, and 
the breweries boasted they could get new men as fast as the old ones were 
put in jail, and that they would be doing business when I was in my 
grave. It should be borne in mind that, as the rich breweries owned the 
saloons, they would pay the fines of the men arrested, continue their salary 
while they lay in jail, and put new men in their places behind the sa- 
loon bar. 

It was very evident that life was too short, to close the saloons by 
the contempt method. At this juncture, the situation looked gloomy in- 
deed. Some new plan had to be devised. Was it possible that in this 
enlightened clay a court of equity was powerless to compel obedience to 
its orders and decrees? I remembered that some three years pricr, mIuu 
the citizens of the sixth ward of our citv threatened to destrov « railroad 



306 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

bridge that was obstructing the flow of water in the Kansas river, an 
injunction was granted by Judge Pollock, of the Federal court, and then, 
upon an affidavit being filed that it was believed that the people would 
disregard and refuse obedience to his order of injunction, the said judge 
called the United States Marshal before him and commanded him to go 
and take possession of said bridge, and see to it that his order was obeyed. 
It seemed reasonable that if, upon the filing of an affidavit that it was be- 
lieved an order would not be respected, the court could take possession 
of the property to enforce obedience, then surely when the order was being 
openly and flagrantly disobeyed, the court could take possession so as to 
compel obedience. With this thought in view papers were prepared in 
ten test cases, and presented to the judge, and it was argued and urged 
that a court of equity had the right and power to do anything that was 
necessary to compel obedience to its orders ; that if necessary the court 
could place a receiver in charge, or order the premises locked up, or do 
anything else that might be necessary for the purpose of compelling re- 
spect for the order of injunction. The court after due and careful delib- 
eration sustained this contention, and the order of the court, after reciting 
the formal preliminaries, read as follows: 

"Now, therefore, said application is granted, and it is considered, or- 
dered, adjudged, and decreed, that the Sheriff of Wyandotte County, 
Kansas, be and is hereby directed to immediately proceed to said premises 
and see that the order of this court is literally obeyed, and if necessary 
place locks upon all doors to said premises, or place a custodian in charge 
thereof with instructions to see that the said order is obeyed, and bring 
before this court any person found violating said order." 

Armed with these writs, the sheriff and his deputies went post-haste 
in every direction, and, if there was no legitimate business being con- 
ducted in any saloon, the premises were left decorated with padlocks ; but 
if any legal business was being carried on in addition to the selling of 
liquor, for instance, such as barber shops, cigar stands or pool tables, 
then a custodian was placed in charge day and night to compel obedience 
to the court's order. 

After the granting of the first ten orders prepared, new and addi- 
tional ones were prepared as fast as possible, and within three days more 
than sixty buildings were padlocked. Then it began to dawn upon the 
breweries that costly fixtures were being locked up in these rooms to abide 
a day when final judgment would order the sheriff to take them forth 
and publicly destroy them; and the saloon-keepers caught the padlock 
fever and padlocked their own buildings, so that they might carry the 
key rather than the sheriff. Then for days and weeks traffic was suspended 
in our city because every dray and transfer wagon was pressed into ser- 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 307 

vice to haul all fixtures that were not locked up by the sheriff, out of the 
State of Kansas. I recall one day looking out of the window of my office 
seeing nine transfer wagons, one behind the other, all loaded to their ut- 
most with saloon fixtures, making a bee line for the state line. One who 
did not witness the sight cannot comprehend it. Every saloon contained 
from two to four wagon-loads, and when you remember that there were 
more than two hundred saloons, you can in a measure imagine why it took 
so many transfer teams. 

It had been said by some that new law, and new rules of procedure 
have been used in this contest. If it be true that it is new law, then 
we say it is good law. But we deny it is new law. The right of a court 
to take possession of property if necessary to enforce a court order, is 
as old as jurisprudence itself. There is no limit to the power of a court 
of equity. If an extraordinary situation arises, then an extraordinary 
remedy may be applied. If the time ever comes when a court cannot 
enforce its orders, then has civil government ended, and it is time for 
military occupation. The life and property of the citizen is secure just 
so long as courts have the power to enforce their decrees and orders, and 
no longer. 

After the saloons were closed, we were bothered by boot-legging. In 
the beginning this was largely by bartenders who had been thrown out of 
a job. The President of the Liberal League, thinking he must show his 
followers the way out, pulled the padlocks from his former place of busi- 
ness and opened up at the old stand. He was allowed to continue for two 
days in order to get evidence, and then arrested for contempt of court 
en five charges. He was tried and convicted on three, and given eighteen 
months in jail, fined £1,500 and costs, and required to give bond to obey 
the injunction in the future, and the other two charges are still pending 
for trial. His conviction and punishment put an end to any further at- 
tempt to run an open saloon. From that time on we have been bothered 
only with secret selling in back alleys, dark area-ways, and kindred places, 
but this is but a drop in the bucket compared with what it was. 

The publicity given to the closing of the saloons in our county has 
brought letters from all over the world, making inquiry. There is a 
marked contrast in the information requested. From foreign countries 
the inquiry is: "How does it affect the morals of the people; what effect 
did it have on crime?" The inquiry from the several states is universally: 
"What effect does it have on business?" 

I shall try to answer both of these questions. There are a number 

of good people in the world who believe it is impossible for a large city to 

- f without the saloon. Kansas City, Kansas, had its share of such 

people. When I was appointed, delegation after delegation visited my 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

office to protest against closing the saloons, because they said it would 
ruin business. There were bankers and merchants, real estate men and 
lumbermen, and in fact all classes and professions. The bankers said it 
would lessen deposits, and cause a tight money market. The merchant 
said it would cause the people to go to Kansas City, Missouri, to trade 
where they could get their drinks. The real estate man said it would 
decrease our population, render vacant many houses, cause rents and 
prices of real estate to fall, and otherwise ruin the town. The lumber- 
men said it would stop the progress of the town, and the erection of new 
buildings would cease. 

It is now twelve months since there was an open saloon in the county, 
and what is the result? Have any banks failed? Has the price of real 
estate declined? Are there vacant houses? Has work on new buildings 
stopped? Have taxes increased? Has our city ceased to grow, and are 
we losing in population? No man can truthfully say that any of the 
prophesied evils have happened. 

The bankers who said it would injure their banks have returned to 
admit their mistake, and now say it has helped them. The real estate 
man says rents are higher than ever before. The lumberman says so 
many new buildings are being erected that it almost impossible to supply 
the demand, and this in mid-winter. The taxpayer finds that it has put 
money into the public treasury instead of increasing taxes. The furni- 
ture dealer finds that he is selling more furniture than ever before. The 
shoe man reports likewise. Recently Mr. Newton, of the firm of Dengel 
& Newton, stated to me that one astonishing feature of the increase in 
their line was that it was largely in footwear for women and children. 
Why is it that when the saloons are closed the women and children buy 
more shoes? 

The timekeeper of one of the large packing-houses tells me that if 
' g saloons are kept closed, they could afford an increase in wages, be- 
cause of the increased efficiency of the men. Similar statements have been 
made to me by the superintendents and managers of other large institu- 
tions. I have personally talked with many of our business men, and almost 
without exception they report an improvement in business since the clos- 
ing of the saloons. There are some lines that unquestionably were injured. 
For instance, the ice man was injured. The proprietor of cur local plant 
said the closing of the saloons decreased his sales thirty tons a day. But 
he was patriotic enough to add that he hoped they would be kept closed 
even if he had to shut down his plant. I find that nearly every gent's 
furnishing goods establishment reports a loss of business, and that the 
same is true of the tailors. The reason for this was explained to me by a 
clerk in one of these establishments. He said that men were more liberal 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 309 

in their purchases when drinking, and that many times they would spoil 
a suit of clothes in a drunken revel and buy a new one before going home. 
The saloon-keeper and gambler always patronize the tailor for expensive 
suits, while those of legitimate professions must be content with "hand- 
me-downs." The barbers who were located in or near a saloon have been 
injured, but those in the rural districts report a greatly increased business. 
I do not know a single grocery man, dry goods merchant, or furniture 
dealer but that has an increased business. But it is needless to speculate 
as to various lines, when there is one source from which we can secure abso- 
lute evidence as to all lines. 

In every community the banker is the index to business conditions. 
He sits at the ticker and hears the telegraphic news from every avenue 
of business. He is the nerve center, and feels the slightest interference 
with business conditions. If any line of trade is injured, he knows it 
almost before the owners thereof. Day in and day out, week in and week 
out, year in and year out, the banker sits with his finger upon the pulse, 
counting the heart-beats of business. Upon the testimony of those ex- 
perts I will rest this case. We bid them take the witness stand and tell 
us of conditions both before and since the saloons were closed. 

In the twelve months since the saloons were closed, the combined 
deposits of our banks have increased one and a half million dollars. 

Does that indicate a ruined business and a bankrupt city? I hold in 
my hand the written testimony of these bankers, and offer it in evi- 
dence. Here is what they say: 

HOME STATE BANK. 

Kansas City, Kansas, Feb. 1, 1907- 
Mr. C. W. Trickett, Kansas City, Kansas. 

Dear Sir: With reference to your inquiry concerning conditions of 
our business as compared with that of June, 1906, we beg to state that 
our deposits have grown from $95,000.00 on June 30, 1906, to $132,- 
000.00 on the 30th of January, 1907, an increase of 40 per cent., and 
the volume of our business has increased in a greater proportion. 

The month of January just closed has shown a large increase in 

business as compared with the depressing month of January last year 

when the joints were in full blast. During the month three times as many 

new savings accounts were opened as in the month of January a year ago. 

Respectfully yours, 

J. W. Htjllinger, Cashier. 

ARMOURDALE STATE BANK OF C01SB1ERCE. 

Aemourdai-k, Kansas, Jan. 25, 1907. 
Mr. C. W. Trickett, City. 

Dear Sir: Enclosed find .statements of the bank June 30 and Jan- 
uary 25 as requested. Our deposits have increased more than 20 per 



310 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

cent, since the joints were closed. I have never been able to figure out 
how open saloons would benefit business, or closed saloons injure business. 
So far as our business is concerned, the statements speak for themselves. 

Respectfully, 

W. T. Atkinson, Vice-President. 

INTER-STATE NATIONAL BANK. 

Kansas City, Kansas, Jan. 26, 1907. 

Mr. C. W. Trickett, Kansas City, Kansas. 

Dear Sir: Replying to yours of recent date I wish to give it as my 
opinion that there has been an improvement in the business of Kansas 
City, Kansas, since your successful warfare against the joints, and that 
the moral tone of the city is certainly much better than it ever was. 

Yours truly, 

Wm. C. Henrici, Cashier. 

CITIZENS STATE SAVINGS BANK. 

Kansas City, Kansas, Jan. 30, 1907. 

Mr, C. W. Trickett, Kansas City, Kansas. 

Dear Sir: In reply to your inquiry as to relative condition of our 
business now and at the time of the closing of the saloons in this city 
June 30, 1906, will say that our deposits since that time have increased 
30 per cent., which we attribute largely to this cause. 

We arrive at this conclusion from the fact that we are gaining so 
rapidly in new accounts, many of which we are positive are from that 
element which formerly spent their earnings for liquor. It is with great 
satisfaction that we can report to you that our business has been won- 
derfully increased, and I think I voice the sentiment of all the bankers 
in the city when I say that the banks have been wonderfully benefited by 
this procedure. Very truly yours, 

J. D. Wright, Cashier. 

I come now to our largest bank, the one that carries the accounts 
of a large majority of the business men, and I ask you to note carefully 
what they say: 

THE COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK. 

Kansas City, Kansas, June 22, 1907. 
Mr. C. W. Trickett, Assistant Attorney General, Kansas City, Kan. 

Dear Sir: Referring to your enquiry with reference to general con- 
ditions since the closing of the joints in this city, I am pleased to state 
that the joints have now been closed for a year, that one year ago our 
deposits were $2,263,344.75 and at the close of business last night, one 
year later, our deposits were $3,032,832.65, an increase of $769,487.90 in 
twelve months, the largest increase of new business that we have had in 
any period of the same length of time since beginning. 

We think we have the accounts of more than 50 per cent, of the 
business houses of this city, and have talked to a large number of them 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 811 

with reference to the effect of the closing of the joints on their business, 
and with but very few exceptions they have expressed themselves as 
pleased, and many of them are more than pleased with the result. Many 
of them have stated that it has been the best year they have ever had, 
and I believe that this feeling is shared by a large majority of the pro- 
fessional men and other intelligent citizens of the city. I have heard 
many of our best citizens, who were formerly inclined to think that closing 
of the joints would hurt the city, now express themselves as hoping 
we would never go back to the old regime, and others have proposed that, 
if the state administration lets up, we raise any amount of money neces- 
sary to prevent such catastrophe. 

During my residence of nearly seventeen years in this city, condi- 
tions were never so good as they are at present time in every department 
of our civic life. 

I hope that the conservative business men of every city in the state 
may be convinced of the truth of these statements. 

Yours truly, 

C. L. Brokaw, Cashier. 

The change in public opinion in Kansas City, Kansas, is simply 
marvelous. A few months before the saloons were closed a mayor was 
elected by almost 2,000 majority, and his platform was "Damn the con- 
stitution and laws. The saloons shall run." 

He was ousted from office, and on December 11, 1906, a new election 
was held. The politicians of both old parties put forth candidates that 
were allied with the crushed saloon element. A meeting was called and 
Dr. Gray was placed in the field as an independent candidate, upon a 
platform that demanded the enforcement of law, and especially the pro- 
hibitory law. If closing the saloons had injured business we would have 
found the business men arrayed against Dr. Gray, but instead of this the 
business men subscribed $2,000 to cover the expense of his campaign, 
and 152 business men signed a public appeal to the voters to support 
Dr. Gray, and the voters did support Dr. Gray, and he was elected mayor. 

Since that time another election was held, and again the candidate 
declaring for law enforcement, and the keeping of the saloons closed was 
elected by an overwhelming majority. 

If the testimony of our bankers and business men, and the re- 
corded votes of our citizens do not convince you that the people of this 
community from actual experiment believe it a good business proposition 
to get rid of dens of vice, then you are not open to conviction, and further 
words of mine are useless. 

An examination of the criminal docket of our court reveals the fact 
that since the saloons were closed we are running at a reduced expense 
of criminal prosecutions of more than $25,000 a year. The (Hosing of 
the saloons haB So lessened crime that a much smaller police force is re- 



312 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

quired, making possible another saving of $25,000. The fact is that 
we are saving now in the various departments for the suppression of crime 
more than we ever received in revenue from the saloons. 

An examination of the criminal docket of the District Court will 
reveal the fact that before the joints were closed it required six or more 
weeks to try the criminal cases. Since the closing of the joints, at no term 
has it required to exceed three weeks. The same proportion holds good 
in every other court having criminal jurisdiction. 

The Police Judge of Argentine in a published interview says he is 
without a job. The Police Judge of this city was quoted in the Star 
as follows on September 1 1 : 

"Since the closing of the joints in Kansas City, Kansas, there has 
been a large reduction in crime. Before the joints were closed they had 
from ten to thirty in the police court every morning, since then the arrests 
have been very few. When Judge John T. Sims came to police court 
this morning, and was informed that the docket was clean, that there were 
no prisoners to be brought before the court, he spoke as follows : 'What ! 
Do you mean to say that in this city of 85,000 people we are getting so 
good that not a single arrest has been made in twenty-four hours? That 
is a record breaker !' " 

On the 23d of January, the chief of police of Kansas City, Kansas, 
gave the following interview for publication in the Kansas City Star: 

"The joints were the greatest crime producers this city has ever 
known. Since the closing of these places there has not been half as much 
crime as under the old system of a wide-open town. Under the old sys- 
tem of a wide-open town the police court was crowded with offenders every 
day, and many of them were turned over to the state, charged with se- 
rious offenses. Now the police court has little business, and few men are 
carried into the state courts for prosecution. Drunkenness, wife-beating, 
cases of destitution, thieving and other offenses are not half so numerous. 
It is wonderful what a change has taken place. 

"In the two city courts few suits have been filed to collect debts. 
Men who have been in the habit of spending their earnings in joints 
now pay their grocery bills and house rent, and make better provision 
for their families in other ways. Some of these people who were never 
known to pay a debt are getting to be very respectable people. This is 
all very significant. It shows what respect for law will do for a com- 
munity. Everybody seems to be better satisfied. The only people who 
want to return to the old system are joint-keepers and those who rented 
their buildings for joints. The day of the open joint is past." 

And this is the testimony of one who has spent his life on the police 
force and in the sheriff's office in our county, and knows every crook and 
tough in town. 




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THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 313 

The Kansas City, Kansas, Globe, on Dec. 20, 1906, said editorially: 

"With the exception of the Kentucky hotel murder and the burglar- 
izing in three private residences, there has been practically no crime in 
the city in the past two months. As to petty offenses, the city was never 
cleaner. Where the police docket was formerly blackened by the written 
names of dozens of offenders daily, it is now barren, with but an occa- 
sional exception." 

Last fall the business men of our city gave a week's carnival. Every 
day and night 50,000 people gathered in the heart of the city and pa- 
raded the streets. There was no drunkenness, no picking of pockets, no 
rowdyism. It was the common comment of all that the greatest marvel 
of that week of marvel was the absence of these things, and the commit- 
tees of business men having it in charge frankly admitted that it would 
have been impossible to have held it if the joints had been running. 

We no longer need a detective force. Thieves and burglars have 
followed the saloon out of our city. The great daily newspapers of 
Kansas City, Missouri, have kept close watch upon the situation in our 
city, and have daily and weekly chronicled the result. A few of tht 
statements may interest you. 

Last January the Police Judge of Argentine, a city of more than 
ten thousand population, said in an interview published in the Kansas 
City Star; 

"They can talk all they want to about the closing of the joints in 
this county making conditions worse, but anyone who looks over my 
docket will find there is not one case now where there were fifteen before 
the crusade against the joints began." 

The Kansas City Journal of April 18, 1907, contained the following: 

"Police Judge John M. Woodward, of Argentine, is the most dis- 
consolate official in Wyandotte County. He doesn't like to say it, but he 
feels that his friends handed him a lemon when they elected him police 
judge at the last election. He promptly opens court each morning at 
8 o'clock, and clearing his throat says to the marshal: 

" 'Call the first case.' 

" 'There is no first case,' responds the marshal. 

" 'Nothing doing?' says the judge. 

" 'Nothing doing,' says the marshal. 

" 'Pshaw,' sighs his honor climbing down from the bench. 

"There has been cnlv one case in the Argentine police court in three 
months, and that was a Kansas City, Missouri, man who became intoxi- 
cated, and took the wrong street car, and landed in Argentine drunk. 
Argentine's one patrolman was discharged last Tuesday night." 

In Kansas City, Kansas, the record in police court is just as mar- 
velous. One year ago our city officials were trying to find a way to 6pare 






314 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

the money to enlarge the city jails. To-day, the doors of our jails swing 
idly on their lunges and we have no use for those we have. 

On September 11 of the last year, for the first time in the history 
of our city, there was not a case in police court. The press gave the 
following account: 

"The police judge adjusted his glasses and said, 'Call the first case, 
Mr. Bailiff.' 'There ain't no first case,' responded the grinning bailiff. 
The judge remarked as he left the bench, 'This is the first time within 
the memory of our oldest citizens that the usual row of drunks and 
disorderlies failed to appear.' The guards at the rock pile have been 
discharged and the jails are idle." 

Again on February 23, 1907, the Kansas City, Kansas, Globe, said: 

"Yesterday being a holiday one would imagine that a large number 
of people would celebrate the occasion and there would be a large docket 
in police court, but such was not the case yesterday. Not one arrest 
was made during the twenty-four hours ending at eight o'clock this morn- 
ing. As there were no continued cases, no police court was held." 

On the 4th of May, 1907, the following item appeared in the Kansas 

City Star: 

"I walked right in and turned around, 
And walked right out again." 

"John T. Sims, Police Judge of Kansas City, Kansas, was humming 
this song this morning as he walked from the city hall at 8:05 o'clock. 
He explained to the questioner: 'There wasn't a case tried in the police 
court this morning.' Kansas City, Kansas, has a population of 90,000. 
There has been a light docket since the joints were closed." 

On the 5th day of February the papers said: 

"Only fifteen prisoners are in the Wyandotte County jail. Before 
the joints were closed, there were from twenty-five to thirty all the time. 
The police force in Kansas City, Kansas, is smaller than it has been for 
years, yet there are few holdups or thefts, and, instead of a long police 
docket each day, only one or two cases are tried." 

"Wyandotte County affords an instance which may be in point. 
Formerly, from fifteen to twenty young men were sent annually from 
Wyandotte County to the reformatory. This year, with the joints in 
Wyandotte County closed, the reformatory population has been aug- 
mented by only two prisoners from Wyandotte County." 

I have brought you the records of our criminal courts, the declara- 
tion of our daily press, the record of police courts, jails, and reforma- 
tory, and if these things do not convince you that saloons and crime go 
hand in hand, no words of mine will do so. 

It should not be overlooked that there has followed in the wake of 
law enforcement a great benefit to our city that cannot be measured in 
dollars and cents. 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 315 

Our sanitarium had many cases of delirium tremens every week when 
joints were in operation, but Dr. S. S. Glasscock, the head physician, 
tells me there have been but two cases in the past six months. 

The judge of the Juvenile Court recently told me that when the 
joints were in operation many children had to be assisted every month, 
but that with the closing of the joints this had totally disappeared, and 
that during the past six months there were but two applications and 
these were the children of a mistress of a disorderly house who abandoned 
them when she followed the saloons out of the city. 

Our public schools reported an abnormal demand for admission to 
the public schools last fall. While formerly eight new teachers were suffi- 
cient each year for the increase in attendance, last fall eighteen new teach- 
ers had to be employed. Inquiry reveals the fact that since the saloons were 
closed, fathers are providing for their families and the boys are trying 
to get an education who formerly had to work to support their mothers 
and drunken fathers. Dollars and cents cannot measure this, but in the 
future life of our city it will weigh heavily in the balance for good gov- 
ernment. 

The manager of the Children's Home says there has been a large 
decrease in the number of dependent poor and cases of destitution. 

The county poor commissioner says that not so man}' poor persons 
are being sent to the county farm, and that the hundreds of cases of 
destitution due to the husbands spending their money and time in the 
"joint" have almost entirely disappeared. 

Teachers in the public schools report that children are now well 
clothed who formerly were in rags because their parents spent their earn- 
ings in the "joints." 

Festus Foster, secretary of the Associated Charities, in a published in- 
terview on January 23, 1907, said: 

"Although the population of our city is rapidly increasing, the num- 
ber of cases of destitution is decreasing materially. We trace this directly 
to the fact that the joints have been closed and that a better condition pre- 
vails on all hands. A person who has not been actively connected with 
charity work cannot appreciate the wonderful change that has taken place 
since the * joints' were closed." 

More than a score of cases have come under my personal observation 
where individual drunkards have become sober and industrious citizens 
since the closing of the "joints." 

Periodically for some three or four years a lady, poorly dressed, 
called upon us to file a divorce suit for her, because her husband spent all 
his earnings for drink. Upon each occasion it was the same story. Her 
husband earned $6 ft dav, and yet his wife had to earn the living for the 



3X6 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

family. Disliking to file divorce suits, we kept putting off the evil day. 
During the past six months I had not heard from her. On Christmas day 
while sitting at my desk her husband called, and said his wife wanted to 
see me. Supposing it was the same old story I pleaded business, but he 
refused to take no for an answer and said his wife must see me. I stepped 
into the buggy waiting at the door, and we were soon at a neat cottage. 
When the door opened I beheld a room neatly carpeted, with new furni- 
ture, and there stood the wife neatly dressed. The children were clothed 
like the children of well-to-do citizens. In the center of the room stood a 
Christmas tree, still glittering with its decorations. 

Noticing that I was puzzled, the wife remarked, "I just wanted you 
to see, Mr. Trickett, what the closing of the joints has done for our home." 
And then the husband explained by saying : "Yes, this is what closing the 
saloons has done for us. At first I was bitter because I was deprived of the 
right to go in, purchase, and drink what I pleased, and for a while I went 
across the State line ; but I did have American manhood and pride left, so 
that, when I could not walk in at the front door, I would not sneak into 
back alleys, or into dark areaways, or into a room with bolted doors and 
drawn curtains, where each one looked like a thief watching and expecting 
officers. We have purchased this little home on payments, have furnished 
it, and are happy and content." 

These are matters that in my judgment weigh heavily in the scale, 
and yet cannot be measured in dollars and cents. It is needless to com- 
ment upon such matters. 

It may be proper for me to say that the contest in Wyandotte county, 
so far as I was concerned, was not a temperance move. It did not present 
itself to me as primarily a question of prohibition or anti-prohibition. It 
was a question whether the state in which I lived was a sovereign state, and 
whether law reigned in Kansas City, Kansas. It was not a question wheth- 
er it would help or hurt business, but it was a question whether treason 
would be tolerated. 

When Kansas City, Topeka, Leavenworth, Wichita and other cities 
say they will not obey the constitution and laws of this state, it is treason* 
Nullification can never have an abiding place in this city. We will no 
more tolerate "city rights" today, than "state rights" in former days. 

Kansas has blazed the path in many crises. It was in Kansas that 
the scuffle in the vestibule of the greatest drama of all time took place. It 
was a Kansas boy that led the relief army and first scaled the walls of Pckin. 
It was a Kansas boy that went into the jungles of Cuba and taught the 
Cubans how to fight for their rights. It was Kansas boys that first plunged 
over the ramparts in that awful charge at San Juan hill It was Kansas 
boys that, at the close of battle in the Philippines, being far in advance of 



THE CLEANSING OF KANSAS CITY, KANSAS. 317 

the rest of the army, and being questioned how long they could hold their 
advance position, sent back the reply, "Until we are mustered out." And 
that which Kansas boys have done in the past, Kansas boys will do in the 
future. Having put our hand to the plow we will not look back, nor count 
the cost. A Kansas boy occupies the Governor's chair. A Kansas boy is 
Attorney General. Kansas boys are in the legislature, and Kansas boys 
all over this state are now saying to the world that the upas tree of nulli- 
fication and treason cannot thrive upon the fertile fields of Kansas and in 
the very heart of the nation. If it ruins business, let it be ruined. If it 
increases taxes, we will foot the bill. Never shall it be said that Kansas 
weighs her honor in the scale with business and taxation. Never shall it be 
said that Kansas is trying to bribe eternal justice into writing a false in- 
scription over its name; but rather let it be said that Kansas cut out the 
cancers upon her body politic, and asks the historians to place a finger of 
charity over the wound, and write only of the glories that will be. 



Up in Portland, Maine, Samuel F. Pearson of kindred spirit to Mr. 
Trickett, immortalized himself, as other men have done, by keeping faith 
with conscience and doing duty. He had been an obscure Methodist 
mission worker in the city of Portland, and had seen how prohibition did 
not prohibit, under a regime which elected men who connived with liquor 
dealers to nullify a strong and faultless law. Having seen this condition 
of lawlessness, he announced that if he, an humble Methodist preacher, 
were elected sheriff, he would enforce the law at all hazards. The people 
took him at his word, and elected him. Having tried preaching the gos- 
pel, with the usual results known to most mission workers in cities, he 
now proceeded to administer a discredited law. 

One of his first problems was to find men who would obey orders. 
He found them, even in Cumberland county. Then the Maine prohibition 
law worked, because he and his deputies worked. By night and by day, 
fighting all sorts of schemes of the liquor dealers, defied, threatened, han- 
dicapped, he continued until the criminals gave up the battle. 

Pearson has passed on. There are whispers that he died of the 
strain of his term as sheriff. To go up and down the streets of a city 
day and night in peril of ambush wears on the nerves. Pearson was in 
danger. Any man is in danger who is in favor of the enactment and 
enforcement of the law against the saloon trade. Carmack, of Tennessee, 
for instance. Pearson was in danger, and knew it. He took office know- 
ingly at the risk of his life. The men who voted for him knew that he 
would be in peril. But while lie was sheriff, he was sheriff; the law was 
enforced, and the saloon and the blind tigers and the bootleggers dis- 
appeared in Portland. — G. M. H. 




CHAPTER XXVI. 

CARRY A. NATION— HEROINE OF THE HATCHET. 

Introductory Sketch, By Will Carlton. 

OME years ago, the American public, always longing for 
"something new," was treated to an absolutely unique sensa- 
tion. A woman armed with a hatchet had gone into a Kan- 
sas liquor saloon and smashed up its appurtenances in a very 
thorough and unconventional manner. After this, she went 
into and through another, and another ; and it began to look as if all the 
bibulous paraphernalia of Kansas were about to be sent into the twilight. 
When the smoke had somewhat cleared away, and time elapsed suf- 
ficient to garner these circumstances into authentic news, it transpired 
that the woman who had done this was Mrs. Carry A. Nation — utterly 
obscure and unknown until that week. 

This raid among decanters was a very singular and startling act, 
for a woman; but, somehow, people found it refreshing. It represented 
precisely what many had imagined in their minds, what thousands of 
women had wished they themselves could or dared do, what myriads of 
confirmed drinkers, even, had wished might be done. News of Mrs. Nation's 
swift and decided action went all over the country, like a stiff, healthy 
gale. She was sharply criticised — but there lurked very often a "dry 
grin" behind the criticism. This smashing was all very direct and unique ; 
and Americans are in general fond of directness and uniqueness. It was, 
technically, illegal, but, even so, it was remarkable that the saloons which 
Mrs. Nation wrecked, were themselves in brazen defiance of the laws of 
the state of Kansas — unenforced on account of the fear or venality of 
public authorities. 

The work of this determined woman went on with a thoroughness 
and promptness that made it ultra-interesting. She was imprisoned again 
and again, and became an inmate, at one time and another, of some 
thirty -two different jails. She had trial after trial — in which was de- 
veloped the fact that her tongue was as sharp as her hatchet; she often 
addressing even the judge presiding, as "Your Dishonor," while prose- 
cuting attorneys she treated with supreme scorn. Not much mercy 
was shown her in the county bastiles : she was often bestowed in cells 

next to insane people — in the hope, she thinks, that she might become really 
318 




MRS. CARRY V NATION 
The I [eroinc of the I [atchet. 



CARRY A. NATION— HEROINE OF THE HATCHET. 319 

crazy, as well as reputedly so. One sheriff, finding that the fumes of cigar- 
ette smoking made her ill, treated all her fellow-inmates to the little white 
cylinders and set them at work puffing vigorously. Chivalry and human- 
ity seemed, for the time being, to have faded from men's minds. 

In these different immurements, she had time to write to her friends, 
and even to publish a paper, called The Smasher's Mail. She told how she 
came to do this work ; it was, she claimed, by the direct command of God. 
She had promised Him that if he would forgive her many sins, she would 
work for Him in ways no one else would; and He took her at her word — 
ordering her to go and smash saloons. This, of course, provokes a smile 
among most people, but Mrs. Nation is not the first one that has worked 
under God's command — whether real or supposed. 

At last, so many fines were heaped up against her, which must be paid 
before she could be liberated, that it seemed to her as if she would never get 
free. But, in this dark hour, a lecture agent appeared, and said he would 
pay the amount if she would give him some "dates." She laughingly 
says now that she did not know what he meant, and actually wondered if 
he thought she was a fruit-dealer. But when he explained what he meant 
by "dates" — a chance to go on the platform and give the people a reason 
for the hatchet that was in her hand — she saw the gates were opened — and 
enthusiastically went from jail to the lecture platform. 

She became immediately a drawing card — in assembly halls, in some 
churches and even at county fairs. She worked, tirelessly and industrious- 
ly, to pay back the lecture agent for the sums he had advanced ; and after 
a time found surplus amounts on hand. 

She did not hesitate very long as to the purpose for which they were 
to be applied. Her personal expenses were very small ; she dresses plainly ; 
and believes that God is entitled to her financial gains. 

A "Home for Drunkards' Wives" was her first thought after paying 
the fine money, and she set about establishing it, and is working for it now. 

After her platform work had proceeded for a time, it was decided that 
she should star in the play "Ten Nights in a Barroom." As all know, who 
have witnessed this simple but powerful drama, every act of it is a prohibi- 
tion lecture, and Mrs. Nation's part, that of the mother of the murdered 
hoy, was a lecture of itself. In one scene, she was represented as smashing 
n saloon, most thoroughly ; and this business was the most popular of any- 
thing in the play — even at theaters that drew most of their patronage 
from habitues of saloons. 

Mr<. Nation's reasons for stepping from the churches to the foot- 
lights is not without its logic in these days. "People go to the theaters 
more than they do to the churches," she says, "and I want to go where 
there are plenty of people to hear me, and where they need me." 



320 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

From the regular theater she passed, and for the same reasons, to the 
vaudeville, and did her regular "stunts" along with the singers, the dan- 
cers, the harlequins, acrobats and the burnt cork humorist. The writer of 
this has seen her in one of these performances, and considers it entirely 
unique and unmistakably commendable. It was in one of the most "free 
and easy" vaudeville shows in Greater New York, and the audience, com- 
posed of men and boys, was a hilarious one, and could have even become 
a turbulent one, if anything had occurred that did not please them. Many 
were half drunk, or nearly so. "Smoke, if you want to," was lettered on a 
conspicuous sign, and most of this audience wanted to. In the midst of 
the exercises an interlude occurred in which the audience was invited to a 
saloon downstairs where they could proceed still farther in the liquid 
burning out of their bodies. On the same stage of this same vaudeville 
theater John L. Sullivan, the retired prize fighter, had, only a week before, 
appeared "in monologue," and had sometimes been so drunk that he could 
not go through with his part. 

In the midst of all this, Carry Nation was announced, and she stepped 
upon the stage, unattended by any glare of colored lights or fanfare of 
music. A quiet, motherly-looking woman, plainly dressed, with a Bible in 
her hand, she commanded almost immediately the respect of that large 
crowd — from the men in the orchestra stalls to the gallery gods. One 
half -intoxicated fellow began to scoff at her, but was almost immediately 
hushed by the scarcely less drunken ones around him. It was a sight that 
hushed them all into respectful silence, for a respectable, earnest woman, 
with the Holy Book in her hands, will have a subduing effect upon almost 
any company of people. 

Mrs. Nation announced her text and preached a sermon and delivered 
a temperance lecture, both within the half hour. (The latter she calls a 
"prohibition lecture" — hating the word temperance, as applied to drink.) 

She said words, such as had probably not been heard by most of those 
there, for a great many years. She told them what sots they were making 
of themselves, and made her points so emphatic that they cheered her — al- 
most in spite of themselves. She commenced her speech as an experiment, 
so far as that day's audience was concerned; she closed a heroine. She 
did not remain idle during the time between her appearances on the stage, 
but cultivated the acquaintance of the actors and actresses, and, it is said, 
to their good. It would be hard to see how one woman could do more 
good in half an hour, than she does; and that among those that need it 
most. 

Mrs. Nation's whole name is Carrie Amelia Nation, but, having noticed 
from old records that her father wrote the first name "Carry," she now 
does the same, and considers the name portentous as concerns what she is 



CAREY A. NATION—HEROINE OF THE HATCHET. 321 

Irving and means to do. She believes, she says, that it is her mission to 
carry a nation from the darkness of drunken bestiality into the light of 
purity and sobriety ; and if she can do this, or in any great measure con- 
tribute to it, there are millions of people in the world that will bid her 
God speed. 

Against the charge of illegality, Mrs. Nation has defended her drastic 
mode of campaign on the ground, first, of common law right, and, second, 
of her divine vocation. On the point of legality she says : 

"It it is not only the privilege of the patriotic citizen to abate a dan- 
gerous nuisance, but it is commendable. Bishop on Criminal Law, para- 
graph 1081, says: 

" 'The doctrine (of abatement of a public nuisance by an individual) 
is an expression of the better instincts of our natures, which lead men to 
watch over and shield one another from harm.' 

"1 Bishop's Criminal Law, 828 ; 1 Hilliard on Torts, 605 : 
" 'At common law it was always the right of a citizen, without official 
authority, to abate a public nuisance, and without waiting to have it ad- 
judged such by legal tribunal. His right to do so depended upon the 
fact of its being a nuisance. 

" 'In abating it, property ma}' be destroyed, and the owner deprived 
of it without trial, without notice and without compensation. Such de- 
struction for public safety or health is not a taking of private property 
for public uses, without compensation or due process of law, in the sense 
of the constitution. It is simply the prevention of its obnoxious and un- 
lawful use, and depends upon the principle that every man must so use his 
property as not to injure his neighbors, and that the safety of the public 
is the paramount law. These principles are legal maxims or axioms essen- 
tial to the existence of regulated society. Written constitutions presup- 
pose them, arc subordinate to them and cannot set them aside.' 

"Judge Baker sums up the case thus: 

" 'The women who destroyed such property are not criminals. They 
have the right to abate such common nuisances as men have to defend their 
persons or domiciles when unlawfully assailed. As the women of that state 
are denied the right to vote or hold office, I think they are fully justified, 
morally and legally, in protecting their homes, their families and them- 
selves from the ravages of these demons of vice in the summary manner 
which the law permits.' " 

On the same ground Abraham Lincoln once defended women charged 
with a similar offense. 



MRS. NATION S OWN STOUY. 



In an autobiography as unique as her own personality, Mrs. Nation 
describes her call of God and the beffinninjr of her career as a saloon- 



322 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

smasher. Her first husband, Dr. Gloyd, had died after a downward career 
of drunkenness. She had married Mr. David Nation and removed to 
Kansas. 

While at Medicine Lodge, in that state, she had been appointed jail 
evangelist. In tins capacity she would invariably ask the men in prison, 
young and old, "Why are you here?" The answer was, "Drink, drink." 
To quote her own words: 

"They told me that they got tjieir drink in Kiowa. This town was 
in Barber county, a count} 7 right on the border of Oklahoma. I went to 
Mr. Sam Griffen, the county attorney, time after time, telling him of these 
men being in jail from drink. He would put the matter off and seem very 
much annoyed because I asked him to do what he swore he would do, for 
he was oathbound to get out a warrant and put this in the hands of the 
sheriff who was oathbound to arrest these divekeepers, and put them in 
jail; and the place or dive was to be publicly abated or destroyed. Mr. 
Griffen was determined that these divekeepers should not be arrested. I 
even went down to Kiowa myself and went into these places and came back, 
asking this county attorney to take my evidence, and he would not do it. 
Then I wrote to Mr. A. A. Godard, of Topeka, the state's attorney, whose 
duty it was to see that all the county attorneys did their duty. I saw he 
did not intend to do anything; then I went to William Stanley, the Gov- 
ernor, at Topeka. I told him of the prisoners in jail in our county from 
the sale of liquor in the dives at Kiowa, told him of the broken families and 
trouble of all kinds in the county, told him of two murders that had been 
committed in the county, one alone costing the taxpayers $8,000 ; told him 
of the brokenhearted women and the worse than fatherless children as the 
result. I found out that he would not do his duty. I had gone from the 
lowest to the chief executive of the state, and, after appealing to the gov- 
ernor in vain, I found that I could go to no other authority on earth. 

"Now, I saw that Kansas was in the power of the bitter foe to the 
constitution, and that they had accomplished what the whisky men and their 
tools, the Republican party and politicians, had schemed and worked for. 
When two-thirds of the voters of Kansas said at the ballot box — about 
1880, I think it was — 'We will not have a saloon in our state.' This was 
made constitutional by the two-thirds majority. Nothing could change 
this or take it out of the constitution except by having the amendment re- 
submitted and two-thirds of the people voting to bring the saloons back; 
They intended then with their bribes and otherwise to buy votes. The 
first act was to organize the state into what they called the 'Mystic Order 
of Brotherhood.' Of course, this was kept very quiet and few of the peo- 
ple in the towns knew of this order and organization. When the Devil 
wants to carry out his deepest plots he must do, through a secret order, 
what he cannot otherwise do. He does his work through, by and in the 
kingdom of darkness. For this one reason he must hoodwink the people 
to make them his tools. 

"God has given me a mean fight, a dirty and dangerous fight ; for it 
is a war on the hidden things of darkness. Through this 'Mystic Order of 
Brotherhood' managing the primaries and elections, they got into office 



CARRY A. NATION— HEROINE OF THE HATCHET. 323 

from constable up to the governor, the tools of the liquor power. The 
great question that was then discussed was resubmission. Every represen- 
tative at Topeka was in favor of the resubmission without an exception. 
Money was sent into Kansas by the thousands from brewers and distillers 
to be used by politicians for the purpose of bringing about resubmission. 
Kansas was the storm center. If the liquor men could bring back saloons 
into Kansas then a great blow would be struck against prohibition in all the 
states. This would discourage the people all over. Their great word was, 
'You can't.' 'Prohibition will not prohibit.' 

"I do not belong to the Can't family. When I was born my father 
wrote my name Carry A. Moore; then later it was Nation, which is more 
,still. C. A. N. are the initials of my name; then C (see) A. Nation! And 
altogether Carry A. Nation! This is no accident, but Providence. This 
does not mean that / will carry a nation, but that the roused heart and 
conscience will, as I am the roused heart and conscience of the people. 
God's crowd and the Devil's crowd: one gains the battle by can, and the 
other loses it by can't. 

"My Christian experience will give you the secret of my life ; it is God 
indwelling. When I found I could effect nothing through the officials, I 
was sad, indeed. I saw that Kansas homes, hearts and souls were to be sac- 
rificed. I had lost all the hopes of my young life through drink; I saw 
the terrible butchery that would follow. I felt that I had rather die than 
to see the saloons come back to Kansas. I felt desperate. I took this to 
God daily, feeling that He only could rescue. 

"On the 5th of June, 1899, before retiring, I threw myself face down- 
ward at the foot of my bed at my home in Medicine Lodge. I poured out 
my grief and ngony to God, in about this strain: 'O Lord, you see the 
tKe&SQn-in Kansas. They are going to break the mothers' hearts. They 
are going to send the boys to drunkards' graves and a drunkard's hell. I 
have exhausted all my means, O Lord. You have plenty of ways. You 
have used the base things and the weak things. Use me to save Kansas. 
I have but one life to give you. If I had a thousand, I would give them 
all. Please show me something to do.' 

"The next morning I was awakened by a voice which seemed to be 
speaking in my heart these words: 'Go to Kiowa'; and my hands were 
lifted and thrown down — and the words, 'I'll stand by you.' The words, 
'Go to Kiowa,' were spoken in a murmuring, musical tone, low and soft; 
but 'I'll stand by^you,' was very clear, positive and emphatic. I was im- 
pressed with a great inspiration. The interpretation was very plain. It 
was this: 'Take something in your hands, and throw at these places in 
Kiowa, and smash them.' I was very much relieved and overjoyed, and 
was determined to be 'obedient to the heavenly vision' (Acts 26:19). I 
told no one what I had heard or what I intended to do. 

"I was a busy homekeeper, did all my housework, was superintendent 
of two Sunday-school9 — one in the country; was jail evangelist, president 
of the W. C. T. U., and kept open house for all of God's people, where all 
the Christian workers were welcome to abide at my house. When no one 
was looking I would walk out in the yard and pick up brickbats and rocks, 
would hide them under my kitchen apron and would then take them to my 



324 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

rt)om, and wrap them up in newspapers, one by one. I did this until I 
got quite a pile. 

"At half past three that day I was ready to start. I hitched up the: 
buggy myself, drove out of the stable, rode down hill and over a bridge 
that was just outside the limits of Medicine Lodge. ... I expected 
to stay all night with a dear friend, Sister Springer, who lived about half 
way to Kiowa. When I arrived near her home the sun was almost down, 
but I was very eager to go to Kiowa and I said : 'Oh Lord, if it is Thy 
will for me to go to Kiowa tonight, have Price (my horse) pass this open 
gate' ; which I knew he would never do unless God ordered it. I gave him 
the reins, and when I got opposite the open gate my horse jumped forward 
as if someone had struck him a blow. I got to Kiowa at half past eight, 
and stayed all night. 

"Next morning I had my horse hitched and drove to the first dive, 
kept by a Mr. Dobson, whose brother was then sheriff of the county. I 
stacked up the smashers on my left arm, all I could hold. They looked 
like packages wrapped in paper. I stood before the counter and said : 
'Mr. Dobsomj I told you last spring to close this place. You did not do it. 
Now I have come down with another remonstrance. Get out' of the way ; 
I do not want to strike you, but I am going to break this place up.' I 
threw as hard and as fast as I could, smashing mirrors and bottles and 
glasses, and it was astonishing how quickly this was done. These men 
seemed terrified, threw up their hands and backed up in the corner. My 
strength was that of a giant. I felt invincible. God was certainly stand- 
ing by me. . . . 

"I broke up three of these dives that day, broke the windows on the 
outside to prove that the man who rents his house is a partner also with the 
man who sells. The party who licenses and the paper that advertises, all 
have a hand in this and are particeps crlminis. I smashed five saloons 
with rocks before I ever took a hatchet. 

"In the last place, kept by Lewis, there was quite a young man be- 
hind the bar. I said to him: 'Young man, come from behind that bar. 
Your mother did not raise you for such a place.' I threw a brick at the 
mirror, which was a very heavy one, and it did not break, but the brick 
fell and broke everything in its way. I began to look around for some- 
thing that would break it. I was standing by a billiard table on which 
there was one ball. I said : 'Thank God !' and picked it up, threw it and 
it made a hole in the mirror. 

"By this time the streets were crowded with people; most of them 
seemed to look puzzled. There, was one boy about fifteen years old who 
seemed perfectly wild with joy, and he jumped, skipped and yelled with 
delight. I have since thought of that as being a significant sign, for to 
smash saloons will save the boy. I stood in the middle of the street and 
spoke in this way : 'I have destroyed three of your places of business, and 
if I have broken a statute of Kansas, put me in jail; if I am not a law- 
breaker, your mayor and councilmen are. You must arrest one of us, for 
if I am not a criminal, they are.' 

"One of the councilmen, who was a butcher, said: 'Don't you think 
we can attend to our business?' 'Yes,' I said, 'you can, but you won't. 



CARRY A. NATION— HEROINE OF THE HATCHET. 325 

As jail evangelist of Medicine Lodge, I know you have manufactured 
many criminals, and this county is burdened down with taxes to prosecute 
the results of these dives. Two murders have been committed in the last 
five years in this county, one in a dive I have just destroyed. You are a 
butcher of hogs and cattle, but they are butchering men, women and chil- 
dren, positively contrary to the laws of God and man ; and the mayor and 
council are more to blame than the jointists, and now if I have done wrong 
in any particular arrest me.' When I was through with my speech I got 
into my buggy and said, 'I'll go home.' 

"The marshal held my horse and said: 'Not yet; the mayor wishes 
to see you.' I drove up to where he was, and the man who owned one of 
the dive buildings I had smashed was standing by Dr. Korn, the mayor, 
and said: 'I want you to pay for the front windows you broke of my 
building.' I said, 'No, you are a partner of the divekeeper, and the stat- 
utes hold your building responsible. The man that rents the building 
for any business is no better than the man who carries on the business, and 
you are party to the crime.' They ran back and forward to the city at- 
torney several times. At last they came and told me I could go. As I 
drove through the streets the reins fell out of my hands and I, standing 
up in my buggy, lifted my hands twice, saying, 'Peace on earth, good will 
to men.' This action I know was done through the inspiration of the Holy 
Spirit. 'Peace on earth, good will to men' being the result of the destruc- 
tion of saloons and the motive for destroying them. 

"When I reached Medicine Lodge the town was in quite an excite- 
ment, the news having been telegraphed ahead. I drove through the 
streets and told the people of my work in the jail here, and the young 
men's lives that had been ruined, and the broken-hearted mothers, the taxa- 
tion that had been brought on the county, and other wrongs of the dives of 
Kiowa; of how I had been to the sheriff, Mr. Gano, and the prosecuting 
attorney, Mr. Griffin; how I had written to the state's attorney general, 
Mr. Godard, and I saw there was a conspiracy with the party in power 
to violate their oaths, and refuse to enforce the constitution of Kansas, and 
I did only what they swore they would do. I had a letter from a Mr. 
Long, of Kiowa, saying that Mr. Griffin, the prosecuting attorney, was 
taking bribes, and that he and the sheriff were drinking and gambling in 
the dives of Kiowa. 

"This smashing aroused the people of the county to this outrage, and 
these divekeepers were arrested, although we did not ask the prosecuting 
attorney to get out a warrant, or sheriff to make an arrest. Neither did 
we take the case before any justice of the peace in Kiowa or Medicine 
Lodge, for they belong to the Republican party and would prevent the 
prosecution. The cases were taken out in the country several miles from 
Kiowa before Moses E. Wright, a Free Methodist and a justice of the 
peace of Moore township. 

"The men were found guilty, and for the first time in the history of 
Barber county, all dives were closed." 



Mrs. Nation has explained that she found her first method of "smash- 
ing" with stones and brickbats unsatisfactory from the fact that when her 



326 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ammunition was once used it was gone beyond recovery and she was left 
helpless and empty-handed without an instrument with which to pursue her 
work. She then tried using an iron rod which also proved unsatisfactory. 
Then she fell afoul a hatchet, and found it so peculiarly well adapted to 
her purpose that she adopted it permanently, and it has become the univers- 
ally recognized emblem of her strenuous form of missionary service. Mrs. 
Nation says of her first use of the hatchet : 

"I was in a meeting of the W. C. T. U. in Wichita, of which Mrs. 
Summers was president. I wanted to have these women go with me and 
destroy the places there that were murdering their sons. Many present 
were in favor of it, but Mrs. Summers was bitterly opposed. I had not up 
to this time taken a hatchet in my work, nor did I do so until I reached 
Sister Evans' house, just before starting in my second raid in Wichita. 
Three went out in the hall with me, Mrs. Lucy Wilhoite, Miss Muntz and 
Mrs. Julia Evans. The husband of the latter was a great drunkard, other- 
wise a capable physician. Those three women said they would go with me. 
We went to Mrs. Evans' home. I took a hatchet, and Mrs. Evans carried 
a piece of iron. We marched down to the first place, kept by John Burns. 
We walked in and began to smash right and left. With my hatchet I 
smashed in the large plate glass windows and also the door. Sister Evans 
and I then attacked the show case, then went behind the bar. and smashed 
everything in sight. The bartender came running up to me with his 
hands up. I said, 'Don't come near my hatchet ; it might fall on you, and 
I will not be responsible for the results.' " 



John Brown, an eccentric, a product of Kansas, by methods uncon- 
ventional, illogical and in themselves futile for accomplishing his purpose, 
nevertheless aroused and inspired a nation, and achieved immortality in his- 
tory, tradition and song, and is and ever more shall be credited with a large 
part in the great drama which resulted in the overthrow of slavery. 

Likewise in some measure, Carry A. Nation, an eccentric, a product 
of Kansas, holds and shall hold a permanent and prominent place in the 
annals of the anti-liquor crusade. Caricatured, buffeted, the theme of 
jest and cartoon, imprisoned more than thirty times by the "powers that 
be," she has aroused and centered attention upon the lawless liquor saloon, 
and has greatly stimulated the agitation which is resulting in its downfall. 

In her biography, frank to the point of nakedness, one gets a glimpse 
into that type of courageous and prophetic soul which stands before the 
king and with unwavering finger and tongue proclaims, "Thou art the 
man," and which makes a whip of small cords and scourges the money- 
changers out of the temple of God, and smashes their tables. 





gg 



hJ o 



U 




CHAPTER XXVII. 

FIGHTING FIREWATER. 

Thrilling Experiences of William E. Johnson, Special Indian Agent, 

Note. — The early wars to exterminate the Red Man furnished 
no more thrilling — and far less noble — episodes than are found in 
the incidents related here from the experiences of Mr. Johnson m his ef- 
forts to save the Indians. For the material used m this chapter credit is 
due principally to "The Associated Prohibition Press" F. D. L. Squires, 
Editor.— G. M. H. 

HEN the white man came to the New World he brought with 
him a doctrine that puzzled the red man, and a drink that 
poisoned him. For every Indian converted to the doctrine, 
a score were killed by the drink. With zeal born of love 
of lucre, five white men pushed the traffic in rum, where one 
missionary preached religion. And so, robbed of land and ruined by 
liquor, the tribes receded before the advance of the pale face, until only 
remnants of once mighty nations are now corraled in the reservations. 
Of course, there have been prohibitory laws — but there has been only 
a half-hearted enforcement of them. For nearly three centuries the tribes 
have been plagued by the white man's drink — three centuries of liquor 
dishonor even blacker than that century of land robbery of which Helen 
Hunt Jackson tells in her "Ramona." Some time the awful drink story 
will be told, and the world will shudder at the tale of greed and graft — 
of woe and waste. 

This chapter summarizes the record of conditions as they existed 
prior to the appointment of William E. Johnson, as United States Spe- 
cial Agent or Inspector, and the changes that came about after he had 
begun his campaign against the scoundrels who had been selling liquor 
to the tribes. 

Old John Heckewelder, the missionary, who wrote a history of the 
manners and customs of the North American Indians, says that they 
were totally ignorant of the processes of distillation and fermentation. 
They were uncivilized. It was not until civilized Europe, nominally 
Christian for a millennium, "discovered" them, that they first learned the 
qualities of intoxicating liquor. Heckewelder says that the mysterious 

327 



32S T HE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

drink was at first taken with hesitation and fear. The Indians perhaps 
suspected poison, but being deceived accepted the proffered cup eagerly — 
and then asked for more — and more. Having created a demand, the 
European traders, hungry for profits, furnished the supply; and, the 
market expanding, the "Indian problem" emerged. This created prompt 
necessity for governmental and missionary activities among the red men 
of the forest. In 1629, only nine years after the sacred ark of the May- 
flower had touched the rock at Plymouth, old Governor Endicott said, 
speaking for the authorities in London : "We pray you endeavor, though 
there be much strong water for sale, yet so to order it as that the savages 
may not, for our lucre's sake, be induced to the excessive use, or rather, 
abuse of it, and at any time take care our people give no ill example. " 

Governor Endicott "endeavored" to "order" the traffic — but failed — 
the "lucre" was too potent a motive. From his day until the Federal 
Government was organized, the colonial "states" endeavored to "order" 
the business, but failed. The "more perfect union" of 1787 began its his- 
tory with legislative endeavors to suppress the trade among Indians, be- 
cause of their tendency to "excess and drunkenness," but failed. Always 
the "lucre" was more powerful than the "law," and the Indian furnished 
a market to the steely-souled dealer in drink. 

Of course the real philanthropists deplored the fact that European 
civilization had brought to their shores the drink of death with its advance 
agents and representatives, and began to organize agencies to extinguish 
the nefarious trade. As early as 1685, the Quakers "agreed" and gave as 
their "judgment" that it was not "consistent with the honor of truth for 
any that make profession thereof to sell rum or any strong drink to the 
Indians, because they use them not to moderation." That seems to have 
been the beginning of a movement for the prevention of cruelty to Indians. 
Since then all sorts of societies have been organized to instil principles of 
hostility to distilled drink among the natives of North America — resulting 
in more or less dismal failure. 

And the government of the United States has expended hundreds of 
thousands of dollars in the futile effort to protect their "wards" against 
degraded whites, who have taken malicious delight in getting Indians 
drunk for the sake of lucre. Always lucre ! 

The story of the efforts to "regulate" the traffic, or to suppress it, 
would require the publication of a special volume. Our purpose is to de- 
scribe, first, the situation as it existed in 1904 ; and then, as it exists in 
1908, after four jears under an administration of law which places in 
power a man who has a heart to fight the traffic to death — or die in the 
attempt. 

A condition of affairs has existed among the Indians m the United 



FIGHTING FIREWATER. 329 

States which is an infamous disgrace to the so-called government at Wash- 
ington. The United States Indian Commissioner, in his report for 1904 
says: 

"Civilization is not an unmixed blessing. It carries with it grave re- 
sponsibilities and some undesirable tendencies. The Indian, while being 
fitted for citizenship, is absorbing vices as well as virtues, and weakness as 
well as strength. This is especially true in relation to his physical well- 
being. It is always easy for the Indians to get liquor." 

From the beginning of Anglo-Saxon supremacy in America, it has 
always been easy, or comparatively easy. The following extracts from 
official reports illustrate present-day conditions. 

One of the farmers in charge of the Navajo extension says: 

"I am convinced that one of the greatest drawbacks to the moral 
progress of these Indians is the influence exercised over them by the tra- 
ders. Another demoralizing agency is the practice of Indians leaving the 
reservation to work on the railroads. While away they have free access to 
liquor, and most of their wages are lost in gambling. Out of several hun- 
dred who were at work on the Santa Fe railroad last year, none of them re- 
turned with any money so far as I could ascertain, and, with but few ex- 
ceptions, they were more degraded than before they left the reservation. 
Nearly all their women who accompanied them on these trips became pros- 
titutes." 

A special disbursing agent says: 

"The sale of liquor to Indians in the city of Tucson, Arizona, San 
Xavier Reservation, is still causing considerable trouble ; in fact, no arrests 
of Indians have been made by city or county officials or by the Indian 
police, except for disturbing the peace or other minor offenses committed 
when under the influence of liquor. No intoxicants are sold at or brought 
to the reservation, but the Indians can always find some miscreant in Tuc- 
son, who, for a small consideration, will procure it for them. During the 
past year I made fourteen complaints against persons who sold liquor to 
Indians, and was fortunate enough to obtain eleven convictions." 

The Disbursing Agent at Hoyt, Kansas, Pottawatomie Agency, says : 

"This reservation is environed by small villages, and the Indian carj 
procure, with less trouble than any other person, all the whisky or other in- 
toxicants he may want. Notwithstanding prosecutions in the United States 
district courts, and under the prohibitory law of Kansas, the ubiquitous 
'boot-legger thrives and prospers at the expense of the Indian.' " 

The Indian Agent at the Leech Lake Agency, Minnesota, says: 

"The unlawful sale of alcoholic liquors to Indians by saloon men still 
continues in all the small villages adjacent to the Indian country. An In- 
dian has but little trouble in getting all the liquor he wants, so long as he 
has the money to pay for it. While the Law is adequate and plain, it is 
difficult to convict any one under _it. Public opinion fails, to recognize 



330 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

that it is more harmful to permit traffic which tends to debauch and de- 
stroy the Indian than to permit it among the white people. And, whil«> 
a great majority of white people in these towns are law-abiding citizens 
and do not approve of selling intoxicating liquors to Indians, much of tin* 
revenue by which the town is supported is derived from the saloon element. 
To antagonize this element would cut off the revenue, and evidence cannot 
he obtained from local citizens for this purpose." 

At Winnebago Agency a similar state of things exists, but worse: 

"The liquor traffic at the town of Homer, nine miles from this agency, 
is very bad. These Indians spend a great deal of their money at this town 
for whisky. It seems to be a very easy matter for them to get all the liquor 
they want. I have endeavored to stop this liquor traffic, but so far have 
met with little success. The people at Homer claim they do not like the 
state of affairs there, but at the same time they are not doing anything to 
stop the sale of liquor because they say it^would interfere with their busi- 
ness. I have reported cases to the United States court, but they were not 
acted upon for the reason that there was not sufficient money to pay witness 
fees, etc. I am of the opinion that the judge of the United States district 
court imposes too light a sentence on bootleggers when convicted. If a 
few of them would be given the limit of the law as a sentence, I believe the 
liquor traffic at Homer could be stopped." 

At the Sac and Fox Agency, the disbursing agent says : 

"Drunkenness exists among the Kiowa Indians generally, and among 
the Sac and Fox to a large extent. The Sac and Fox women are very 
much opposed to the use of liquor among their people and assist greatly in 
preventing an increase of drunkenness. It is comparatively easy for an 
Indian to secure what whisky he wants in any of the small towns in the 
vicinity where they live. The Indian has the money and the whisky seller 
the whisky. Many of the towns are filled with tramps who do not hesitate 
to buy whisky for an Indian if they are promised a drink, or are given 
a little money over and above the cost of the whisky. These are the most 
difficult offenders to detect, since they are at one place today and at an- 
other tomorrow, and no one knows their names. The Indians as a rule 
are unwilling witnesses, and will not tell the truth about these matters, 
unless for some reason they desire revenge. Two whisky sellers were prose- 
cuted and convicted during the year. In addition to this number, five oth- 
ers were prosecuted but not convicted. Twenty-one cases of drunkenness 
were punished by confinement in the Agency jail and compelling the offend- 
ers to work a number of days**' 

The Superintendent of the Klamath Agency says : 

"The evil has grown with the increase of facilities for getting liquor, 
and the greatest vigilance is necessary at all times to prevent serious trou-^ 
ble from it. Some success has been achieved in the punishment of offend- 
ers, but, since the rapid development and settlement of the extensive coun-, 
try adjacent to the reservation by white people, much greater facilities. are 
offered than existed formerly for the Indians to procure whisky." 



FIGHTING FIREWATER. 331 

At the Warmspring Agency in Oregon, the Superintendent says: 

"Intemperance is fast becoming a menace to the peace and happiness 
of these people, and promises to be as troublesome here as at other reserva- 
tions. Drunken quarrels and carousals are becoming more frequent. Dur- 
ing the last ten years the country north and east of the reservation has been 
settling up rapidly, and some half dozen saloons have been opened. This 
brings whisky within the reach of any Indian who wants it. Confederates 
retail it outside of the saloon to the Indian in large or small quantities as 
desired. This illegal traffic is carried on in such a way as to evade the law 
or to make it impossible to get sufficient evidence to convict the offender." 

At Greenville, California, the Superintendent of the Industrial 
School, fearing that liquor was being sold to pupils, sought for evidence 
himself and got it. He saw a dealer delivering whisky over a bar, and had 
him arrested. The fellow was found guilty, fined $100, and will forfeit 
his permit. 

The authorities generally agree that it is very difficult to obtain con- 
victions, and impossible to suppress the traffic among Indians, and that, 
despite the cooperation of authorities, the traffic is actually increasing. 
It is white men, members of the "superior" race, "Christian" liquor-deal- 
ers, who thus defy and ignore the laws of God and man. However, 631 
whisky sellers were prosecuted during the year 1903-1904. 

In 1905-1906 the Osage Agent said : 

"The whisky pedler upon the reservation has not thrived. Consid- 
erable quantities of liquor have been confiscated and destroyed at the vari- 
ous railroad stations, most of which presumably belonged to persons who 
intended it for their own use. The Indians as a whole have been sober and 
contented, except a small per cent, of those living near Greyhound, Fair- 
fax and Ralston, who repair to the latter place on every occasion, and 
there find saloons with high board fences surrounding the yard in the 
rear, termed 'bull-pens.' Small rooms are partitioned off in the rear of the 
buildings, fitted up with dumb-waiters and various other contrivances to 
prevent the Indian customer from seeing the person who delivers the liquor. 
It is no uncommon sight to see fifteen or twenty drunken Indians on the 
streets of Ralston at a time, some of them almost naked, having bartered 
their blankets for whisky, or they were stolen from them while drunk. The 
real criminal, the saloon proprietor, so far has gone scot free. The diffi- 
culties in the way of procuring evidence against these saloonkeepers are 
many." 

While Anti-Saloon League attorneys have been conducting a legisla- 
tive and law-enforcing campaign in the neutral territory between Repub- 
licans and Democrats, and the W. C. T. U. women have been praying at 
the noontide hour, and holding conventions, and prosecuting their forty 
different lines of work, and the Prohibition party has been organizing and 
operating in the open field where elections are lost and won, the United 



332 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

States government, in the person of its special agent, William E. Johnson, 
has been engaged in a lurid conflict with all sorts and conditions of liquor 
sellers among the Indians. Johnson, long before this appointment, had 
acquired a national and even international reputation as an author and 
editor, a fearless detective, and an acute investigator of conditions in so- 
called prohibition territory. 

As an illustration of the special agent's compaign methods, this story 
may be told. The saloons of Oklahoma City were thrown into wild 
tumult when, very unexpectedly, forty-two rum-sellers were arrested and 
put under bonds to await the action of the Federal grand jury. Of this 
a press correspondent wrote: 

"The saloons of Oklahoma City have been in the habit of violating 
the law in every respect they choose to do. It seems that some days ago, 
William E. Johnson, Special Agent of the Interior Department, 'threw 
out his lines' to catch the scamps for selling to Indians. A few expert 
operators, working under Johnson's personal direction, soon had the neces- 
sary evidence, and Tuesday night United States Commissioner Spitler sat 
up till midnight making out the warrants. Wednesday afternoon United 
States Marshal Abernathy, with a couple of deputies, was summoned to 
this city from Guthrie, and early in the evening began to gather in the 
delinquent rumsellers. Before the saloonkeepers realized what was going 
on, they were being picked up all over the city and hurried to Commis- 
sioner Spitler's office for arraignment. Some of the early birds had gone 
to bed, and there was a wild scrambling for bonds and cash bail. Spitler 
demanded a gilt-edged $1,000 bond in each case, and 'straw bail' did not 
'go' for a minute* 

"Thursday the work of arresting the forty-two erring drink-sellers 
was completed, and there is wailing and gnashing of teeth. As high as 
$20 was offered for a glimpse of the man who was responsible for the 
^outrage.' 'I am mighty glad that the saloonkeepers are finding that 
there is a God in Israel,' said a banker here today. 

"In the United States District Court, Judge Meeks has just refused 
an application for an injunction to restrain the Santa Fe Railway from 
further refusing shipments of low-grade beers into the Indian Territory. 
This decision has been bitterly fought, and is of prime importance to the 
enforcement of the prohibitory law in the Territory. 

"Some months ago, through the efforts of Mr. Johnson, all of the 
express companies and railways doing business in the Territory issued 
general orders to all agents to refuse shipment of all brewery products as 
well as spirituous liquors to Territory points. A furious contest followed, 
in which Johnson smashed up nearly 25,000 bottles of these beers which 
were sneaked into the Territory by tricks and deceptions on the railway 
agents. For some weeks the air all over the Territory was full of injunc- 
tion suits, replevin suits, damage suits and flying beer bottles. This med- 
ley finally resulted in W. R. Wilson, backed by the Dallas Brewery of this 
place, filing an application in the United States District Court here for an 



FIGHTING FIREWATER. 333 

injunction to restrain the Santa Fe Railway from further refusing these 
shipments. 

"Johnson was at once notified by the railway company's counsel, and 
hastened to Dallas where he arranged with William H. Atwell, United 
States District Attorney, to intervene in behalf of the government. John- 
son worked up the necessary evidence and a desperate legal battle followed. 
It was regarded as a test case ; because, if it was decided adversely to the 
railways, all the other railways and express companies would be subject to 
similar suits, and would probably have been compelled to resume shipments 
of the various low-grade beers. Yesterday, Mr. Atwell fought the brew- 
ers' attorneys all day in the United States court here, with the result that 
Judge Meeks, before whom the case was heard, refused the application. 
The result is a striking victory for the government, as it will fortify the 
railways in their position of refusing to receive the stuff for shipment." 

Another correspondent says: 

"The vigorous war which has been waged on the liquor outlaws in 
the Indian Territory during the past ten months by Special Agent Wil- 
liam E. Johnson of the Interior Department, has reached the assassination 
stage. Gradually, in one way and another Johnson has drawn the net 
closer about the unlawful traffic until the price of twenty-five-cent 'nigger* 
whisky has gone up in most parts of the territory to two and even three 
dollars per pint. The meeker class of bootleggers have almost wholly 
been driven out of the business, and only the most desperate class remain. 
A two weeks' hand-to-hand contest has followed with this element, with 
whom the issue has been fought out at the point of the rifle and revolver. 

"Since May 28, Special Officer Johnson has led tins contest, with a 
price of $3,000 on his head from one gang of desperadoes at Porum, be- 
sides similar plots at Sapulpa, Mill Creek, and other parts of the Territory. 
In his stay here, Agent Johnson has gathered about him a company of 
kindred spirits, ready to follow him anywhere and meet the desperadoes on 
their own ground. 

"During the last two weeks, mostly in midnight battles, two whisky 
pedlers have been shot dead, one shot through the arm, one horse shot to 
death, one of Johnson's officers, Sam Roberts, has been killed, and another, 
E. J. Sapper, shot through the side of the head, but he is recovering. This 
disaster happened a week ago at Porum, the center of a section of Indian 
Territory wilderness famous in western criminal annals for cold-blooded 
murders. It was in the heart of this section that Johnson, last fall, single- 
handed and alone, held up a camp of outlaws, and at the point of his re- 
volver arrested John Harris and his daughter Nora, who are now in jail 
at Vinita, charged with the famous murder at Paw Paw in which Harris 
beat out the brains of his son-in-law with a bar of iron. 

"This section is dominated by two young desperadoes, Eugene and 
Ben Titsworth, of Porum. Some time ago Johnson set out to 'clean up' 
this gang which had intimidated the whole section. In this work John- 
son's chief helper was Dr. E. J. Sapper who, besides being Johnson's dep- 
uty, was also a United States Marshal for that section. Sometime ago, 
Johnson caused a warrant to be sworn out for Eugene Titsworth for sell- 



334 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ing whisky. The warrant was served by Dr. Sapper, but Titsworth made 
his escape from the officer and fled to Ft. Smith. Johnson then placed one 
of his 'Indians' on the trail and he was finally rounded up at Ft. Smith, 
landed in jail and brought back. In the meantime, Johnson and Sapper 
made a night raid on Titsworth's joint gambling layout in the woods near 
a camp of railway construction laborers at McMurray Crossing. The 
raid was made near midnight in a driving thunderstorm, and the outfit and 
drinkables destroyed. Johnson alone next made a descent on Ben Tits- 
worth's joint at Warner, and destroyed it in the teeth of Ben's threats. 

"While in the Fort Smith jail, Ben Titsworth made the acquaintance 
of one Jim Patman, alias Jack Baldridge, and with several other aliases. 
Patman's term had about expired, and Titsworth, who is a man of wealth, 
hired Patman to kill Johnson and his assistant Sapper, agreeing to pay the 
murderer $3,000 for the job. After their release from jail, the toughs 
returned to Porum where Titsworth made a murderous assault on a young 
man whom he suspected of giving information to Sapper. Johnson at once 
went to Porum to arrest Titsworth for the assault. Titsworth resisted ar- 
rest, and assaulted Johnson. In the struggle Johnson threw Titsworth 
upon the floor, placed handcuffs on him and brought the prisoner in irons 
to jail at Muskogee, forty miles away. Patman was in town at the time 
and weakened at carrying out his murder compact with Titsworth. 

"Titsworth again wiggled out of jail, and at a picnic near Porum 
following July 4, set up a 'spiked cider' stand. Johnson had intended to 
be present at this picnic but was called away on a chase of some outlaws in 
the Choctaw mountains, and Dr. Sapper with an assistant, Sam Roberts, 
went to Porum by Johnson's direction to keep order. It was there that 
the Titsworths got Patman half drunk on the 'spiked cider,' and goaded 
him into the murder that followed. As Sapper and Roberts entered the 
booth to seize the cider, the crowd of ruffians closed in. 'Kill him, 



• !' shouted Eugene to Patman, who immediately sent a bullet 

crashing through Sam Roberts' brain. At the same time Ben Titsworth 
shot Dr. Sapper through the side of the head, and he fell unconscious. 
The assassins then fled. 

"Later the Titsworths gave themselves up, with the intention of lay- 
ing the whole affair on to Patman, and cheating Patman out of his $3,000 
reward as well. A dozen officers at once entered the jungle and soon cap- 
tured Patman, who became angered at the treatment meted out to him by 
the Titsworths, and confessed to the whole plot. 

"All the desperadoes are now in jail, being held to the grand jury in- 
vestigation and denied bail. The capture of the desperadoes and their con- 
finement in jail has operated to discourage others who are still devising 
schemes to smuggle liquor into the Territory. 

"Since the traffic has been cut out of the railways, attempts have 
been made to transport it overland by teams at night. Agent Johnson 
has been checkmating this by waylaying and seizinor teams, smashing the 
liquor, putting the driver in jail and confiscating the team. Thirty-two 
horses, fourteen wagons, four saddles and forty men have so far been 
captured in this way, and several thousand dollars worth of liquor seized." 



FIGHTING FIREWATER. 335 

At the Indian conference at Lake Mohonk in 1907, Mr. Johnson 
graphically described some details in his contest with the railroads entering 
the territory. He said: 

"When I reached Indian Territory two years ago, I discovered that 
the supply of liquor at that time was coming in chiefly by express and 
freight. The railways had issued orders years ago forbidding their 
agents to accept shipments of intoxicating liquors for points in the Indian 
Territory, but those orders had long since been forgotten. Practically 
every train that came into the Indian Territory brought with it a consid- 
erable supply of intoxicating liquors. My first attempt, therefore, was to 
break down this source of supply. I did it by inaugurating a system of 
searching these trains. At first I found myself confronted with the orders 
from the superintendent not to allow officers in the express cars. I would 
go into the express cars at night, usually at first, and notify the messenger 
that I had come for the purpose of examining that express car. I would 
tell him that if he permitted me to examine the car, all right ; if he did not 
permit me to examine the car, I would do it anyhow, and if I found any 
intoxicating liquors I would take him off at the next station and put him 
in jail. He usually saw the point. By following that policy for a short 
time I have managed to break down this opposition to searching the express 
cars ; and, within a few months it was a common practice of all deputy mar- 
shals throughout the Territory, to search these express cars. 

"Then came the problem of robbers getting on the express cars in the 
guise of officers. I have met that by issuing a letter of identification to 
deput}' marshals and my own deputies who were authorized to search these 
cars. The express companies on the other hand instructed their agents 
and messengers to honor these letters of identification. That solved the 
railway transactions as far as whisky was concerned. 

"But we were confronted with another problem than that of whisky. 
The brewers were making a species of beer, theoretically less than two per 
cent, alcohol, but actually more than two. This beer was sold under 
various names, like 'Uno,' *Ino,' 'Hiawatha,' 'Mistletoe,' 'Pablo,' 'Tip-top,' 
and various aliases of that sort. In order to make the fight the stuff would 
be actualty less than two per cent., and after the trade was established they 
would jump it to four per cent, and five per cent., just like any other beer. 
These agents dealing in these low-grade beers were well fortified financially. 
They had arrangements with banks and financial institutions to go on their 
bonds immediately after arrest. Their cases, owing to the congested condi- 
tions of the dockets, would never come up to trial, and these people were 
practically immune from prosecution for those reasons. I had analyzed 
by government chemists all of these two per cent, low-grade beers which 
were being sold in the Indian Territory ; and I had in my pockets the opin- 
ion of each of the four district attorneys in the Indian Territory that 
these products were contraband under the act of 1895. 

"I then went out upon a little pilgrimage to St. Louis, Chicago and 
New York, and bad a heart-to-heart conference with each of the traffic 
managers of the railway companies doing business in the Indian Terri- 
tory, and each of the superintendents of the express lines doing business 



336 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

there. I showed them the law. I showed them the opinions of the district 
attorneys. I showed them the analysis of the government chemists. I 
put it up to them as to what they were going to do about it, whether they 
were going to make a mockery of this matter, or whether they were going 
to cooperate with the government in enforcing the law. I assured them 
that in case they took the -former course the United States attorneys 
of the Territory would cooperate with me and make trouble for the rail- 
way companies. The result of the conference was that each of the rail- 
ways without exception, and each of the express companies without excep- 
tion, sent out most positive orders to all agents in and out of the Territory 
to refuse shipments of anything that came out of a brewery or distillery to 
points within the Indian Territory. They not only sent those orders, but 
they sent out instructions to their route agents to see that their orders were 
carried out, and they also told me that if I would call their attention by 
telegraph to any infractions of these orders that they would summarily 
dispose of the offending agents. The result was that within ten days this 
traffic was practically eliminated, and, further, half a dozen or so of the 
agents who had attempted to make sport of these orders found themselves 
looking for other positions. That settled the beer business in the Indian 
Territory for the time being. There were 353 beer joints which paid 
their special taxes as retail dealers in liquors in the Indian Territory and 
probably 40 or 50 who had not paid taxes. Approximately 400 establish- 
ments were closed in this way, and they remained closed for quite a long 
time. 

"Finally they sprung a new scheme on me. Under the Interstate Com- 
merce law the railways could not refuse to receive shipments of intoxicat- 
ing liquors from a point out of the state to some point through the Terri- 
tory in another state. So they began shipping this stuff, for instance 
from Kansas City to Dallas, Texas, in car lots. When the car got to a 
point where they wished to sell the stuff, for instance at Muskogee, they 
would replevin it in some local court, and then they would have the stuff 
put on the market again. I was up against this proposition. I could not 
arrest those men and make successful prosecutions for the reason they were 
simply going to give bond and go on selling the stuff again. Section 2140 
of the Revised Statutes, which was enacted in 1836 and revised at some 
intervals since then, gave extraordinary powers to the Indian agents, sub- 
agents or the commanding officers of the post in a military reservation. 
These two powers were of two classes. First, there was power to search 
and seize ; second, there was the power to sell teams and goods and peltries, 
and sell them under libel proceedings. The latter part of that section made 
it the duty of any officer or any employe of the United States, or any In- 
dian agent to seize and destroy ardent spirits and wine. The Act of 1 895 
extended the contraband of goods to cover all sorts of fermented and malt 
liquors in the Indian Territory. The Court of Appeals construed that 
to mean that if a beverage was either malted or fermented it was contra- 
band, irrespective of the proportion of alcohol contained therein. 

"While the act of 1895 said nothing about the authority of an offi- 
cer to summarily destroy malt or fermented beverages, I took the view that 
it was the intention of Congress to extend these powers of an officer to 



FIGHTING FIREWATER." 337 

cover all inhibited beverages, and that, inasmuch as malt or fermented 
beverages could not be introduced without a crime having been commit- 
ted, no one could acquire property rights in them in the Indian Territory. 
We therefore set out upon a policy of seizing and destro} r ing all of those 
liquors, irrespective of the amount of alcohol contained therein. Later 
the court of the Western District, Judge Lawrence presiding, decided that 
the policy was according to law. 

"In this contest, myself and deputies were arrested many times in 
municipal courts that were controlled by whisky pedlers, and damage suits 
aggregating about $170,000 were piled up against me. They even sued 
the Secretary of the Interior for $75,000 on my account. But after I 
had obtained twenty-three indictments from grand juries against the plain- 
tiffs, they found themselves holding the hot end of the poker and dismissed 
all these cases at their own cost. Two of my men, Sam Roberts and John 
Morrison, have been murdered by the liquor outlaws, both while in the dis- 
charge of their duty. Another of my deputies, E. J. Sapper, was shot 
through the side of the head while making a raid, but recovered. I have 
been especially fortunate in my assistants ; they are as brave and loyal a 
band as ever lived at any time or anywhere." 

Supplemental to the above statement by Mr. Johnson, a correspond- 
ent writes: 

"On November 19, the Special Agent gave out to the newspapers a 
signed statement that he proposed to leave the Territory that night for a 
few days, and that on his return he proposed summarily to seize and de- 
stroy all of the low-grade beers found in the Territory regardless of the 
name and where found. This sensation of the hour was telegraphed into 
every hamlet in the Territory, and was known in every joint within twen- 
ty-four hours. 

"Johnson suddenly appeared back in the Territory, and the fiercest 
kind of a six-weeks contest began. The dealers had hurriedly shipped out 
most of their supplies, but kept a few on which to base a fight. One 
wholesale dealer emptied his whole stock of about 10,000 bottles in order to 
save his glassware. Lawyers were ready to serve injunction suits on the 
agent should he appear, but Johnson generally came at night, smashed 
everything up, and got out of town before a judge could be gotten out of 
bed to sign an injunction order. The last and biggest of these raids was 
at Ardmore, where Johnson swooped down on the express office at four 
o'clock in the morning, and in a driving rainstorm seized and broke 1,920 
bottles of 'Tintop' amid the maledictions and threats of four beer lawyers. 
When the destruction was complete, Johnson challenged them to go with 
him to Judge Townsend and he would help them to get an 'injunction.' 
The judge, however, after hearing all sides of the case, flatly refused to 
help the beer lawyers even by granting them a temporary injunction, and 
the coterie left. Since then no other attempt at 'injunction' has been 
made. 

"In these raids, Johnson smashed up nearly seven thousand bottles of 
beer. The destruction of the costly patented bottles cut the brewers far 
worse than the destruction of the sloppy beer. 



338 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"Defeated in the injunction schemes, attempts were made to swamp 
Johnson in damage litigation, and suits amounting to nearly $100,000 
damages were piled up against him. The Department of Justice promptly 
instructed the United States attorneys to take charge of his defense in this 
little litigation and fight the suits to the bitter end. Johnson's fight at- 
tracted wide attention and commanded the respect of the people. This 
was apparent especially in the change in the attitude of the grand juries 
toward him. As fast as these damage suits were filed, the Special Agent 
would present the facts to the first grand jury. The result was that the 
juries promptl}- returned criminal indictments against every one who 
brought one of these damage suits. 

"There were plenty of sidelights to the great fight. The postmaster 
at McKey filed charges against Johnson with the Secretary of the Interior 
for destroying 100 gallons of respectable cider in his postoffice. John- 
son's reply was simply to secure a criminal indictment from a grand jury 
against the postmaster for bootlegging, and file counter charges against 
him with the Postoffice Department at Washington. The postmaster is now 
out of jail under $500 bend and trying to 'explain' to the Postoffice au- 
thorities in Washington and save his job. 

"The Oklahoma Vinegar Co., of Fort Smith, Ark., took a hand in 
the fray and filed charges against Johnson in Washington for breaking 
up their business in the Territor}\ Johnson's reply was to secure criminal 
grand jury indictments against seven of the Vinegar Company's best 
customers for selling their 'spiked cider' which was guaranteed to be 'ab- 
solutely non-alcoholic' The Vinegar Company is now busy defending 
these criminal indictments. 

"Then a systematic attempt was made to wear out the Special Agent 
by sneaking in small shipments of beer labeled 'cranberries' or 'potatoes,' 
here and there through easy express agents who regarded their orders as a 
joke. Johnson met this attack by having all such express movements 
promptly reported to him by his agents by telegraph, giving the points 
of origin and destination. Telegraphic complaints were at once filed 
against such agents, who would immediately get from their superintend- 
ents a telegram demanding an explanation for their disobedience of orders. 
After a few agents had thus nearly lost their jobs, this trouble was ad- 
justed. 

"Then a systematic attempt was made to flood the Territory with 
whisky just before Christmas, and inaugurate a general drunk and thus 
discredit the whole law-enforcement movement. Mr. Johnson checkmated 
this by posting twenty of his best Indian police at points where the rail- 
ways enter the territory, with instructions to search all trains coming in 
and seize all liquors. The result was that the newspapers declared it to be 
the 'dryest' Christmas that the Territory had ever experienced. 

"On Christmas day, the fight had practically been won, but the six 
weeks' contest, in fully one-half the nights of which the Special Agent had 
been wholly without sleep, drew heavily upon his strength. In a three- 
o'clock-in-the-morning raid a few days before, he had cut his hand in 
smashing up a seizure of 200 bottles of whisky on a Santa Fe train. Blood 
poisoning resulted, and a week's dangerous illness followed. During this 



FIGHTING FIREWATER. 339 

illness, two reckless brewers took advantage and shipped in nearly two car- 
loads of beer, which was quickly scattered about the Territory. It was 
shipped in closed barrels as 'potatoes,' and consigned to fake commission 
houses. As soon as he was able to be out, Johnson presented the evidence 
to the grand jury in session in the Chickasaw Nation, which promptly voted 
indictments against the brewers responsible for the trick. It is understood 
that the brewers have now given up the fight, and that practically every one 
of the more than four hundred beer joints is closed. Only a few are at- 
tempting to run as pool-halls and cider shops. A dozen papers in the 
Territory have announced in big headlines recently 'THE BEER PE- 
RIOD IS OVER.' 

"The contest has wrought remarkable changes in six weeks. The 
newspapers, that at first treated the whole matter as a joke, are now noting 
the improved conditions and are generous in their praise. The thirty In- 
dian policemen who had been leaderless, neglected and laughed at, are now 
active, earnest and eager for assignments to hunt booze, and many of them 
are doing splendid service. The 125 deputy marshals, then discouraged 
and listless, are now full of life and full of fight. In a recent special arti- 
cle describing the improved conditions, the Daily Oklahoman said : 'With- 
in the last few months the presence of Mr. Johnson seems to have redoubled 
the efforts of the deputy marshals all over the Territory, and there has de- 
veloped a sort of rivalry to see which can locate and destroy the most 
liquor. This has always been the duty of the marshals, but at this time 
there is spice in their zeal, and as the federal regime draws to a close they 
fight on bootleggers harder.' 

"While the beer fight has made the joint-keepers ugly, and several 
gunplays, fisticuffs and attempts on the lives of officers, have been made, 
only one man has been seriously hurt during the six weeks' fight. A couple 
of desperate bootleggers shot Deputy Marshal W. E. Strickland of Tulsa, 
the 44-caliber bullet entering his cheek and coming out the back of his 
neck. Strickland will live, but it was a close call. Strickland is a Prohi- 
bitionist, and one of Johnson's best helpers for whom he was instrumental 
in securing a place on Marshal Bennett's staff some time ago." 

The Federal government prohibits the sale of liquor to Indians, and 
employs agents like Johnson and his associates to enforce its regulations, 
and at the same time accepts revenue from and issues receipts to the very 
people who are violating this law. 

The liquor dealers, on their part, ignore and defy law, even commit- 
ting murder in their open rebellion. What consideration can be due to a 
"business" which begets such a spirit in its followers? What would hap- 
pen if grocers, or blacksmiths or any other line of industry or trade should 
assume such an attitude of anarchy? 

Finally, this story is but one more evidence that, to enforce prohibi- 
tion, Prohibitionists must be elected and appointed to office. 

It is for the citizenship, the voters, to say how long such work as Mr- 
Johnson has done and is still doing must be required. 




CHAPTER XXVIII. 

THE NEGRO PROBLEM AND THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 



HE founders of the American Republic declared that "all 
men are created free and equal" — and introduced African 
slavery. The American people declare in their magna 
charta that "all men are entitled to life, liberty and the pur- 
suit of happiness" — and go into partnership with the liquor 
traffic, the greatest enemy the world has known to life, liberty and happi- 
ness. Thus this country has a "Negro problem" and a "Liquor problem" 
both of its own making. A nation, like an individual, must suffer for its 
mistakes and its sins. For its wrongs toward a defenseless and dependent 
race this nation has suffered its awful baptism of blood. For their abhor- 
rent compacts with the still and the vat the American people are paying 
a penalty in disease and vice and crime and pauperism and degradation and 
death beyond expression. 

From the nature of social conditions these original twin evils 
today present twin problems. Indeed, it might be said that in some re- 
spects the two problems are identical. In the southern states where the 
negro population is so large, and in those northern cities where large bodies 
of the black race have congregated, the liquor question becomes acute. It 
has been found that ignorant and shiftless negroes plied with bad whisky 
by bad white men make a combination fraught with the gravest danger 
and the greatest evil. 

There is no question that very many advocates of prohibition in the 
southern states were impelled to demand the enactment of laws for the sup- 
pression of the liquor traffic, because the black man, made drunken by un- 
scrupulous white men engaged in the liquor trade, had becorne a peril to 
the womanhood of the dominant race. At the National Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union Convention, in Denver, October, 1908, the State Presi- 
dent for Florida said: 

"The negro question has its bearing, as it does on nearly every move- 
ment in our section of the country." 

The State President for Texas said: 

"I think that the prohibition movement has a direct bearing upon the 
negro question, and has had a most salutary reformatory effect in those 
340 




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THE NEGRO PROBLEM AND THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 341 

parts of the South where the colored population is so heavy. Of course, 
in our state the class distinctions have been preserved, and are now as much 
in evidence as they were before the war. But I will say for the negroes 
that they take to the prohibition idea most kindly, and we have a most ac- 
tive association of colored women as a branch of our Union." 

Mrs. Margaret Dye Ellis, of Washington, D. C, said : 

"The purging of the country of the rum curse was a dire and press- 
ing necessity in some quarters of the South, because of the prevalent popu- 
lation of improvident negroes and dissolute whites. Of course the efforts 
of our organization proved of inestimable benefit to such communities and, 
equally, of course, the moral status of the South is raised in proportion to 
the spread of the gospel of prohibition." 

Mrs. C. J. Vayhinger, State President of Indiana, said : 

"While I am not exactly from the South, I understand conditions 
there. They are partly the same in my state. While it is a question of 
pure morality, there is no doubt that the good effects of prohibition extend 
to all branches of society, and those in the lower levels will be the greatest 
gainers from the abolition of the traffic in intoxicating liquors." 

On the other hand, Mrs. Frances E. Beauchamp, President of the 
Kentucky Union, said: 

"I do not think the negro question has anything to do with it. I know 
it did not in our state. Of course the good example of the white people 
will necessarily have its effect upon the negroes, but it was not with this 
particular end in view that we have kept up the agitation which is bringing 
about such great results. Pure morality, and the saving of the people who 
suffer and die because of the fatal sway of King Alcohol, is our motive, 
and that only is what actuates us." 

Mrs. Beauchamp speaks for herself and perhaps for the typical W. 
C. T. U. woman. But Hon. Seaborn Wright, and scores of representa- 
tive southerners, frankly say that the liquor traffic was hastened under ban 
of law, because it had made the negro tenfold more than ever a menace to 
the safety of the white man's home and the peace of the community. This 
they claim was the determining factor in inducing and hastening radical 
action. 

Booker T. Washington once said that, "If the white man will keep 
the negro in the gutter, he must stay there with him." The same thing 
is true of the state in its attitude toward the saloon. If it tax the saloon 
"to provide against evils," it must lie down in the gutter with the saloon, a 
partner in perpetuating its evils. And the peril of it is that when the sa- 
loon dies in the gutter of its own evils, the St;it<' must die there, too. 



;>42 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

II. 

PROHIBITION AND THE NEGEO. 

By Bookeb T. Washington, in Tlw Outlook, March, 1908. 

I have read much in the northern papers about the prohibition move- 
ment in the South being based wholly upon a determination or desire to 
keep liquor away from the negroes and at the same time provide a way for 
the white people to get it. I have watched the prohibition movement care- 
fully from its inception to the present time, and I have seen nothing in the 
agitation in favor of the movement, nothing in the law itself, and nothing 
in the execution of the law that warrants any such conclusion. The pro- 
hibition movement is based upon a deep-seated desire to get rid of whisky 
in the interest of both races because of its hurtful economic and moral 
results. The prohibition sentiment is as strong in counties where there 
are practically no colored people as in the Black Belt counties. 

If I mention these facts here, by way of introduction to what I have 
to say in regard to the results of prohibition where I have been able to ob- 
serve them, namely, two typical Southern cities, Birmingham and Atlanta, 
it is because I want to emphasize the fact that the contrary is true: pro- 
hibition in the South is essentially a moral movement, the first effect of 
which has been a remarkable reduction in crime. Putting it roundly, 
according to the reports of the police magistrates, prohibition has reduced 
the amount of crime in Birmingham one-third and in Atlanta one-half, since 
January 1, when the law went into force. 

The significance of these facts will be appreciated when you consider 
the extraordinary number of people who are arrested and sent to the mines 
and penitentiaries every year by the criminal courts of these two cities. 
During the year 1907 the police of Atlanta, according to a report in the 
Atlanta Constitution of January 1, made 24,332 arrests. This means 
that during the year, on an average, one person out of every six in the 
city of Atlanta was arrested. And this number has been increasing. 
There were 2,630 more persons arrested in 1907 than in 1906. This is an 
increase of considerably more than twelve per cent, in one year. 

Of course this does not mean that one person in every six in Atlanta 
is a criminal, because a good many persons represented in these statistics 
were arrested several times during the year, and a good many others were 
arrested but not convicted. Putting the best construction upon the facts, 
however, they indicate an abnormal drain upon the ranks of the peaceful 
and law-abiding people of the city into the classes that fill the peniten- 
tiaries and supply recruits to the chain gangs, which are already doing 
too large a portion of the work of the State. It should he taken into ac- 



THE NEGRO PROBLEM AND THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 343 

count also that, under present conditions, Southern prisons are conducted 
too largely for the purpose of punishing men rather than reforming them, 
and they are therefore constantly discharging back into the ranks of the 
industrious and law-abiding populations a stream of hardened and embit- 
tered men and women, which in turn pollutes the masses of the people with 
which it mingles. 

Prohibition has attacked this evil at its source, and the results which 
the enforcement of this law brought about serve to indicate to what extent 
evils that the South has accepted as human and inevitable, can be modified 
and cured, if proper measures are taken and these measures are backed by 
the will of the people. 

In his report to the mayor at the end of the first month of prohibition, 
Judge N. B. Feagin, of Birmingham, makes the following statement: 

"The decrease in arrests averages about as follows, in comparing Jan- 
uary, 1908, under prohibition with January, 1907, with saloons: Aggre- 
gate arrests decrease 33 1-3 per cent. ; for assault with intent to murder, 
22 per cent. ; gambling, 17 per cent. ; drunkenness, 80 per cent. ; disorderly 
conduct, 35 per cent. ; burglary and grand larceny, 33 per cent. ; va- 
grancy, 40 per cent. ; wife-beating, 70 per cent." 

There were 33 arrests for drunkenness in January, 1908, as against 
174 for the same month of 1907. There were 56 arrests for disorderly 
conduct in January, 1908, as against 90 for the same month of 1907. 

Several times during the past eight weeks there has not been a single 
prisoner before the Recorder's Court at Atlanta charged with drunken- 
ness. The first instance of this kind was January 4, when there were but 
17 cases on the docket ; nine of these were cases of children. On the same 
day a year ago 63 cases were tried in that court, of which 32 were for 
drunkenness and 28 for disorderly conduct. Wednesday, January 29, at 
the session of what was called by the local papers "the smallest police 
court ever held," there was only one prisoner at the morning session. It 
was about this time that the newspapers recorded another extraordinary 
event in the history of the city. For the first time in many years, the jail 
was for several days empty. 

The records of arrests for the month of January show a more extraor- 
dinary decrease in Atlanta than in Birmingham. For the month of Jan- 
uary, 1907, 1,653 cases were put on the docket of the Recorder's Court 
in Atlanta. During the month of January, 1908, on the other hand, there 
were but 768 cases on the docket, a decrease of considerably more than 50 
per cent. During January, 1907, there were 341 cases of drunkenness 
tried, but in 1908 only 64, a decrease of more than 80 per cent. 

The justices of the peace, before whom warrants in minor criminal 
cases arc issued, report a similar falling off. Three classes of warrants 



344 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

ordinarily taken out by negroes and the poorer class of whites show, ac- 
cording to reports in the newspapers, a falling off equal to that of the 
Recorder's Court. These are the warrants charging abandonment of 
minor children, dispossessory warrants — taken against people unable to 
pay their rents — and warrants charging various kinds of larceny. A good 
many of these cases grow out of family quarrels, and serve as a sort of a 
barometer of the condition among the poorer classes in the city. These 
evidences indicate that the closing of the saloons and the breeding-places 
of crimes and disorders has brought a remarkable change into the homes 
of the poor, where, finally, the effects of crime and disorder are always most 
keenly felt. 

Commenting on the situation as it is in Atlanta and Birmingham, the 
Birmingham News says: 

"For ten years Birmingham has not enjoyed so orderly a period as it 
has since the first of January. The moral improvement in the city has 
been marked since prohibition went into effect. The newspapers are no 
longer giving space to reports of murders, shooting and cutting scrapes, 
personal altercations and other disorders, as they formerly did, for the 
reason that the regard for law and order in this community is very much 
more in evidence since the removal of the whisky traffic." 

In Birmingham, the demand for reform has not stopped with the 
closing of the saloons. Since January 1 seventeen gambling houses, many 
of which had been running for years in a more or less public way, have 
been closed. A Law and Order League has been formed, and vigorous 
measures are being taken throughout Jefferson county to do away with 
the "blind-tigers" and to suppress the vices that have centered about and 
in these moral cess-pools. 

The interesting thing about the prohibition movement in the South 
is that it goes out from and is supported by the churches. The campaign 
in Jefferson county, Alabama, which changed Birmingham from wet to dry 
began, as I have been informed, in a ministers' meeting. The superin- 
tendent of the Anti-Saloon League in Alabama, Mr. Brooks Lawrence, is a 
minister and a Northerner. One of the charges brought against him 
during the campaign was that he was a carpet-bagger, and that the prohi- 
bition movement was an attempt "to dump Northern ideas" upon the 
South, where they did not fit conditions. 

It was predicted that prohibition would demoralize business. In 
Birmingham alone one hundred and twenty-eight saloons, fourteen whole- 
sale liquor stores and two breweries were closed as a result of the law. 
But the predictions do not seem to have been fulfilled. It has recently been 
announced that a fourteen-story building was to be erected on the site of 
one of the oldest saloons in Birmingham ; and Atlanta is preparing to pave 



THE NEGRO PROBLEM AND THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 345 

and improve the notorious Decatur street, on which the larger part of the 
dives of the city were located. It is promised that it will soon become one 
of the best streets in the city. 

Prohibition has been the popular issue, and it has the South behind it. 
Many of those, I am informed, who voted for prohibition were men who 
themselves belonged to the class that had supported the saloon. On the 
other hand, many of those who opposed prohibition were men who rarely, 
if ever, entered a barroom. 

Directly, and indirectly, the members of my own race have suffered, 
perhaps more than any other portion of the population, from the effects 
of the liquor traffic. But the educated men and the leaders of the race 
have been quick to see the advantages that would come from the total sup- 
pression of the saloon. Everywhere in the South this class has given its 
votes to the support of prohibition, even where it brought them in opposi- 
tion to the men whom they have been disposed to regard as their friends, 
and in support of those whom they have been accustomed to regard as 
their enemies. In Birmingham the negroes formed an organization, and 
cast nearly all of the registered colored vote for prohibition. 

Prohibition in the South is to a certain extent a woman's movement. 
In the campaign in Alabama it was the women, the mothers and the wives 
and the children of the men who supported the saloon with their earnings, 
who marched in the processions, and stood all day at the polls to see that 
their husbands, sons and fathers voted "right." 

No one who is at all acquainted with the conditions in the South can 
doubt the depth and the genuineness of the feelings that are behind prohi- 
bition, which is in no way a political maneuver, but an inspired movement 
of the masses of the people. Its great importance, it seems to me, consists 
in the fact that it is bringing the ordinary conservative elements in the com- 
munity, the women, the ministers and the people in the churches, into close 
and intimate contact with actual conditions and with the real problems of 
the South. It is at the same time, if I may say so, an intellectual awa- 
kening and a moral revolution. 

in. 

THE NEGRO AND PROHIBITION. 

By J. C. Price, President National A fro- American League. 

Remembering the circumstances in which the Afro-American was 
placed by the dreadful institution of slavery it is not to be wondered at 
that he now cultivates a taste, even a love, for alcohol. Yet it is remark- 
able to note the progress toward sobriety that the race has made in the 
later years of its emancipation. A colored total abstainer is not a rare 



346 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

person in any community nowadays. The various temperance societies, 
and nearly all the other secret organizations supported by the Afro- 
American race, uniformly require those who seek admission to pledge them- 
selves to be sober men and women, and in most cases to be total abstain- 
ers. The drift is more and more in this direction, and hence soberness in 
the race is constantly on the increase. It is remarkable, too, to observe 
the steadfastness and persistency with which colored teachers, as a rule, 
hold to the idea that the race is to be uplifted morally, as well as mate- 
rially and religiously improved, through total abstinence as a chief in- 
strument. It is the rare exception, not the rule, to find a colored teacher 
who does not hold to this doctrine. The result is that many boys and 
girls in the schoolrooms all over the South, and in other sections as well. 
are being trained to habits of temperance, and will in all probability de- 
velop into consistent temperance men and women. 

And it must not be forgotten that the true and most influential 
leaders of the race, the ministers, are molding and shaping the opinions 
of both old and young in favor of soberness and total abstinence. The 
unanimity with which the churches of all denominations declare for the 
temperance reform is most encouraging. It is a very rare thing to find 
any considerable proportion of the ministry of any religious denomina- 
tion exerting an influence in behalf of the extension and perpetuation of 
the liquor traffic. The church, as a factor in this race development and 
elevation, is laboring steadfastly and earnestly for the right. It is the 
one force that checks and holds the individuals of the race from following 
the evil propensities of their own hearts when every other force proves 
unavailing. In it is the chief hope for the present, as well as the eternal 
salvation of the negro. If the church is kept pure it can lift up and give 
honor and perfect freedom to the freedmen. The race has implicit con- 
fidence in the truth and value of God's Word. This confidence must not 
be shaken, but must be cultivated by the selection of clergymen well quali- 
fied by special training to teach wisely, acceptably and properly. Along 
with such cultivation will inevitably go a determination to strengthen 
the temperance cause more and more. 

I have watched closely the men who are recognized as the race lead- 
ers in various states and localities. It is acknowledged that they are gen- 
erally shrewd, calculating, and hard to circumvent when they attempt 
political manoeuvres. It is my observation that these leaders are strictly 
reliable and trustworthy when confided in, and — however surprising the 
statement may be to some — they are generally sober, upright and honest. 
I confess that in some localities this rule does not apply, but on the wholt 
a more sober class of leaders does not exist in any race than in .he Afrc 
American. 



OFFICERS, COLORED WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNIONS. 







MRS. F. E. W. MORRIS. A. M.. 
Cor. Secretary, Thurman W. C. T. I .. Texas. 




MISS CORA 1.. EUGENE, 
State Organizer, Thurman W. C. T. U., Texa< 



MRS ELIZA E. PETERSON, 
President, Thurman W. C. T. U , Texas. 

MRS. FRANCES JOSEPH GAUDET, MRS M. R. BARNES, 

President. Willard W. C T. U.. Louisiana. Vice President, Thurman W. C. T. U., Texas. 



THE NEGRO PROBLEM AJSTD THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 347 

One of the evils against which our people have had to contend is the 
crossroads grocery store, to be found all over the Southland — the bane 
of this section. Here, with no city or town ordinance to make drunkenness 
an offense and to threaten certain punishment, they have been accustomed 
to congregate and drink their fill, carouse, engage in free fights, and do 
other hurtful and equally unlawful things, while no one dares molest or 
make afraid. And the grocery-keeper, finding his trade benefited, en- 
courages the debauchery. This evil, instead of becoming less, increases. 
The business of many prosperous towns and villages is being injured 
seriously by the competition at the crossroads, and the resulting vice, vio- 
lence and impoverishment. 

The records of the courts would show that crime among our people 
is traceable in a large majority of cases to a too free exercise of the 
liquor habit. Of the men belonging to the race who are hanged, I think 
it entirely reasonable to say that at least four-fifths committed their of- 
fenses while under the influence of liquor. But, speaking of the race 
broadly, and duly considering all the unusual circumstances that ought 
to be taken into consideration, I think it cannot fairly be charged with any- 
thing like gross intemperance. It is something out of the usual order to 
come upon a case of delirium tremens among the negroes. Comparatively 
few of them drink anything of consequence during the week, but exces- 
sive imbibition is mostly indulged in on Saturdays. With their vigorous 
physical constitutions they are able, in six days of comparative temper- 
ance, to resist the undermining effects of the seventh day's spree. There- 
fore, this is not a race of drunkards, and there is abundant reason for 
believing that, with proper education and training, it may be made a race 
of sober people and abstainers. 

In all the Prohibition and Local Option contests in the South, num- 
bers of colored men have been on the side of temperance, and fought 
valiantly for its success. Many others would have thrown their influence 
the same way had they not been duped by misguided leaders who raised 
false cries of alarm, declaring that Prohibition was a device to take away 
their dearly-bought liberty. It is customary to blame the negroes for 
the defeats of Prohibition in Texas, in the second Atlanta contest, etc. ; 
but it must be remembered that, without a large share of the negro vote, 
Prohibition could not have carried in Atlanta at the first trial and would 
have been lost in hundreds of other fights. 

In order to strengthen the cause of temperance in the South nothing 
is more important than to treat the negro fairly, to keep faith with him, 
to permit no pledge to be broken. Once won, the colored man is the most 
faithful and reliable of allies. It is of course needless to add that the 
supply of temperance literature should he kept up and increased. Espe- 



348 ™ E PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

cially valuable is the work of arousing total abstinence enthusiasm among 
the students in the various educational institutions — young men, and 
women, too, upon whom the future of the race, and its influence for good 
or evil, so largely depend. The tracts and other publications of the Na- 
tional Temperance Society have had and are having a most helpful effect ; 
and the literature emanating from the publishers of the Voice, from the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and from other societies and or- 
ganizations bears good fruit. 

I am indeed hopeful for the future of the Afro-American race, and 
particularly hopeful that it will become a positive and influential contrib- 
utor to the triumph of the temperance reform. 



The above article was written some time ago, but is introduced here 
as reflecting conditions which are largely influential in bringing about 
the adoption of state-wide prohibition in the South. 



A very hopeful feature of the situation with reference to the negro 
race is found in the efforts of negroes themselves for their own redemption 
and salvation. 

Typical organizations with this object in view are "The Colored 
Anti-Saloon League of America," which affiliates with the white organi- 
zation, and the " Willard W. C. T. U," of Louisiana, the "Thurman W. 
C. T. U." of Texas, both of which affiliate with the National Union. 

IV. 

THE COLOEED ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE OF AMEEICA. 

In February, 1905, Rev. C. W. McColl was employed by the Penn- 
sylvania Anti-Saloon League as "Superintendent of Anti-Saloon League 
Work Among Colored People." Four months afterwards Mr. McColl 
organized the "Pennsylvania Colored Temperance League" as an auxiliary 
to the Pennsylvania Anti-Saloon League, and inaugurated movements 
among the people of his race in harmony with the methods adopted by 
the "Federated Church in Action." 

After two years the Pennsylvania organization broadened its scope, 
and became "The National Colored Temperance League" — the headquar- 
ters being transferred from Philadelphia to Indianapolis. In August, 
1908, the "National Colored Temperance League" changed its name to 
that of "The Colored Anti-Saloon League of America." 

It is the policy of the League to unite for the realization of its ob- 
ject, the efforts of all colored citizens who are identified with churches, 



THE NEGRO PROBLEM AXD THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 349 

temperance societies, and organizations devoted to political righteousness, 
comprehending all in one active federation, directing their total influence 
by practical methods to specific ends. The League binds itself to affiliate 
with no political party, and to be neutral on all public questions not 
touching the traffic in strong drink or civic corruptions springing there- 
from; provided, however, that this pledge shall not hinder the indorse- 
ment of candidates for public offices whose election will further the ob- 
jects of the League. 

The membership of the League is composed of one delegate from 
each church, Sunday-school, Society of Christian Endeavor, Baptist Young 
People's Union, Epworth League, the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union, the Prohibition Alliance, affiliating with the League throughout 
the United States. 

The officers are Rev. C. W. McColl, President ; Rev. E. S. Shumaker, 
Chairman Headquarters Committee ; Thomas E. Taylor, Secretary ; Rev. 
C. H. Winders, Treasurer — all located at Indianapolis. The members of 
the National Board of Trustees are Mrs. Lucy Thurman, Jackson, Mich. ; 
James A. White, Columbus, Ohio ; Mrs. E. E. Peterson, Texarkana, Texas ; 
Miss Mary A. Lynch, Salisbury, N. C. ; Mrs. Rosetta E. Lawson, Wash- 
ington, D. C. ; Rev. B. H. Tilghman, Burlington, N. J. ; H. L. Billups, 
Sedalia, Mo. ; Rev. W. G. Parks, Philadelphia, Pa. ; Rev. G. C. Sampson, 
Indianapolis, Ind. There is a long list of associate members embracing 
the most prominent members of the race in sixteen different states. 

Any person (colored or white) may become an associate member by 
paying one dollar into the League's treasury, and it is desired that many 
become associate members for the twofold assistance such act will afford 
the League. 

V. 

WORK AMONG THE NEGROES IN TEXAS. 
By Mbs. E. E. Peterson, President Thurman W.C.T.U. (Colored) 

During the state campaign of 1886-'87, the colored people were 
largely ignorant of the meaning of prohibition. Saloon men told them 
the common falsehoods that voting against liquor was taking their rights 
away from them, voting against their personal liberty, that it was only a 
ruse of the white people to get them back into slavery. And although the 
saloon men were and are all white, with not enough exceptions to be count- 
ed, they succeeded in misleading the colored people, and in buying the lead- 
ers among them — preachers and teachers, politicians, and all whom they 
could get who had influence in the community or town in which they (the 
leaders) resided. 



350 THE PASSING OF THE SALOOK 

There were few temperance men in those days, but they kept at work. 
At every association and conference and Sunday-school convention, there 
was one or more who would persistently make temperance reports. Many 
times it was argued by some that there was no good in temperance reports, 
that everybody drank just the same. But they continued to make reports. 

Twelve years ago, the National Woman's Christian Temperance Un- 
ion sent into the state Mrs. Lucy Thurman, National Superintendent of 
colored work. She organized the women, and found quite a few to take 
hold. The first President was a teacher, Mrs. Fannie Hall, of Dallas, 
who could not continue the work, and resigned in two years. The second, 
Mrs. Dodson, of Palestine, also a teacher, then took up the work and was 
making rapid headway with it, but died after a few months' service. At 
the third convention I was elected, and for nine years have given my entire 
time to the work. 

At first I found strong opposition to the cause, but by persistent 
Christian effort, and by living at the feet of the blessed Master for con- 
stant support, the sentiment is changed almost entirely. Not a leader, 
teacher or minister, of any standing in the state, of am r denomination, will 
now offer one word in favor of the liquor traffic. None of the best men of 
the race will allow saloon men to pay them to work for the saloon in pro- 
hibition campaigns as we have had them over the state, and many are only 
waiting for the state campaign to come which we expect next year, since 
submission carried about a month ago in the Democratic primaries, and 
also was endorsed two to one in the Democratic convention which met i:i 
San Antonio. 

We have fourteen colleges, academies, a state normal, and the presi- 
dents of all save one declare in favor of prohibition ; and some of them are 
making speeches for it this summer in their summer campaigns for their 
respective schools. 

In some of the counties in the eastern part of the state, where the col- 
ored people outnumber the whites two to one. prohibition carried by more 
than a thousand majority. In Matagorda county, in the southern part, 
when prohibition was voted upon the second time, after two years of prohi- 
bition, every colored box in the county carried for prohibition. Only one 
box lost, and that was where the whites were in majority. There are some 
instances where the colored people have not done so well, but even then the 
corrupt leaders are responsible for it. The masses would always vote right 
if the leaders were true. There are two Baptist Conventions in the state, 
and both endorsed state- wide prohibition, or rather expressed themselves 
in favor of it when submitted, which we hope to see done next year. 

The liquor men have many intrigues to play upon the more ignorant 
ones of the race. For instance, in one county, a strong liquor man, not a 



THE XEGRO PROBLEM AXD THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 351 

saloon man, but one who was in favor of the traffic, and no doubt was paid 
to be, had always been an "anti," saw that the colored people were receiv- 
ing enlightenment on the question in the county campaign, came over to 
the prohibition side and announced through the papers, and in circular 
form, that they (the prohibitionists) were not going to allow the negroes 
to have anything to do with the election ; that the white men of that county 
would not have black men running over their wives, and they all had bet- 
ter stay away from the polls on election day — and more of that kind of 
sentiment. The saloon men went to the colored people all over the county, 
showed them the papers and literature, and said, "We are going to stand 
by the colored people. You come to the polls on election day and you can 
vote for your rights," etc. Thus they pretended to show where they, the 
saloon men, were the negroes' friends. Sad pity ! The poor colored peo- 
ple fell into the trap, and voted the curse back, and within two weeks after, 
in the county seat the calaboose was filled with men and women, all colored. 
Before that the calaboose was empty, and hogs were staying in it. 

However, the leaders of the race and the people generally are becom- 
ing more and more incensed against the saloon. Where there are no sa- 
loons there is little or no race trouble, but where there are saloons there is 
often trouble. There have been nearly three hundred lynchings in the 
state, and not five of them have occurred in prohibition counties. In two 
counties last year, the saloon was brought back, and both have had lynch- 
ings since. Grimes county is one, and Milam county is the other. 

Our white prohibitionists and Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
have ever stood by me and given me the greatest encouragement in coun- 
ties where our own people were utterly unable to appreciate the effort. 
And many times, where the whites have come to the meetings and spoken 
and talked of it to the colored people, they too have been helped, through 
believing that if the best white people are with me, they too have a right 
to take hold. This is not true of the more enlightened ones. These have 
been interested all along, and now as a whole are in favor of the prohibi- 
tion movement. 

Our Teachers' State Convention endorsed prohibition in its last ses- 
sion in Dallas. Two M. E. Annual Conferences — Texas and West Texas, 
and one A. M. E. Conference — Northeast Texas, always endorse prohi- 
bition. 

VI. 

Here is an incident in the experience of* Mrs. F. A. J. Gaudet, Presi- 
dent of the Louisiana Willard Woman's Christian Temperance Union 
(Colored). The Union had started a campaign againsl the sale of liquor 
to minors. In the slum district of New Orleans Mrs. Gaudet intercepted 



352 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

a boy leaving a saloon with a pail of beer. She called a policeman and 
requested him to arrest the barkeeper. This he refused to do, and also 
declined to take the boy into custod}', sa} T ing that he (the policeman) had 
witnessed no violation of the law. Pie said: 

"If you want a charge made you must go with me and the boy to 
the station." 

"All right," she replied, "I will go." 

"You will have to ride in the patrol wagon," he said. 

Meanwhile the usual street crowd had gathered. She said to Mrs. 
Hill, one of their women : 

"How embarrassing! How humiliating! But, if it takes this to 
win, God helping me, I will submit. We will ride." 

The wagon came, and with the officer she, still holding to the boy 
with the liquor, climbed in, and rode away to jail. Here she had the boy 
and herself paroled. She took him to his home, and on the step* of his 
mother's house, at one o'clock Sunday morning, she read her a serious 
lesson, and turned her boy over to her, she to bring him to court Tuesday 
morning. On Monday morning a committee from the Saloonkeepers' 
Union waited on her, and promised if she would not prosecute the case 
they would keep every boy under eighteen years of age out of the saloons. 
She agreed to this, and they have kept their word partially. 



It is notorious that the "race riots" in the cities of the north are the 
outgrowth of the saloon. There has never been such a "riot" except where 
"dives" flourish. 

From the facts and conditions set forth so briefly and partially in 
this chapter, two things are evident. 

1. That if liquor is entirely prohibited, the race problem at once 
loses its most threatening element of danger. 

2. That the colored people respond as readily to good influences 
as to evil, and under favorable environment are faithful and dependable. 

3. That if rightly led and encouraged they will themselves be of 
the greatest aid in overthrowing and destroying the liquor traffic among 
them. 




CHAPTER XXIX. 

UNCLE SAM THE BIG BARTENDER. 

'And now also is the axe laid unto the roots of the trees" 

T cannot well be denied that the attitude of the United States 
government towards the liquor traffic is as anomalous 
as was its attitude towards negro slavery. Founded to 
establish justice, it denied justice to the negro on the 
basis of a compromise with slave-owners, as even now 
it denies justice to countless thousands of men, women, and children who 
suffer indescribable wrongs on account of the traffic in intoxicating liquors. 
Founded to provide for the general welfare, it ignored, under the slavery 
system, the highest well-being of a vast body of "persons" to whom it 
denied "personality," and in this day it still ignores the rights of men 
to be born into an environment free from peril to the fullest human life. 
Founded to secure the blessings of liberty to "ourselves and to our pos- 
terity," it inconsistently denied to the negro the title of freedom, and it 
still imperils the liberty of large numbers of citizens by tolerating the 
existence of a traffic which degrades the entire social and political life 
of the Republic. 

The guilt of the government is infinitely more, however, in refer- 
ence to the liquor traffic than it was in the matter of the slave trade. 
For with reference to the latter it had only a moral responsibility, while 
with the liquor busines it has established an open alliance and has made 
itself the chief beneficiary of this "trade of death." 

Under its constitution, this government, at its own instance, without 
cooperation of the states, or, even in spite of their opposition, has power 
to protest against the liquor traffic, to discountenance it, to tax it, or to 
prohibit it. This power lies in its authority to legislate upon questions 
of national revenue and expenditure, and to regulate intercourse with 
other nations and commerce between the states. 

As early as 1790, despite Alexander Hamilton's opinion, expressed 
in the Federalist, that the spirit of excise laws, "inquisitive and peremp- 
tory," is inconsistent with the genius of the American people, a bill, pro- 
viding for the taxation of distilled spirits was introduced in Congress. 

353 



Ifti^ta 



354 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

It was defeated mainly by the representatives from Pennsylvania. In 
1791, Mr. Hamilton, first Secretary of the Treasury, receding from his 
theoretic opposition of the year before to the "inquisitive and peremptory" 
characteristics of the excise, advocated the imposition of a tax upon dis- 
tilled spirits, and the tax was laid. The western counties of Pennsylvania 
immediately opposed the tax in an armed rebellion. A federal army, 
composed of the militia of adjoining states, was led into the region, and, 
at the expenditure of $1,500,000, quelled the insurrection. Federalism 
was strengthened. Popular sympathy for the administration of Wash- 
ington was aroused, and the "democratic" clubs which he had denounced 
as the real instigators of the revolt against the federal government, be- 
came objects of general suspicion as treasonable organizations and ceased 
to exist. 

Thomas Jefferson, sympathizing with the opposition to excise laws, 
secured the overthrow of the entire internal revenue system of the gov- 
ernment, and, from 1802 to 1813, no inland taxes were levied upon arti- 
cles grown or manufactured in the United States. 

In 1813, to meet the cost of the war of 1812, the system was revived, 
and it continued until 1817, when again the internal taxes were repealed. 
Then, for a period of forty-three years, from 1818 to 1861, no internal 
tax of any kind was levied b} r the federal government. During this period 
the public debt had decreased from $127,334,933.74 in 1816 to $33,733.05 
in 1835, and had again increased to $90,580,873.72 in 1861. 

To provide for expenses incurred in prosecuting the war for the 
preservation of the Union, Congress, in 1862, once more adopted an in- 
ternal revenue law, and created the Bureau of Internal Revenue. Almost 
everybody and everything was taxed. By act of May 31, 1868, however, 
all manufacturers, except those of distilled spirits, tobacco, and fermented 
liquors, were relieved of all special tax. Acts of 1870 and 1872 made 
other reductions. At present, the United States Government continues 
to derive revenue from taxes upon spirits, tobacco, fermented liquors, 
oleomargarine, filled cheese, mixed flour, adulterated butter, process or 
renovated butter, opium and playing cards. 

The existing system of internal revenue, therefore, dates from July 
1, 1862, and Abraham Lincoln, total abstainer and prohibitionist though 
he was, was a reluctant party to its adoption. He consented to its estab- 
lishment as a means of raising money for prosecuting the war, hoping, 
in his great soul, that, when the Union had been saved, he might organize 
the moral forces of the republic in a movement to overwhelm the liquor 
traffic. We know that, on the day before his assassination, he anticipated 
the inauguration of such a movement. There is every reason to believe 
that, having freed the country from the horrors of slavery, he fondljr 



UNCLE SAM THE BIG BARTENDER 355 

hoped that he might also emancipate it from the horrors of the traffic, which, 
from his boyhood, he had hated as he hated slavery. However, in har- 
mony with his policy of doing one thing at a time, he devoted his energy 
and authority to the preservation of the Union, not realizing that the 
liquor industry, submitting to special tax, instead of rebelling against 
it after the manner of the early whisky insurrectionists, would become 
a most serious peril to the public welfare, and a menace to domestic tran- 
quility and political liberty. 

The distillers of 1862 were wiser than those of 1794. Accepting 
the tax receipt as a quasi-license, despite the government's disavowal of 
the principle of license, they organized to intrench themselves and to 
secure "favorable" legislation. However, there are three classes of dis- 
tillers: (1) Those who pay the special tax and submit to government 
supervision ; ( 2 ) Those who defraud or attempt to defraud the govern- 
ment; (3) Those who deny the right of government to impose any tax 
upon distilled spirits, and operate illicit stills. 

Against the illicits, or, as they are picturesquely called, "moon- 
shiners," the government wages perpetual warfare. With the second 
class, there has been conflict ever since the law of 1862 went into effect. 
With the first class, a modus vivendi exists — a compromise, under the 
terms of which the United States (In God We Trust ) government abso- 
lutely superintends the business, and collects $1.10 tax per gallon upon 
an article for which the actual producer receives but 20 cents. Every 
step of the distillation process, from the grinding of the grain to the 
final act of sale is supervised by the United States officials, not for the 
purpose of guaranteeing purity, as the distillers affirm (See Hayner's ad- 
vertisements), but solely for the collection of the excise. As an internal 
revenue auditor once remarked, "The government has no interest in the 
question except for the money that is in it." That is to say, its attitude 
is wholly mercenary, and, both non-moral and immoral, because all moral 
issues involved are ignored by it. 

In 1907, the Federal Government collected $215,904,720.07 special 
tax on spirits and fermented liquors, more than half of its aggregated 
receipts on account of interna] revenue. 

Of course, the o;overnment has power to impose and collect this tax, 
because the Congress has so ordered. It has power to levy and roller! any 
tax which it may sec fit to impose. This was settled once for all when 
the federal troops entered the State of Pennsylvania and colled d the 
whisky tax at the point of the bayonet. Eton now, federal officials are 
on the hunt through the mountains of Kentucky for illicit stills. And in 
every brewery and distillery of the United States there are agents of the 
government, appointed to supervise the processes of brewing and distills 



356 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

tion from the day on which the first bushel of grain is delivered at the 
plant until the last drop of the product is ready for the market. 

Technically, the government at Washington does not license the 
traffic. Technically, there is no contract of partnership between the Gov- 
ernment on the one hand, and the brewer, distiller and saloon-keeper on 
the other. But the Government assumes the right to appropriate the 
lion's share of the proceeds, under implied threat of drenching the ground 
with illicit liquor, smashing illicit stills, and closing the doors of illicit 
places of sale. It does not confer a license, but it passes a "tax certifi- 
cate," commonly known as a "government license." 

Now, when two or more persons unite their property and labor in 
the business of making spirits and fermented liquors, they agree to divide 
the profits, and bear the loss in certain proportions. By this contract each 
party acquires an interest in all the partnership property, becomes respon- 
sible for the partnership engagements, and is empowered, in transactions 
relating to the partnership, to bind by his acts the other partners as. well 
as himself. 

Suppose, now, that Doe and Roe, regarding the business of distilling 
spirits from corn as lawful, propose to form a partnership. A contract 
is drawn by an attorney at law; capital is invested in a plant, and grain 
is purchased in open market. Yet, before a grain of corn is ground for 
the mash, a third partner must be taken in, a United States Internal Reve- 
nue collector must be seen, and a rake-off for Uncle Sam must be arranged. 
He puts weighers, gaugers and storekeepers in charge, and the business 
is watched day and night by these hawk-eyed gentlemen in the name of the 
Federal government. The government assumes no risk in the enterprise. 
Yet it practically takes possession of the product and holds it as a guar- 
anty for the payment of the special tax. 

And it does this by virtue of an act passed during the war between 
the States, when the government, pressed for money, was forced to enter 
into a deal with the liquor men. For the sake of protection, the brewers 
and distillers consented to place their business under governmental super- 
vision, and, for the sake of getting ready money, the government was 
willing to become sponsor of vat, still and worm. The war ended, but the 
government was still in debt, and so the special tax remained in force, and 
the liquor men have taken good care that it should continue. 

Liquor advocates argue that it is more than ever a necessity to the 
maintenance of government and that an attack upon excise is an attack 
upon the flag. Most adroitly they have identified the liquor industry 
with political interests, and forced the great political parties to adopt a 
program of silence on issues that are dominant in every state in the Union. 

It may be well to note somewhat specifically at this point the very 



UNCLE SAM THE BIG BARTENDER. 357 

intimate and friendly relations that have been established and maintained 
between the government and the liquor interests under the internal revenue 
resume. When the federal tax on liquors was first proposed, in 1861, it 
was resisted by the representatives of the liquor traffic. At that time, 
however, the "trade" was not organized. Under the operations of the 
new law the distilling and brewing interests soon got together, established 
good working organizations, and were strongly capitalized. These organ- 
izations found it advisable to establish friendly relations with federal 
officials and influential politicians. This led to the establishment of the 
"Liquor Lobby," which for so many years has been such a familiar and 
powerful feature in Washington and elsewhere. The influence of the lobby, 
and official subserviency to its influence, have led to many scandals. 

The system of federal regulation and taxation has resulted in a 
phenomenal increase in the manufacture and consumption of liquors, and 
has been disastrous in every way to the interests of the temperance move- 
ment. Naturally, therefore, the liquor trade has resisted every attempt to 
repeal the internal revenue law. Indeed, at times when the government 
was in receipt of surplus revenues, they have favored the repeal of the 
tariff system and customs duties rather than the internal taxes. 

In 1887, John M. Atherton, President of the National Protective 
Association of Distillers and Liquor Dealers, said: 

"Under the Government supervision there are certain marks, stamps, 
gauges, etc., put on every barrel of whisky, which serve to identify it. 
These form an absolute guaranty from the Government, a disinterested 
party of the highest authority, to the genuineness of the goods. There is 
such a tendency to adulteration that this guaranty is of great value. 
Next, if the general Government laid no tax upon whisky the States almost 
certainly would. As they are under no compact to lay the same tax, the 
rate would almost certainly be unequal. For instance, with a tax of 25 
cents a gallon on the whisky produced in Kentucky the State would have 
an abundant revenue for all her needs, without taxing anything else at all. 
But it might happen that Ohio and Indiana would lay no tax, or a very 
light one, upon whisky. In that case Kentucky distillers would be com- 
pelled to manufacture at a very great disadvantage, and would, in fact, 
be compelled to close altogether. A tax by the National Government bears 
on all States alike, and affords a fair field for competition." 

In the following year, 1888, The United States Brewers' Convention, 
in an official utterance, said : 

"The old objection urged against excise could not at present be 
revived, seeing that those who have to bear the tax and all the incon- 
veniences that are said to grow out of its alleged obnoxious features, are 
perfectly satisfied with their present status, so that, as we have stated on 
another occasion, whatever commiseration may be felt for them by certain 
theorists, is just so much sympathy wasted. As far as the brewers of this 



358 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

country are concerned, it is well known that, so far from opposing an 
excise, they materially aided the Government during the incipient stages 
of the system in making the tax collectible as cheaply and conveniently as 
possible. Their action at that time was not only prompted by the in- 
tention to prevent injustice being done them, but also, in a very large 
measure, by patriotic motives; while their present course (of non-inter- 
ference with the Federal tax) is dictated not only by industrial considera- 
tions, but also by the conviction, sustained by the experience of our own 
people and the people of many other civilized countries, that the present 
system, while perfectly justifiable when viewed from the standpoint of 
political economy, promotes temperance more effectually than any other 
measure yet proposed or executed for that purpose. . . . To judge 
from present indications, there is no danger of a reduction of Internal 
Revenue, other than that derived from articles which do not concern us 
industrially." 

On the other hand, the Government, through its official representa- 
tives, has been equally friendly and considerate toward the trade. As early 
as 1865, a representative of the Internal Revenue office attended the 
Brewers' Convention, and said: 

"It is the desire of the Government to be thoroughly informed of the 
requirements of the trade, and I will give information on all questions, in 
order to bring about a cordial understanding between the Government and 
the trade." 

The following year another Internal Revenue official assured the 
Brewers' Convention thus — 

"Let us take no backward step. I say us, for I am with you. The 
Commissioner of Internal Revenue is with you. The President is with you." 

In 1877, Green B. Raum, the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 

wrote to the Brewers' Convention: 

"I am glad to learn that the conduct of this Bureau has been satis- 
factory to such an important body of taxpayers as the brewers of the 
United States, and I trust that nothing will occur to disturb the friendly 
relations now existing between this office and your Association." 

In 1890, Commissioner John W. Mason addressed the Convention in 
session at Washington. He said: 

"Our business relations for the last year have been quite extensive, 
and I may say — speaking for the officers of the Commission of Internal 
Revenue — that they have been of a pleasant character. In order that they 
may continue so. and that the pleasant features of the connection may as 
far as possible be increased, it is very desirable that the Commissioner 
should know you all personally and that, personally, he should know your 
wishes. . . . Having paid that amount of money (revenue) you are 
entitled to expect that such restrictions only shall be imposed upon yon 
as are necessary to enable the Government to secure the regular revenue. 
. You are all business men, engaged in a lawful business and en- 



UNCLE SAM THE BIG BARTENDER. 359 

titled to pursue that business untrammeled by any regulation of the office 
of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, except in so far as may be neces- 
sary for the purpose of collecting the revenue. ... If there be any 
regulations or anything whatever pertaining to the office which you may 
deem unreasonable or unnecessary, I beg that you will not hesitate to 
express your views." 

As a result of the fostering influence of the Internal Revenue system, 
the manufacture of whisky was so stimulated that at times there was a 
heavy over-production. To meet an exigency of this kind, in 1885, Hugh 
TvIcCulloch, Secretary of the Treasury, made a ruling from which the fol- 
lowing paragraph is taken : 

"The manufacture of whisky is one of the largest and most important 
branches of domestic industry in the United States, and is at the present 
time, like other manufacturing interests, greatly suffering from over- 
production. A legitimate business, from which large revenues are derived, 
it is not only depressed by over-production, but by being burdened by heavy 
taxes, the payment of which, as is the case with no other article, is required 
within a fixed period whatever may be the condition of the market. 
Under existing laws the manufacturers or holders of whisky are compelled 
to pay a tax amounting to nearly five times its cost on the article before 
it is withdrawn from the warehouse for consumption, or to export at great 
expense, to be held in foreign countries until there is a home demand for 
it, or to be sold in such countries to the prejudice of our public revenues." 

Thus, from year to year, for almost half a century, the liquor trade 
has continued to intrench itself and to dominate the Government and the 
politics of the country. It is evident, therefore, that it can never be over- 
thrown until it is attacked and defeated in this the very seat of its power. 

In actual practice, the legal aspect of the traffic does not emerge 
until the product of the still is placed upon the market for sale as a bev- 
erage. Upon this point the Supreme Court of the United States has 
decided that — 

"1. There is no inherent right in a citizen to sell intoxicating liquors 
by retail ; it is not a privilege of a citizen of the state or of a citizen of the 
United States. 

u 2. The sale of such liquors in this way has been at all times by the 
courts of every state considered as the proper subject of legislative regu- 
lation. 

"3. By the general concurrence of opinion of every civilized and 
Christian community, there are few sources of crime and misery to society 
equal to the dram-shop, where intoxicating liquors in small quantities, to 
be drunk at the time, are sold indiscriminately to all parties applying. 
The statistics of every state show a greater amount of crime and mi 
attributable to the use of ardent spirits obtained at these retail liquor 
loons, than to any other source. 



360 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"4. A license may be exacted from the saloonkeepers, imposing re- 
strictions — 

a. As to persons to whom intoxicating liquors may be sold. 

b. As to the hours of day during which sales may be made. 

c. As to the days of week on which sales may be made. 

"5. The retail sale of intoxicating liquors may be absolutely prohib- 
ited as a business attended with danger to the community." 

This decision, written by Justice Stephen J. Field, is not wholly 
satisfactory to those who believe that the government ought to prohibit 
the traffic so far as its powers operate, but it settles several questions 
which, prior to 1890, were supposed to be open. 

However, it exposes the anomalousness of the government's attitude 
more completely than could be done by mere criticism of its failure to 
realize the political ideals of socio-political reformers, because it shows that 
the nation, through its Supreme Court, is cognizant of the actual effects 
of the liquor traffic upon society, for the court recognizes that a greater 
amount of crime is attributable to the use of ardent spirits in retail liquor 
saloons than to any other source. 

That is to say, the saloon is the chief source of crime in the United 
States. This being true, government is morally bound by all the interests 
which the state is organized to conserve, to employ its powers in its over- 
throw. 

If, therefore, the government has authority to summon the militia 
to suppress a rebellion against the excise in Pennsylvania, or to commission 
Internal Revenue officials to arrest moonshiners and destroy their stills, 
because they have not paid tax, there would seem to be no reason why it 
should not destroy by mere force ( government in its last analysis is simply 
organized force), all places where intoxicating liquors are sold, because 
they are sources of crime. 

And the government cannot divest itself of this responsibility on the 
plea that, although it collects a tax, it does not "foster" the traffic by a 
system of license. "The special-tax stamp issued," says the Commissioner 
of Internal Revenue, "is not a license." Section 3243, Revised Statutes 
of the United States, provides that: 

"The payment of any tax imposed by the internal revenue laws for 
carrying on any trade or business shall not be held to exempt any person 
from any penalty or punishment provided by the laws of any state for 
carrying on the same within such state, or in any manner to authorize the 
commencement or continuance of such trade or business, contrary to the 
laws of such state, or in places prohibited by municipal law; nor shall the 
payment of such tax be held to prohibit any state from placing a duty 
or tax on the same trade or business, for state or other purposes." 



UNCLE SAM THE BIG BARTENDER. 361 

See also the opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
the License Tax Cases, 5 Wall. 462. 

Technically, therefore, the United States government does not license 
the traffic. But, in view of the Supreme Court's decision in the Christensen 
case, it would appear that it ought to prohibit it in all places where its 
power is supreme. And, because it is a question of public morality, it 
ought to be a matter of Federal law, and not merely of public expediency 
or state action. This is a prohibitionist's answer to Lincoln Steffens' 
question, "What do you expect of your government?" 

But the liquor tax policy of the Federal government is forcing an 
issue in the states, which will ultimate, either in repeal of the internal 
revenue laws so far as they relate to intoxicating liquors, or in a conflict 
between the commonwealths and the so-called government at Washington. 
Citizens of prohibition states, who, for a generation have persistently 
struggled to free themselves from the tyranny of heartless, blase, satur- 
nine saloonkeepers, will not long submit to the defiant nullification of laws 
which have cost so much to enact. Conflict between the taxing power of 
the Federal government and the police powers of the state is inevitable. 
Powers, which the Supreme Court of the United States has pronounced 
sufficient to deal with the liquor traffic, cannot be annulled by a tax policy 
administered in contempt of those powers. 

The saloon problem will be solved. The saloon will cease to exist. 
But the problem of the saloon will not be solved until the. problem of the 
Union also is solved, until the compromises of 1787 have been swept away, 
and a new Union established, founded on principles of a unified national 
life. If the nation is one, then the dual system must cease to exist or its 
operations must be harmonized, as the "Departments" of France are ad- 
ministered from Paris as capital of the republic. 

Long ago the hour arrived for the reconstruction of the American 
Republic upon a self-consistent basis. The nation cannot live half drunk 
and half sober. A constitutional convention ought to be called for the 
purpose of revising the constitution so as to meet the needs of the modern 
;i^e. When that convention shall meet, representatives from prohibition 
states will demand recognition of their right to exclude intoxicating liquors 
from their boundaries. They will demand protection against a traffic 
which the so-called "Federal" government is bound to prohibit, and out of 
the discussions of the convention will emerge a "more perfect union," in 
which the liquor traffic shall have no place. 

In the meantime, the Chief Executive of the nation, by the strict en- 
forcement of existing laws and constitutional provisions, could go far to- 
ward closing every dram-shop in the territories, in the Philippines and 
other insular possessions ; to abolish saloons in national parks, soldiers' 



362 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



homes and all government property ; to enforce liquor laws in the District 
of Columbia and the anti-canteen law. He could also appoint as judges 
and district attorneys citizens who shall administer law in accord with the 
ideals of a great political brotherhood, organized in recognition of the 
rights of the obscurest member of human society. 



To show to what extent the United States as a nation, "We the peo- 
ple," participates in the profits of the liquor trade, the following figures 

are given: 

United States Internal Revenue Collections on Liquors 

loOt> TO iy07. DISTILLED FERMENTED 

FISCAL YEARS ENDED JUNE 30. SPIRITS LIQUORS 

1863 $ 5,176,531 $ 1,628,934 

1864 30,329,150 2,290,009 

1865 18,731,422 3,734,928 

1866 33,268,171 5,220,553 

1867 33,542,952 6,057,501 

1868 18,655,631 5,955,869 

1869 45,071,231 6,099,880 

1870 55,606,094 6,319,127 

1871 46,281,848 7,389,502 

1872 49,475,516 8,258,498 

1873 52,099,372 9,324,937 

1874 49,444,090 9,304,680 

1875 52,081,991 9,144,004 

1876 56,426,365 9,571,281 

1877 57,469,429 9,480,789 

1878 ! 50,420,815 9,937,052 

1879 52,570,285 10,729,320 

1880 61,185,509 12,829,803 

1881 67,153,975 13,700,241 

1882 69,873,408 16,153,920 

1883 74,368,775 16,900,616 

1884 76,905,385 18,084,954 

1885 67,511,209 18,230,782 

1886 69,092,266 19,676,731 

1887 65,829,321 21,922,187 

1888 69,306,166 23,324,218 

1889 74,312,206 23,723,835 

1890 81,682,970 26,008,535 

1891 83,335,964 28,565,130 

1892 91,309,984 30,037,453 

1893 94,712,938 32,527,424 

1894 85,259,252 31,414,788 

1895 79,862,627 31,640,618 

1896 80,670,071 33,784,235 

1897 82,008,543 32,472,162 

1898 92,547,000 39,515,421 

1899 99,283,534 68,644,558 

1900 109,868,817 73,550,754 

1901 116,027,980 75,669,908 

1902 121,138,013 71.988,902 

1903 131,953,472 47,547,856 

1904 135,810,015 49,083,459 

1905 135,958,513 50,360,553 

1906 143,394,055 55,641,859 

1907 156,336,902 59,567,818 

$3,323,349,763 $1,143,016,584 

A grand total of $4,466,865,847. 



UNCLE SAM THE BIG BARTENDER. 353 

When one remembers that every penny of this immense "revenue" 
is blood-money, taken out of the life and health, and food and shel- 
ter, and brain and brawn, and virtue and manhood of the people; that 
it is the price of vice and crime, of disease and death, of pauperism and 
starvation, of shame and debauchery, of the woe and misery and suffering 
and degradation of innocent mothers and wives and little children, it 
should stir even the most stolid citizenship to revolt and action. Study 
these figures. They are stubborn and concrete facts. 

So detailed and far-reaching are the commercial relations between 
the government and the liquor industry that distillers brand boxes con- 
taining their products: "Bottled at the distillery under the supervision 
of the United States Internal Revenue Department, for account of 

." This does not necessarily imply that the 

whisky is virginally pure, nor that it will not produce the effects which 
ordinarily follow imbibition. Indeed, it does not absolutely guarantee 
the supervision; for commissioners of Internal Revenue have stated, on 
their honor as representatives of a government — which trusts in God for 
protection against the Japanese, and in the liquor industry for fifty per 
cent, of its income — that distillers have been known to offer money to 
gaugers, watchmen and supervisors for their "absence" at the crucial 
period of "bottling." 

However, the "United States Government" — that great "artificial 
person" which exists in international law and cartoons as a corporation 
with a soul — consents to be known as an endorser of the goods produced 
in breweries and distilleries. And this is the open shame of it all, that, 
on the 4th of March, 1909, one more good citizen will take the oath of 
office as President on the big Bible, and, for the next four years, share 
officially with the Internal Revenue department in guaranteeing the intoxi- 
cants which the Supreme Court declares beyond the right of one citizen 
to 6ell another by retail in dramshops! 

Against these concrete and stubborn facts the political idealist and 
the social reformer utters protest in the name of the "general welfare" 
which the government is pledged to conserve, in full assurance of hope 
that "Uncle Sam" will some day cease to attend bar. 




CHAPTER XXX. 

ON TO WASHINGTON. 

A SYMPOSIUM BY THREE ABLE WRITERS. 
PART I. 

By George F. Magoun, D. D. 

UR Federal government being complex, each of its three 
branches, executive, judicial, legislative, has plural relations 
to the liquor traffic in place of the single one ; and each group 
of these relations is exercised through the person or persons 
nationally authorized for the purpose. 

1. The official relations of the President of the United States, being 
in their nature executive, are controlled by those of Congress and the 
Supreme Court. His responsibility thus modified is the least belonging to 
the three branches ; but in the exercise of it he may grievously fall short 
of what is legislatively and judicially laid upon him. There may often be 
times, even under Federal statutes inadequate for the protection of the 
people and rules for the service very imperfect, when negligence or mal- 
feasance in his official subordinates, traceable to the liquor traffic and 
resulting in vast national loss and dishonor, might be readily reached by 
him, arrested and punished, but which remain undisturbed. 

2. Of the Supreme Court something more positive can be said. Its 
later decisions are its better ones. More and more this flagitious traffic 
has been rebuked by our highest tribunal. Though not perfectly self- 
consistent, it has sometimes favored the manufacturer, the importer and 
the vender against the people and their local institutions, yet the Court 
has been coming closer to the principles of natural life and morality. It 
has buttressed the republican government, guaranteed to the states by the 
constitution on the side of the police power. By the pen of an associate 
justice it has declared that there is no inherent right in a citizen to sell 
intoxicating liquors by retail. Already it had decided that every state 
has a right to prohibit the sale and manufacture of intoxicating liquors, 
but in this decision the court reaches high water mark and its decisions 
henceforth rest upon an ultimate principle of natural ethics. Coupled 
with its descriptions of the traffic, as the source of most of the poverty, 
disaster, and vice of the nation, this declaration against any traffic right 

364 





MRS. CLINTON SMITH, 
President District of Columbia W. C. T. U. 



MRS. J. W. ROBINSON, 
W. C. T. U. Worker, Washington, D. C. 





MRS CL \YT<)\ K. KM Hi. 

Corresponding Secretarj Distrid of 

Columb'a W C. T I". 



MRS. II W'XAIl E. CR( >SBY, 

\n Earlj W. C. T. U. Worker, Wash 

ington, I). C 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 365 

prepares the way for its extermination. Reached through many com- 
promising questions and conflicting decisions, this fundamental principle 
plants our court of last resort where it will need to stand in that good 
time coming, when Congress and the people shall have outlawed the traffic. 

3. The most material relations of our general government to the 
traffic are necessarily through Congress. Here we encounter the theory 
that the life of the traffic is in the hands of the states exclusively and 
cannot be reached by the national law-making power. This theory grew 
up naturally in colonial times ; the last recognition of it seems to have been 
in later decisions of the Supreme Court which place all intoxicating liquors 
upon arrival in the states or territories under laws enacted in the exercise 
of the police power thereof. From this fact interesting consequences fol- 
low. One is, that neither Congress, Supreme Court, nor President, can 
be insensible to disastrous and shameful results to states forced to self- 
defense against national action. Another is, that revenue from imported 
liquors is not essential to a national government; as the number of prohi- 
bition states increases, the enormous internal liquor revenue will also 
dwindle and taxation be re-adjusted. 

But there are other important national interests affected by the traffic, 
the responsibility of Congress for which is affected by no theory of power. 
The District of Columbia, having no local legislature but Congress, the 
drunkard-making which goes on throughout the ten miles square, as well 
as in the capitol grounds and building, is by its express permission and 
sanction. The nation is thus committed to and chargeable with every 
local dram-shop in the district. Congress has passed a license law freed 
from some pernicious features of preceding laws, but by the same token it 
has left its duty undone in not sweeping the traffic from the seat of gov- 
ernment altogether. 

The result of our study of the subject is, that the multiform and com- 
plicated relations of our government to the liquor traffic are anomalous; 
some of them working a measure of good, others frightful and universal 
harm. The general condition produced is local option on the national 
scale, remorselessly sacrificing the interests of temperance states. It needs 
to be logically and legally and practically unified. It needs to be brought 
under one principle of national right. Congress must be first corrected, 
its relations being largely obstructive. This done, we need feel little 
concern for the attitude of the Federal courts or the executive. Personal 
relations do not fall into this subject, and would doubtless be cured by the 
thorough curing of official ones. Though on principle a majority of the 
people of the land arc against the saloon, there is this day a wonking ma- 
jority of all in its favor. 

This accounts for the frequenl defeats of reform. Vast numbers of 



366 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

temperance people are timid and torpid, never lifting a finger or uttering 
a word against the dram-shop, however they and their fellows suffer from 
it. Unfortunately, they give a character to the whole people, and render 
such a paper as this possible and true. It is they who have tacitly put 
drinking men into Congress, the courts and the White House, and will yet 
again unless better temperance men than themselves prevent. Sometime 
ii; will all be impossible. But must we wait until there is a declared and 
working majority in the land against dram-shops? I think not. We 
need not even wait for constitutional prohibition in the majority of states. 
All great reforms are carried by minorities soon to become majorities. 
Tho educating power of law lies here. It outruns popular habits, feelings, 
convictions even. We are slowly approaching the time when fifteen, twenty, 
then a half or more of our forty-six states will be for constitutional pro- 
hibition; but before we reach that time our national triumph will be as- 
sured. Our moral civilization must yet largely advance before we shall 
be ready for that grand consummation — prohibition throughout the Union 
by amendment of the United States Constitution. But progress and the 
process of it lie in four words of Tennyson, "sweeter manners, purer laws." 
The order of his thought is the order of logic and of events. 



part n. 
By Pebe G. Wallmo, in The Arena, October, 1908. 

The importance of the "temperance wave" of 1907-8, may be gauged 
by the large number of "temperance" bills introduced during the session 
of Congress which ended March 4, 1908. Sixty-odd measures were pre- 
sented during the first session. The most talked-of bill is the "Littlefield 
Bill." There are something like twenty-five bills of the same character, 
all seeking to place intoxicating liquors, shipped from one state into an- 
other, absolutely under the police powers of the state into which they are 
shipped. Representative Acheson, of Pennsylvania, has presented a bill 
which provides that no intoxicating liquors shall be transported from any 
state, territory or district of the United States into any other state, terri- 
tory or district. 

The Littlefield Bill was considered by the Judiciary Committee of the 
House, while seven bills of a similar nature were considered by a sub-com- 
mittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee. The question of allowing each 
state to regulate its own liquor traffic was dwelt upon considerably, and 
appealed to Senators Knox, Clay and Bacon, who favor the rights of the 
states. After listening to the arguments on both sides, Senator Bacon 
drew up a bill, which, however, was not acceptable to a majority of the 
Senate Committee on the Judiciary, and Senator Knox framed another 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 367 

which was reported to the Senate, prohibiting express companies and other 
carriers from acting as agents of liquor dealers, from delivering liquors 
to fictitious persons, and from shipping any package containing liquor 
from one state to another, unless such package be so labeled on the outside 
cover as to show plainly the nature of its contents and, the quantity con- 
tained therein. 

The second group of bills relates to the issue of special tax receipts by 
the U. S. Internal Revenue office. Of these bills there are twenty-five 
providing that no such tax receipts shall be issued in prohibition territory. 
Senator Gallinger and Representative Hill have introduced bills which pro- 
vide that no U. S. government tax receipt shall be issued to any firm or 
individual until such person or firm shall first have secured a valid license 
from state, county or municipality. 

Of the other bills the one to stop the manufacture and sale of all 
intoxicating liquors in the District of Columbia is of more than local in- 
terest. But there is a very serious obstacle to the passage of this bill. 
Realizing the difficulties of securing any legislation on these lines for 
Washington, Mr. Gallinger has introduced a bill providing for high license. 

Other bills prohibit the sale of liquors in all buildings owned or con- 
trolled by the United States government — upon warships, in navy yards, 
in parks — in fact, everywhere that the government has control. Repre- 
sentative Acheson has a bill forbidding the transmission through the United 
States mail of anyipublication of any kind containing an advertisement of 
any intoxicating liquors. 

The prohibitionists have introduced a constitutional amendment which 
would leave the entire question in the hands of the citizens of the various 
states and would relieve Congress of all further temperance legislation. 

There are other measures on the other side, relating to the reestablish- 
ment of the Canteen. 

It is not to be presumed that the temperance people are having things 
their own way before Congress. The liquor men, especially the whole- 
salers and the brewers, realize that they have to fight for their lives. The 
organization known as the "German American Alliance" has made a special 
appeal to Congress against all temperance measures, because, in their 
opinion, the restrictions imposed by these measures interfere with "personal 
liberty." Efforts have been made to enlist the aid of the labor unions, no- 
tably, the American Federation of Labor, against temperance legislation, 
on the claim that such legislation would tend to injure industries that cm- 
ploy many men. 

While none of the bills presented has become law, the two most im- 
portant ones are in such shape that they are almost sure of getting atten- 
tion at the next session of Congress — unless the bill introduced the last 



368 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

week of the session, providing for a commission of five Senators and five 
members of the House to investigate the zahole subject is pushed through 
Congress. Such a commission would probably spend two years investi- 
gating, and in the meantime all legislation on the subject by Congress 
would be postponed. 

Beyond doubt the creation of this commission to investigate is de- 
signed to ward off all legislation adverse to the interests of the Liquor 
Trust. If it shall be appointed in 1908, there will be no report before 
1911. The report would then be referred to some other committee, and, 
if Lieutenant Totten's mathematical interpretation of the signs of the 
times is correct, the Millennium will have arrived before the bill sees day- 
light again. Under the Alexander Hamilton system of government, the 
"people," who fancy themselves sovereign, will be thwarted and manacled, 
and the Liquor Lobby will still have its way with Congress. 

Evidently the time has arrived in the history of the United States 
when a change of system is needed, and not merely a change of administra- 
tion. When Congress ceases to respond to the demand of a moral move- 
ment that is as wide as the republic itself, the hour has struck, not merely 
for a new alignment of political parties, but for the reconstruction of gov- 
ernment in such a way as to make Congress representative of real issues. 

Condemnation of a tyrannical "Speaker" is not sufficient; much less 
the shifting of power from one liquor-dominated party to another. There 
must be reorganized a true democracy, self-ruled in the love of highest 
good, and fearless of the lowest evil. 

Under pressure of moral sentiment, as pure as the Decalogue and as 
clean as the Sermon on the Mount, sixty bills have been presented in Con- 
gress, providing for restriction of the liquor traffic. If by some hocus 
pocus, all legislation on this most important question is to be dodged and 
opposed for another presidential term, it will be the supreme duty of the 
people to organize a new commonwealth which shall express the principles 
of a true liberty, a true equality and a true fraternity. — G. M. H. 



PART III. 

STATES' RIGHTS VS. FEDERAL RIGHTS. 

Note. — Perhaps no man in the country has given more careful and 
intelligent study to the relations of the general government to the liquor 
traffic than Finley C. Hendrickson of Cumberland, Maryland. Mr. Hen- 
drickson is an attorney at law of high standing, chairman of the Maryland 
Prohibition Committee, and member of the National Prohibition Committee. 
In the three following contributions Mr. Hendrickson presents conclusive 
reasons why the government should not only divorce itself from its' wicked 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 369 

/ 

connection with the liquor traffic, but should cooperate in measures to pro- 
hibit and destroy it — G. M. H. 

By Finley C. Hendrickson. 

(Argument before the Ways and Means Committee of Congress, February 3, 
1906, in favor of House Bill No. 8768, to prohibit the sale of Federal tax receipts to 
applicants who are prohibited by state laws from engaging in the liquor traffic.) 

"Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : Strictly speaking, 
this measure has nothing to do with the relative merits of license and prohi- 
bition. It is designed to rectify a dangerous conflict between the proced- 
ure of the Federal government and the states, as relating to the liquor laws. 

"The present action of the Treasury Department in selling Federal 
tax receipts to those who are defying state law, in both license and prohibi- 
tion territory, has done and is doing much to encourage lawlessness in the 
states. In low license territory the number of those who hold Federal tax 
receipts exceeds the number who hold regularly issued licenses. In high 
license districts the difference is more marked. In prohibition districts, 
every dollar paid for tax receipts is gotten from outlawry. 

"The right to raise this internal revenue was vested in Congress, 
under Section 8 of Article I of the Constitution, which provides that Con- 
gress shall have the right to raise such revenue 'to pay the debts of the 
United States, and for the common defense and general welfare of the 
United States.' 

"It is clear, therefore, that the framers of the Constitution never 
intended that the taxing power should be exercised, except when it could be 
done not only to raise revenue, but to subserve the highest interests of law 
and order. 

"It is interesting to note how Congress in previous years regarded the 
rights of the states when acting under their reserved police powers, as they 
clearly do when pursuing the policy of license or prohibition. 

"In 1794, Congress first exercised the right to tax retailers of intoxi- 
cating liquors in the states. Section 3 of the act contained the following 
provision : 'Provided, always, that no license shall be granted to any per- 
son to sell wines or foreign distilled spirituous liquors who is prohibited 
to sell the same by the laws of any state.' That act was repealed about 
eight years later. In 1813, Congress again exercised the right to tax re- 
tailers of liquors in the states, but again recognized the sovereign police 
powers of the states by the following provision : 'Provided, always, that 
no license shall be granted to any person to sell wines, or distilled spirituous 
liquors, or merchandise as aforesaid, who is prohibited to sell the same by 
any state.' That act was repealed a few years later. 

"No further exercise was made of the power to raise internal revenue 
from retail liquor sellers in the state until the passage of the act in 1862, 
now under consideration. That act also clearly recognized the police pow- 
ers reserved within the states by the following provision: 'No such license 
shall be construed to authorize the commencement or continuance of any 
trade, business, occupation, or employment therein mentioned within :ny 
state or territory of the United States in which it shall be specially pro- 



370 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

hibited by the laws thereof, or in violation of the laws of any state or 
territory.' 

"To say that Congress in 1862 meant to override any of the police 
powers reserved in the states would be to do violence to the lawmakers of 
that memorable period. All that can be claimed for the wording last 
quoted as a matter of interpretation, which is supported by the debates of 
that period as shown by the "Congressional Globe," under date of May 25 
and 28, 1862, is that inasmuch as the police powers in some of the states 
had yielded to military necessity, and it was believed by all that such a 
war revenue measure would be soon repealed, there was no need of any 
clearer recognition of the right of the states to act within their police 
powers, untrammeled by any procedure on the part of the Federal govern- 
ment. The previous revenue acts had been repealed shortly after their 
passage. A long interval had intervened from 1817 to 1862, in which 
there was no exercise of the taxing power as applied to retailers of liquors 
in the states. It was believed that this measure would soon be repealed. 
Those who framed it and those who voted for it, certainly never intended 
that it should be used to encourage and protect lawlessness within the states. 

"But the Treasury Department has interpreted the act to mean that 
it must treat those who defy state liquor laws with the same consideration 
and afford them the same protection that is accorded those who are en- 
gaged in a legal business. The bill under consideration is designed to cure 
that bad procedure. 

"The present practice of the Treasury Department is without prece- 
dent and without analogy, inasmuch as the possession of the tax receipt 
can be no legal protection against the penalties of the state laws, if the pos- 
sessor is unable to obtain a state license, and there is no principle on which 
the Treasury Department has a right to demand that such persons shall 
pay a 'tax.' The very basis of taxation is* protection, and where full and 
adequate protection cannot be accorded, no 'tax' should be demanded. 

"The present procedure is very detrimental to law and order, since it 
fosters lawlessness in both license and prohibition territory. Those who are 
denied a local license or permit, but who determine to trample state liquor 
laws under foot, purchase the tax receipt, call it a 'government license' 
and go in to defy state authority under the guise and declaration that the 
Federal government is with them in their contempt of such state laws. 

"The anomalies are marked. The states try to suppress outlawry ; 
the Federal government encourages and protects it. The Federal govern- 
ment prosecutes 'moonshiners' who violate Federal law, but from the very 
building where such laws are executed, internal revenue collectors are deal- 
ing 'hand in glove' with the enemies of state law. 

"The logical conclusion of the wrong premise and the wrong interpre- 
tation by the Treasury Department of the act of 1862 is to be noted by a 
rule of that department sent out to its collectors on the 13th of August, 
1903, (Treasury Decisions, Vol. VI, No. 33, page 13), whereby: 

" 'Collectors and deputy collectors are not only prohibited from giving 
out copies from their records, but also from testifying orally, in cases not 
arising under the laws of the United States, as to facts that have come to 
their knowledge as the result of information contained in the records.' 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 371 

"This rule was issued sixteen days after one district judge in a 
habeas corpus case decided that internal revenue officers need not answer in 
the state courts as to who were the holders of tax receipts. 

"The true doctrine would seem to be that where the Federal govern- 
ment is given sovereign power, as in the matter of tariff, foreign policy, 
etc., the states should support at every point the chosen policy. The con- 
verse of this should be equally true. Where the states have retained sov- 
ereign powers, as they have done with reference to police powers, the Fed- 
eral government should give every support to those powers. Thus both 
state and Federal government will add strength and dignity to the whole 
and no conflict result. 

"Suppose the states were to interfere with the execution of Federal 
law, as the ruling of the Treasury Department interferes with state laws? 
Would Congress look kindly upon such procedure? Suppose the states 
would pass a law that certain state officers having in their possession val- 
uable records should not testify in Federal courts as to who were smugglers 
and 'moonshiners?' How would Congress regard that? But is it any less 
censurable that the Treasury Department should stone the police powers 
reserved in the states and stand with the lawless and against the admin- 
istration of state liquor laws? 

"Some may think the states do not pursue a proper policy when they 
experiment with Prohibition. But the states have the constitutional right 
to pursue that policy, and they should be permitted to exercise that right 
untrammeled by Federal powers. But whether }^ou consider license or 
prohibition the best policy for the states to pursue, all must agree that 
lawlessness ; whether aimed at state or Federal laws, is highly detrimental 
to the 'common defense and general welfare of the United States.' This 
spirit of lawlessness and increase of crime is becoming a serious question. 
In free governments, where those who have come out from oppression are 
all too liable to mistake license for liberty, there is every reason for all 
the functions of government being united in support of law and order. 
Lawlessness encouraged in one direction against a particular law will 
sooner or later manifest itself against all law. If the lawless are to be 
encouraged by the Treasury Department in their opposition to state 
liquor laws, the same lawless spirit will manifest itself against Federal law, 
and all law, as soon as occasion arises. The highest interest of government 
can only be subserved by all branches uniting for its suppression. 

"We respectfully urge the favorable recommendation and passage of 
this measure." 

IS THE REPUBLIC SELF-SUFFICIENT? 

By Finlky C. Hendbickson. 
(Written originally for The New Voice.) 

The cry of the brewers and distillers that "Prohibition doesn't pro- 
hibit," involves one of the gravest questions ever presented to the American 
people. When this Republic threw down the challenge to the monarchical 
forms of earth in the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, and 



372 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

afterwards adopted the Federal Constitution, the people selected the very 
forms through which they hoped to demonstrate that there was nothing 
inherently weak in a free government, such as they were then establishing, 
but that it would prove self-sufficient for every test. Monarchy was brought 
to a standstill in 1776 in its attempts to crush out the liberty for which 
the Revolutionary patriots contended. Later the nation triumphed over 
and was preserved through sectional civil war. And now a third and no 
less critical epoch is aproaching, in which it is to be demonstrated to our- 
selves and to the world to what extent a government under freedom can 
cope with and triumph over this internal evil of the drink traffic. The 
task before us is not less delicate nor of less momentous import than others 
that have gone before. If the brewers and distillers can finally make good 
their boast that "Prohibition doesn't prohibit," and cannot be made to 
prohibit, then over the face of civil liberty must be written the failure of 
free government. Then it must follow that the apologists of monarchy 
will declare with renewed vigor that there is no form of government but 
monarchy. 

Hence it is that the brewers and distillers have thrown down the 
challenge to the American people on the self-sufficiency of the Republic. 
It is founded on majority rule, but the liquor interests pervert the power 
of our government, so long as it is accorded them to defy the power and 
jurisdiction of the government which they have abused, so soon as it is 
withdrawn from them. If a county passes a local option law, they ship 
their liquors in from adjoining license counties ; if a State passes a pro- 
hibitory law, they flood the "dry" State with interstate liquor shipments. 
They purchase tax receipts, commonly known as "government licenses," 
from the Treasury Department, and boast the rule of the department 
which forbids internal revenue collectors testifying against their lawless- 
ness in the State courts. They care little whether a hamlet, a town, or 
even a county, goes "dry" or not, so long as they can centralize in and 
exploit the functions of the Federal Government to defeat the will of the 
majority. 

But some may say that in the sale of liquors in defiance of State law, 
under the plea that the lawless seller holds a "government license," and 
m the shipment of interstate liquors through common carriers into "dry" 
territory, the liquor interests are not defying and challenging the self- 
sufficiency of the Republic, since what they do they do through the consent 
of at least one part of the Republic, the Federal branch. But it is a matter 
of boasting on the part of the brewers and distillers that they, within our 
very doors, defy the will of the majority which we are determined every 
foreign interest shall respect and obey. Suppose any foreign government 
should declare that they meant to land a shipload of goods at the harbor 








MRS. EMMA SANFORD SHELTON, 
Recording Secretary, Districl of Columbia 

w c t r 



MRS. S. M. WESCOTT, 
District of Columbia W. ("I U Worker 



MRS M E COHEN, 
Vice President, Districl of Columbia 

w ( i. r. 

MRS. CHAS. R GRANDFIELD, MRS \\ I- CRAFTS 

freasurer, Districl of Columbia W. C T. U. Districl of Columbia W C.'T. U. Worker 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 373 

of New York without paying the tariff duty on them ? Would the American 
people consent to that? No, indeed. Congross would be convened at once, 
and the American people would respond as one man, even to the call of 
arms, if necessary, to maintain respect for our laws. But the brewers and 
distillers ship carloads of liquor into Kansas and other, prohibition states, 
through interstate commerce, and declare that they mean to continue to do 
so, no matter what the people of those states may say, and Congress looks 
on with indifference. Is not the defiance of the laws of a sovereign state, 
passed in the interest of highest citizenship, of more importance than the 
landing of a shipload of goods in the harbor of New York contrary to tariff 
laws? 

Let us bear in mind that the perverting of functions of government 
may be a far more serious matter as affecting our experiment as a republic 
among the nations of the earth, than the open defiance of our institutions 
by some despotic foreign power against which freemen are prompt to 
guard themselves. The action of the liquor men consists now both of per- 
version of government as well as defiance of it. They defy the authority 
of the will of the people of the states, while at the same time they per- 
vert the functions of the Federal government. They will thus be stronger 
and quicker to defy both state and federal government? when occasion 
arises. The national lawmakers are not making smooth the future path 
of human liberty by smiling upon the defiance of the liquor interests 
directed against law and order. They do but sow to the wind in the cir- 
cumvention of the state law through the perverting of federa 1 f inctions, 
but to-morrow or in the days to come the nation will reap the whirlwind 
harvest of lawlessness directed against federal law. 

In the final analysis the prohibition question is not solely as to whether 
prohibition does or does not prohibit. It is not a question as to whether 
one does or does not drink. Far deeper and more important is the chal- 
lenge which the brewers and distillers, exploiting federal power, have flung 
to everyone who believes in civil liberty, that a government built on that 
foundation is not self-sufficient to make itself respected by those who, par- 
taking of the "blessings of liberty" for themselves, wish to deny it to all 
others as against the evil which they promote. 

LIQUOR "CENTRALIZATION BY CONSTRUCTION."' 

By Finley C. Henprickson. 
(Written for 'THE PASSING OF THE SALOON.") 

While the liquor movement has thus far embraced DO larger political 
divisions than separate states, and most of the dry area was secured 
through county, township and district contests, it is inevitable that the 



374 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

nation will soon become, by the very logic of the situation, the battle- 
ground on the prohibition question. The theory of our dual form of 
government suggests it, and the whole trend of the prohibition reform 
moves towards it. 

This broader battle-ground can be anticipated by noting how the pro- 
hibition reform has moved from the mile or two limit for churches and 
schoolhouses, and the protection of residential districts, up to election dis- 
trict and township and then on to the county. That attained, many who 
had favored the county movement rested from further agitation, and often 
refused to join in any movement for statewide prohibition. 

But the prohibition counties soon found that the liquor traffic was 
camped at their doors in the way of a jug trade, liquor being brought in 
from adjoining license counties, or through interstate commerce from 
nearby states. Thus express offices, steamboat landings and railroad depots 
were turned into substitutes for the saloons which had been voted out. 

Once more the prohibition forces have taken up the march, now mak- 
ing their slogan statewide prohibition, and state after state already has 
swung into line, to be followed in the near future by others, more partic- 
ularly perhaps in the South. 

The contest in these states, being confined to this single issue, and 
with record votes polled, it no doubt has appeared to the mass of citizen- 
ship that, the entire state being freed from the saloon, nothing further 
remained to be done, and they now could rest in peace and enjoy the fruits 
of their prohibition labors. But the noise of battle hardly had ceased in 
any state until the mails were flooded by the liquor men with information 
how the bibulous, without regard to sex, race, age, color or personal habits, 
could be supplied with their favorite tipple through the medium of inter- 
state commerce carriers. 

Although nearly half the population, and over half the area, of the 
forty-six states have passed into the dry column, revenue statistics show 
only a considerable but not a relative decrease in the consumption of liquor. 
A C. O. D. jug, paying as it does a revenue into the coffers of the United 
States treasury, weighs heavy in the governmental scale as against state 
sovereignty. The bibulous are encouraged to part with their coin and 
hand it over to agents of common carriers, who find that it does not inter- 
fere with their salaried positions to act also as agents for the brewers and 
distillers for additional compensation. The agent naturally reasons that 
the common carrier, whose interest he is supposed to promote, gains com- 
mercially by a stimulated C. O. D. jug trade in dry territory. 

Thus the matter stands at the present day, the states finding it im- 
possible, under Supreme Court decisions, to pass any law to correct the 
interstate jug trade. Jurisdiction of the federal government over the in- 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 375 

terstate shipment does not end until the liquor has reached the hands of the 
consignee. At that point the states find it utterly impossible to prevent 
the lawlessness which the federal government aids through interstate com- 
merce. The liquor interests, the common carriers and the lawless are a 
powerful triumvirate, holding open the door which the states have sought 
to close. Then the cry goes up that "prohibition doesn't prohibit," and 
the liquor interests parley with the citizenship of the states, and challenge 
them to make choice between the open licensed saloon with revenue or the 
interstate jug trade without revenue. 

Let us turn now to the Federal point of view. While the prohibition 
fight was being carried on from the one-, two-, three- or four-mile limit, 
or residential district, to the election district or township, then to the 
county, and from the county to the state, the brewers and distillers were 
centralizing their power in the federal government, knowing that, so long 
as they could hold that citadel of power, they might be harassed by local 
option and prohibition laws in the states, but could not be made to sur- 
render altogether. Then there is always the hope that, from behind such 
federal fortifications, they may sally forth at some time when the attention 
of the people in the prohibition states is directed to some other overshad- 
owing issue, and retake all the lost territory. 

The means adopted by the liquor interests in order to centralize their 
power in the federal government were, after all, simple. The procedure 
consisted for one thing, in the retention of the fiscal policy of the Federal 
government adopted during the Civil War relating to taxation of liquors. 
The liquor dealers, instead of demanding the repeal of the war revenue 
measure of 1862 when the cause for its passage had ceased to exist, favored 
its retention, and they now boast that through its operation the traffic they 
represent pays large sums into the federal treasury. From 1880 to 1907, 
the government received $3,639,172,297.00 in taxes on spirits and fer- 
mented liquors. Having thus exploited the fiscal policy of the govern- 
ment, under which a purely war revenue measure has been retained in times 
of profound peace, they advanced the doctrine that prohibition states 
should be denied federal appropriations, because the adoption of prohibi- 
tion by the states interfered with the federal fiscal policy. The brewers 
boldly said to each senator and representative — 

"But when a state, after successive legislative acts, shuts down the 
manufacturing establishments paying the internal revenue, asks from the 
federal government appropriations for river and harbor improvements, 
rural free deliveries, public buildings, and expects protection against law- 
lessness and against foreign enemies, does not the question arise : Can the 
prohibition states expect that the monies paid into the United States 
treasury by anti-prohibition states in the form of internal revenue, shall 
be expended for the benefit of prohibition states ?" 



376 



THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



While recognition of this doctrine was not embodied in law, it received 
no rebuke at the hands of the national lawmakers, but rather a friendly 
countenance in the refusal by Congress to pass a proper interstate com- 
merce act to permit the states to protect their dry territory from the inter- 
state jug trade. In this way a politic Congress could say to the prohibi- 
tion and temperance forces: "We refuse to embody into law this sugges- 
tion of the brewers that Congress punish the prohibition states by with- 
holding from them federal appropriations." At the same time they could 
say to the aggressive brewers : "While Congress did not adopt the policy 
of punishing prohibition states by withholding federal appropriations as 
you desired, it did refuse to pass a law to permit the states to protect their 
dry territory from your interstate jug trade." Just how long Congress 
can extend the right hand of fellowship and aid the liquor interests, while 
it extends the other hand to state sovereignty with empty declarations of 
friendship, without losing its precarious balance, remains problematical. 

A wheel within a wheel of this fiscal policy is found in the sale of Tax 
Receipts, commonly known as "Government Licenses," to approximately 
eighty thousand violators of state liquor laws who persist in selling in de- 
fiance of the state laws of their respective localities, whether in dispensary, 
license, local option or prohibition territory. Not only that, bufc internal 
revenue collectors are forbidden by the Treasury Department to testify in 
the state courts against these lawless characters. Thus the liquor interests 
have centralized and fortified in the fiscal polic}' of the federal government 
to the detriment of the judicial processes of all the states. 

But the interstate jug trade, solely within the control of Congress, is 
the chief bulwark of the liquor forces. Should Congress remain inactive, 
and the Supreme Court refuse to reverse its former decisions denying to 
the states the right to regulate or prohibit this interstate traffic in intoxi- 
cating liquors, all of the forty -six states could adopt the prohibition policy, 
and yet the liquor interests could, by centralizing in the District of Colum- 
bia alone, for instance, virtually nullify the operation of the prohibition 
laws of all the forty-six states, limited only by the cost of freight and ex- 
press charges to points of destination. The states are powerless now as 
against "outside nullification." An interstate jug trade is more sacred to 
Congress than the laws of a sovereign state. A saloon is stationary and 
its evils may be dealt with by local authorities, but the United States mails 
and interstate carriers are wings and feet to the brewers and distillers of 
the license states. Their eyes perceive no state boundaries in their deliv- 
eries. 

Thus, by using the interstate jug trade as a sword, and the fiscal pol- 
icv of the federal government as a shield, the brewers and distillers have 
not felt it necessary to bend all their energies to defeat the adoption of 



ON TO WASHINGTON. 377 

local option laws, knowing that so long as they could centralize in the fed- 
eral government, and act through a well organized force of express agents 
and a stimulated C. O. D. trade which pays ready cash, their business could 
go merrily on. It is natural the big brewers and distillers consider it far 
more dignified and strategic to guard their federal outposts and husband 
their resources beneath the federal rooftree than to hazard all in the many 
local option contests on the question of saloons or no saloons, requiring in 
the aggregate the expenditure of large sums of money, and getting 
knocked on their shins by a pronounced dry majority. 

While the American people have spurned the general doctrine of 
"centralization by construction," because they instinctively feel that its 
adoption would prove a doorstep to despotic power, they are rapidly awa- 
kening to the fact, as to the drink traffic, it is not a mere theoretical dis- 
cussion but an accomplished fact. If "centralization by construction" is 
ever to be adopted as a general policy by the American people, and the re- 
served powers in the states shall, because of weakened constitutional safe- 
guards, set their united currents to the swelling of federal power, the 
brewers and distillers will be able to boast that they had anticipated this 
action, and, at the very time when the general doctrine of centralization 
had been utterly repudiated by the American people, it had been carried to 
the farthest limits for the benefit of the liquor interests. 



Late in October, 1908, a newspaper writer said: 

"Probably the most surprised of all persons who have felt the effect 
of the wave of prohibition which has swept over the southern and some 
other states are Treasury Department officials. Liquor dealers were aware 
of what would be coming to them, but the Internal Revenue Bureau had no 
suspicions of the great monetary loss the government would sustain until 
the reform had begun to operate. 

"The losses are piling up so rapidly that a serious deficit is being 
created in the government resources, and Congress will have to take up the 
matter at the coming session and cover the loss from some other source. 
At the Treasury Department it was said that indications point to a deficit 
of $2,000,000 for October, and more will follow as the prohibition move- 
ment spreads. 

"Just what method is to be suggested to Congress to make up the loss 
has not been decided, but it may be thought necessary to advise further in- 
creases in whisky and beer taxes. This, it is thought, will cause a hard 
fight before Congress. 

"The wholesale liquor dealers of Washington, who were asked about 
the matter, said the distillers and others had lost so much already that they 
could not stand any further taxation and remain in business. 

"The Treasury Department officials said the greatest loss in income has 
been sustained in Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana) the three big distil- 
lery states. It is there that stamp fees are collected in millions. Those 



378 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

distillers have lost 90 per cent, of their trade in the southern states, and 
are now practically sending nothing into the dry districts, depending for 
business on the North and West. And now, reports assert, the temperance 
wave is making its way slowly north from Texas into Arkansas, Colorado, 
Nebraska and South Dakota. Liquor men prophesy that all of these states 
are going dry, or will pass practically prohibitive laws. 

" 'With this condition in view,' said a Washington wholesale dealer, 
'it is certain that there will be a protest that will be heard from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific if they try to increase taxes. Why, the distillers can't pay 
them unless they, in turn, increase prices.' 

"The loss in revenue last month, Treasury figures show, on spirituous 
liquors alone, was $1,506,819. The total since July has been $5,542,958, 
and figures so far received for October show that the loss will be $2,000,- 
000 or more. The loss on beers and other fermented liquors in September 
amounted to $1,796,914.28, and this loss is also increasing." 

To offset revenue losses caused by enactment and enforcement of pro- 
hibitory laws, the Prohibition party proposes equitably graduated income 
and inheritance taxes. These may not be as scientific as the Single Tax 
on Land Values, but they are more defensible than the tax on intoxicating 
liquors. 

It is plainly apparent that political parties can no longer ignore the 
liquor question on the plea that "it is not a national issue." It is up in a 
peremptory way for discussion and settlement, and parties, willy-nilly, 
must recognize it, and formulate and declare their policies and attitude 
toward it. The fight is on to a finish. It can not be doubted that ulti- 
mately and speedily the same great people that freed themselves from 
slavery will also free themselves from the saloon. — G. M. H. 




CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE ANTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 

Br Ben H. Spknce, Secretary Ontario Branch The Dominion Alliance. 

REAT in area, but with vast territory yet undeveloped, Can- 
G H a( ^ a » w ^ n a population of about seven millions, is today a 
great nation-in-the-making. 

Canada's 8,745,574* square miles give to her 178,011 
square miles more territory than the United States, including 
Alaska. Millions of acres of this is most fertile land, and is destined to 
be the granary of the world. 

The great natural wealth of Canada is attracting to her borders vast 
numbers of immigrants. Indeed, the problem of foreign-born population 
is already being acutely felt and is causing patriotic Canadians to have 
grave concern as to what moral and social conditions will obtain in this 
new growing land. 

The population of the Dominion, according to the last census, taken 
in 1901, was 5,371,315. During the last seven years there has been added 
to the population about a million and a half people. Approximately 
this population might be grouped as follows: 

Maritime Provinces (consisting of Prince Edward Island, New 

Brunswick and Nova Scotia 1,000,000 

Quebec 2,000,000 

Ontario 2,500,000 

Western Provinces (consisting of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and 

Alberta) 1,000,000 

Pacific Coast (British Columbia) 500,000 

These groups are distinct in many respects, and indeed form nations 
of themselves. Each province is autonomous and is in many particulars 
self-governing. The Federal Parliament has jurisdiction over matters 
relating to commerce, revenue, militia, postal service, railways, etc. In 
the provinces is vested the police power, education, the administration of 
provincial lands, and the control of legislation creating and regulating 
municipalities. These municipalities are governed by practically the same 
laws that obtain in all such political divisions. 

These legal divisions, and this apportionment of* legislative functions, 
has a direct relationship to the temperance question throughout the Do- 

379 



380 THE PASSING OF 'I HE SALOON. 

minion of Canada. The Dominion Parliament, and the Dominion Parlia- 
ment only, has full power to prohibit the manufacture, importation and 
sale of intoxicating liquor. The provinces have very large powers regu- 
lating and prohibiting the sale, but must not interfere with inter-provin- 
cial trade. In all the provinces, except British Columbia, the legislatures 
have delegated to the municipalities power to prohibit the sale of liquor 
within their bounds by the enactment of local option by-laws. This power 
is being effectively used today in many places. 



TEMPERANCE SOCIETIES. 

The first temperance society in Canada, as far as known, was formed 
at Brockville, Ontario, in the year 1828. Thereafter for many years the 
temperance reform was confined largely to the activities of what were 
called "temperance societies" of one kind and another. 

In 1846, the secret temperance society movement began with the for- 
mation of a division of the Sons of Temperance at Montreal, Quebec. A 
central body of this order began a systematic temperance propaganda in 
1847, which was very successful. The year 1853 marks the advent of the 
Independent Order of Good Templars with the distinctive features of that 
body. At that time Harmony Lodge No. 1 was organized at Merrickville, 
Ontario. The first Council of the Royal Templars of Temperance, "Pio- 
neer No. 1," was organized at Toronto on the third day of October, 1878. 
For a time all these orders flourished and the aggregate membership ran 
up to over 100,000. 

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union was established in Canada 
in 1874 when a local union was formed in the town of Owen Sound. This 
particular society is still flourishing and has been a most important factor 
in the securing of local option in that place. 

The "Y's" were organized in 1881 and have since done good work. 

A Dominion Union of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union was 
formed in 1885, and today there is not only the Dominion Union, but Pro- 
vincial Unions in practically every province. 

Great and lasting work has been done by the consecrated womanhood 
of Canada through the W. C. T. U. Their indefatigable efforts and thor- 
ough consecration have been of incalculable value in the upbuilding of the 
strong temperance sentiment which now prevails. 

Largely through the efforts of the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union, legislation has been secured by which scientific temperance instruc- 
tion is given in Canadian schools. The control and management of the 
public schools is in the hands of provincial legislatures, and in nearly every 



THE AXTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 381 

province provision is made for thorough instruction regarding the physio- 
logical effects of alcohol. 

EAftEY LEGISLATIVE EFFORT. 

During this era of the temperance societies, the first definite attempts 
were made to secure prohibitory legislation. Attempts were made in the 
various provinces to secure the passage of prohibitory laws. A prohibition 
measure was passed by the Province of New Brunswick about fifty years 
ago, but w r as repealed by the next legislature. Some years later in the 
legislature of the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec, which were at that time 
united, a similar measure was defeated by the casting vote of the Speaker. 

These attempts at legislation were made before the union of all the 
provinces into what is now known as the Dominion of Canada, which fed- 
eration was formed in 1867. 

Shortly after the federation of the different provinces an agitation 
was inaugurated looking towards a law of total prohibition for the whole 
Dominion. The House of Commons was flooded with petitions from every 
part of the country. Legislatures in the different provinces passed reso- 
lutions asking the national body to enact such a law. A call for a Prohi- 
bition Convention was issued by sixteen members of the House of Commons 
in the year 1875, and in response to this 280 representatives from different 
provinces assembled at Montreal. The late Hon. Senator Alexander Vidal 
presided at the meeting, while helping in the organization were the Hon. 
Neal Dow, of Portland, Maine, and John S. Stearns, of New York. 

Among the resolutions adopted by this Convention were the following : 

"1. That the manufacture, importation and sale of intoxicating 
liquors to be used as common beverages are found by the Parliamentary 
Committees, as well as the experience of society, to be a fruitful source of 
crime and pauperism, alike subversive of public morality and social order. 

"2. That all attempts to restrict the traffic by license law are unsat- 
isfactory, inasmuch as intemperance and all the evils connected therewith 
are constantly increasing. 

"3. That nothing short of the entire prohibition of the manufacture, 
importation and sale of intoxicating liquors as beverages would be satis- 
factory to this Convention. 

"4. That in order that a prohibitory liquor law when passed, may 
have the sympathy and support so indispensably necessary to its success, it 
is the opinion of this Convention that the Dominion Parliament should be 
urged to frame such a law, subject to ratification by popular vote." 

One result of this Convention was the formation of what is known as 
the Dominion Alliance for the Suppression of the Liquor Traffic, which 
organization is still the recognized representative body of the Dominion 
of Canada, uniting all churches of all denominations together with all tern- 



3^2 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

perance and moral reform organizations in a powerful federation for prac- 
tical action along carefully considered lines. 

A branch of the Alliance was formed in every province with a gen- 
eral council for the whole Dominion. A branch of the Alliance or some 
organization similarly constituted, is at present actively at work in every 
province. The present Dominion officers are John Dougall, Esq., of Mon- 
treal, President; F. S. Spence, Esq., Toronto, Secretary. 

The proposals of the Montreal convention cited above were not acted 
upon by the Dominion Parliament, although the matter was discussed from 
year to year. Committees were appointed to consider the question, and 
one year a special Board of Commissioners was sent to investigate the pro- 
hibitory laws of the United States. The only results, however, to the re- 
search of this commission were a Blue Book and a resolution by the House 
of Commons assenting to the principles of prohibition. 

In 1878, the Canada Temperance Act, popularly known as the Scott 
Act, was enacted. This was really a local option prohibitory law applying 
to cities and counties, and which could only come into force upon being 
ratified by a vote of the electors of the territory affected. 

The Canada Temperance Act was immediately taken hold of by the 
temperance people. The city of Fredericton, the capital of New Bruns- 
wick, was the first place to vote, and a large majority was recorded in 
favor of the law. The measure is still in force in that city, being again 
sustained by an overwhelming majority in May, 1908. Other cities and 
counties fell into line and in a short time the great part of the Maritime 
Provinces, and large sections of Ontario, Quebec and Manitoba were 
brought under the operation of the law. 

The measure was to an extent a disappointment. The machinery for 
enforcement was inadequate. Political complications interfered with its 
success. There was dispute between the provincial and Dominion authori- 
ties in regard to enforcement. This was aggravated by the fact that the 
Scott Act being a Dominion measure, repealed, so far as the territory it 
affected was concerned, the liquor license laws of the different provinces. 
The result of all was that the law was repealed in every place in Ontario, 
Manitoba and Quebec, in which it was adopted. It is, however, still in 
force in a large part of the Maritime Provinces. 

While the Scott Act was to some extent a disappointment, it certainly 
was effective in reducing the consumption of liquor, and in lessening drunk- 
enness and crime. In the Province of Ontario, taking a period of three 
years before the adoption of the measure, the three years during which it 
was in force, and the three years following its repeal, we find the commit- 
ments for drunkenness during the Scott Act period were very much lew 
than in either of the other periods. The following are the figures: 




3 

r O 
o 

* 2<3 

s Is 



J ffl, 





«!$©■ 

^.-«^^^i 






j£^^ 


'. 


















1 


■ 








HBHHHI^IHHi 






m c 

■-» pq 



THE ANTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 383 

During three years before the Scott Act 2144 commitments. 

During three years of the Scott Act 977 commitments. 

During three years after the Scott Act 1531 commitments. 

In the other provinces equally good results followed. 

With the repeal of the Scott Act there seems to have been for a time 
a lull in regard to temperance work. This was the time when the great 
Christian Endeavor movement was inaugurated. One of the effects of the 
growth of the Christian Endeavor idea was to swing into the line of Chris- 
tian activity, in a distinctively Church organization, the moral enthusiasm 
and activity, which before had found expression and an avenue of useful- 
ness in organizations such as temperance societies outside of the church. 
With the growth therefore of the Christian Endeavor movement, there was 
a decline in the strength of the temperance societies, but yet an undoubted 
ultimate gain in regard to temperance work. The result has been that the 
"Christian Endeavor" idea has laid hold upon the Church itself, and the 
churches have become temperance societies. 

Practically every church in Canada today is a temperance society of 
the strongest and best kind, and nearly every preacher of the Gospel an 
advocate of temperance in its sanest form. Today the churches are practi- 
cally vying with one another for leadership along the line of temperance 
reform. 

The Presbyterian Church has its Temperance and Moral Reform De- 
partment with Rev. Dr. G. C. Pidgeon as chairman and Rev. Dr. J. G. 
Shearer as secretary. The Methodist Church has its Temperance and Moral 
Reform Department with Rev. Dr. S. D. Chown as general secretary and 
Rev. H. S. Magee as associate. The Baptist Church has a Moral and Re- 
form Department with Rev. Dr. A. T. Sowerby as chairman. In the 
Anglican Church there is the Church of England Temperance Society; in 
the Roman Catholic Church, the League of the Cross ; and in all the 
churches unprecedented activity along temperance lines. These are all 
united in the Dominion Alliance for legislative work. 

THE DOMINION ALLIANCE. 

The purpose of the Dominion Alliance is set out in the following 
Declaration of Principles: 

"1. That it is neither right nor politic for the State to afford Legal 
protection and sanction to any traffic or system that tends to increase 
crime, to waste the national resources, to corrupt the social habits and to 
destroy the health and lives of the people. 

"2. That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is hostile to the true 
interests of individuals, and destructive of the order and welfare of society, 
and ought therefore to be prohibited. 



384 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"3. That the history and results of all past legislation in regard to 
the liquor traffic abundantly prove that it is impossible satisfactorily to 
limit or regulate a system so essentially mischievous in its tendencies. 

"4. That no consideration of private gain or public revenue can 
justify the upholding of a system so utterly wrong in principle, suicidal in 
policy and disastrous in results as the traffic in intoxicating liquors. 

"5. That the total prohibition of the liquor traffic is in perfect har- 
mony with the principles of justice and liberty, is not restrictive of legiti- 
mate commerce, and is essential to the integrity and stability of govern- 
ment, and the welfare of the community. 

"6. That, rising above sectarian and party considerations, all citizens 
should combine to procure an enactment prohibiting the manufacture, im- 
portation and sale of intoxicating beverages as affording most efficient aid 
in removing the appalling evils of intemperance. 

Its organization is simple yet comprehensive and affords full scope 
for the thorough cooperation of all moral reform agencies in temperance 
work. 

FURTHER LEGISLATIVE ACTIVITY. 

The revival of interest in temperance work again precipitated the sit- 
uation in the Dominion Parliament and in the various provincial legis- 
latures. 

The pressure became so strong that in 1891 another Royal Commis- 
sion was appointed by the Dominion Parliament, and after a long, exhaust- 
ive investigation the majority members brought in a flabby and meaning- 
less report. A minority report was also presented which declared unhesi- 
tatingly and emphatically for nation-wide prohibition. 



POPULAR VOTES. 

Something further had to be done by the politicians to relieve the 
situation, and in the Provinces of Manitoba, Prince Edward Island, On- 
tario and Nova Scotia plebiscites were taken upon the prohibition question. 

The result of these votes was as is set out in the following table: 

VOTES FOB VOTES AGAINST MAJORITY FOR 

PROVINCE VOTING. PROHIBITION PROHIBITION PROHIBITION 

Manitoba July 23, 1892 19,637 7,115 12,522 

Prince Edward Is Dec. 14,1893 10,616 3,390 7,226 

Ontario Jan. 3, 1894 180,087 108,494 71,593 

Nova Scotia March 16, 1894 46,756 12,355 31,401 

Following these various provincial plebiscites, further efforts were 
made to secure something practical and definite in the form of a prohibi- 
tory law. 

There was a change of administration at Ottawa, the Liberal party 



THE ANTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 385 

came into power. A plank in their platform was the submission to the 
people of the question of national prohibition. In consonance with this a 
Dominion plebiscite was taken on September 29, 1898, the result being 
that 278,380 votes were cast for prohibition and 264,693 against, a ma- 
jority of 13,687 for prohibition. 

The peculiar feature about this vote, however, was that the Province 
of Quebec, which is largely French Canadian and Catholic, gave a majority 
of 94,324 against prohibition, while the rest of the Dominion gave a ma- 
jority of 108,111 in favor of such a measure. The Premier, Sir Wilfred 
Laurier, a French Canadian Catholic, took the ground that in the face of 
such a vote, to pass such a law would amount to the coercion of the Prov- 
ince of Quebec by the rest of the Dominion. Nothing was done. 

By this time, however, it was found that the individual provinces had 
large prohibitory powers, and in the year 1900 a provincial prohibitory 
law was enacted by the legislature of Manitoba. Political and legal com- 
plications, however, arose which deferred the coming into operation of the 
law for a time, with the final result that the question of the coming into 
force of the measure was submitted to a referendum. This was done in 
spite of strong protests from the temperance people, many going so far 
as to declare that they would have nothing to do with a referendum sub- 
mitted in this way. The whole proceeding was one of the most despicable 
political tricks ever perpetrated. 

Under the most unfair conditions, and with the most open and bare- 
faced electoral corruption, a majority was polled against the coming into 
force of the Act, and the legislation indefinitely shelved. 

In 1902, a bill similar to the Manitoba Act was introduced into the 
Ontario legislature. To this also there was a string. The question was to 
be submitted to a vote with a provision that the aggregate vote in favor 
of the measure must be equal to a majority of the votes polled at the pre- 
ceding elections. 

The result of the poll was : For the Act, 199,749 ; against the Act, 
103,548; majority for the Act, 96,201. By the requirement of the law 
the aggregate vote in favor needed to be 212,739. The temperance people 
therefore, while polling an enormous majority, were 12,990 votes behind 
the required aggregate. The government refused to put the law into 
force. 

The unfair character of this legislation is seen by the fact that if the 
temperance people had polled 12,990 votes more and the liquor nun had 
polled 109,190 votes more, yet nevertheless the temperance people would 
have won. 

Disgusted at the political perfidy of a Government which was sup- 
posedly temperance, the people of Ontario rose in their might and turned 



386 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

them out at the general elections of 1904. The people in that province 
are now turning to local option, and are doing for themselves what their 
representatives in Parliament refused to do for them; and, indeed, all 
through the Dominion the local option method is being effectively used by 
the temperance workers as the immediate means at their hand in the great 
warfare they are waging. 



THE SITUATION TODAY. 

The following may be said to be a bird's-eye view of the situation 
throughout the Dominion in all the provinces at the present time. 

In the Dominion Parliament, legislation is being sought to enable the 
provinces to enact a more effective prohibitory measure than they have 
now power to pass and also to prevent the shipment of liquor into prohibi- 
tion areas and to regulate the common carriers in regard to this. 

The Province of Prince Edward Island is the pioneer prohibition prov- 
ince of the Dominion. Prior to 1902, local option in the form of the 
Scott Act was put into force through the entire province except in the 
capital city of Charlottetown, and a campaign was then brought on and a 
province-wide prohibitory law was secured. The situation was then a 
peculiar one. The Scott Act, a Dominion local option law, was in force 
all through the province except in Charlottetown, where the provincial 
Prohibitory Act applied. The provincial law was found to be much 
stronger and more satisfactory in its working than the Scott Act. The 
temperance people then brought on a campaign for the repeal of local 
option. As soon as the country repealed the law it immediately came under 
the operation of the provincial act. 

The whole province is now under provincial prohibition with the result 
that a short time ago every jail in the entire province was empty save one, 
where a single offender was in durance. And for what offense? Actually 
for selling liquor contrary io law ! 

Temperance sentiment is exceedingly strong in the Province of Nova 
Scotia. A very rigid license law is in force throughout the entire prov- 
ince, but licenses are only granted in the city of Halifax, the county of 
Halifax and the county of Richmond. The other nineteen counties of 
the province are without the legalized sale of liquor, and an effort is now 
being made to secure a provincial prohibitory law. 

The Province of New Brunswick shows encouraging progress also. 
Of the fifteen counties and cities in the province, nine, including the capital 
city of Fredericton, are under local option by the Scott Act. 

The Provincial Temperance Organization is now entering upon a 



THE ANTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 387 

determined campaign to bring the entire province under prohibition by 
provincial enactment. 

To those who have looked upon the Province of Quebec as hopeless 
from a temperance standpoint, recent events are indeed amazing. This 
province, which voted by an overwhelming majority against Dominion 
prohibition, is today ridding itself of the curse of the liquor traffic more 
rapidly than any other province in the Dominion. 

Within the past two years over 100 municipalities have come under 
local option and at the present moment out of 994 municipalities over 700 
have freed themselves of the licensed liquor traffic. 

This great movement is largely due to the splendid work of the Fran- 
ciscan Fathers under the leadership of Archbishop Bruchesi. Tremendous 
pledge-signing campaigns have been carried on throughout the province. 
These have been followed by the passing of local option by-laws. 

In Ontario, the banner province of the Dominion, a tremendous fight 
is now on. Prior to 1906, the people in the various municipalities had 
the power to pass local option by-laws by simple majority of the votes 
polled. The temperance people were just beginning to use this power 
largely, and at the preceding municipal elections had succeeded in abolish- 
ing the traffic from fifty-eight municipalities. At the session of the legisla- 
ture in 1906, however, an act was passed making it impossible to carry 
by-laws except by a three-fifths vote of the electors. The effect of this 
arbitrary unfairness has been to tremendously hamper reform efforts. 
During the years 1907 and 1908, only seventy-three municipalities have 
been able to abolish the liquor traffic, although in 145 places majorities 
were polled for local option by-laws. 

Another campaign is on this year but the results are not likely to be 
any more encouraging and the determination of the temperance people is 
growing stronger than ever that the three-fifths injustice must be removed. 
Today there are 312 municipalities in Ontario entirely free from the liquor 
traffic. Licenses are still granted in 492. 

The Province of Manitoba is also a scene of great activity. At the 
last session of the provincial legislature an act was passed enabling munici- 
palities to enact local option by-laws upon a majority vote of the electors. 
Already twenty-seven out of 128 municipalities are dry. Campaigns are 
on, voting to take place in December next in about seventy-five more. It 
is entirely likely that the result of this fall's campaign will be thai more 
than one-half the province will be under prohibition. 

Saskatchewan and Alberta, the two new provinces in "The Last West" 
are beginning well. At the nccnt session of the Saskatchewan legislature 

a strong license law was enacted providing for local option by majority 
vote, and already the forces are lining up for the fight. 



388 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

The Alberta License Law is perhaps stronger in some respects than 
that of Saskatchewan, but does not provide for local option, this being 
only obtainable under the old regulations. There is little doubt, however, 
that the next session of the legislature will give such a law. 

It must be remembered, however, that in both these provinces there 
are immense areas without licenses, because owing to the rigid provisions of 
the law, would-be license holders cannot obtain the necessary number of 
signatures to their petitions or comply with the legal requirements. 

West of the Rocky Mountains is British Columbia, the largest prov- 
ince in the Dominion, with great problems of its own. British Columbia 
is perhaps not so far advanced as other provinces along temperance lines, 
but at the present time a great campaign led by the W. C. T. U. is in 
progress, having for its object the securing of local option. This cam- 
paign is meeting with most encouraging success. 

THE CHURCH VS. THE BARROOM. 

The temperance battle in the Dominion of Canada has practically be- 
come and is today a fight between the Church and the Liquor Traffic. The 
churches are taking high ground. The traffic is fighting hard. 

There were in the Dominion of Canada, according to the last census, 
11,943 churches with 2,209,392 communicants. In addition to these there 
were 8,470 Sunday-schools with 75,846 teachers and officers and 646,455 
scholars. 

There are in the Dominion of Canada 9 distilleries, 96 breweries, 14 
wineries, 6,000 wholesale and retail liquor dealers. 

The brewers and distillers of the Dominion of Canada have invested 
in their establishments a fixed capital of $10,076,906, a working capital of 
$14,456,175, making a total capital of $24,533,081. 

There are 3,692 employes. The wage bill is $2,144,157. The prod- 
uct is valued at $12,167,045. 

The "trade" is most perfectly organized in each province, and lately 
a subsidiary organization has been formed as an Allied Trades Associa- 
tion led by a prominent manufacturer of bar fixtures. In spite of all, 
however, temperance sentiment is advancing rapidly. 

The churches are on record in no uncertain way. 

The Roman Catholic Church is perhaps leading in the temperance 
fight today as has already been indicated. The pastorals of the archbish- 
ops have contained many earnest warnings to their people against the evil 
power of the drink habit and against the common traffic in intoxicants. 

The Church of England in its various synods has strongly declared 
itself. The New Brunswick Synod has adopted the followfng resolution : 



THE ANTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 



389 



"Resolved, That this Synod recognizes the evil of intemperance as one 
of the greatest obstacles to the spread of Christ's kingdom; and, further 
resolved, that in the opinion of this Synod, the Church of England should 
be found in the front ranks in the contests against this gigantic evil, and 
that the clergy and laity of this diocese be called upon resolutely to oppose 
the evil, and to encourage every legitimate effort to suppress it." 

The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in July, 1908, said: 

"The Assembly would reaffirm the deliverance of former Assemblies 
that nothing short of the prohibition of the traffic in intoxicants for bev- 
erage purposes can satisfy as the goal in temperance reform, and would 
recommend our people in those provinces where there is no immediate pros- 
pect of carrying and enforcing prohibition, to unite with others in working 
towards this end by — 

a. The curtailment of the traffic by local veto. 

b. The abolishment of the barroom (i. e., the sale for consumption 
on the premises) and the public treating system associated therewith." 

The Methodist Church is on record as follows: 

"That the liquor traffic of today is the greatest stumbling block to the 
church's progress, is fraught with untold evils to humanity and spreads 
desolation over the length and breadth of our fair Dominion. 

"That the efforts put forth by the governments to restrain, by license 
laws, this cvclone of destruction, have failed in their purpose ; be it therefore 

"Resolved, (1) That we are unalterably opposed to all efforts to reg- 
ulate the liquor traffic by taxation or license, high or low. These afford no 
protection from its ravages, but on the other hand, entrench it in the com- 
monwealth, throw around it an artificial garb of respectability, and make 
the people partakers of and responsible for the evils resulting therefrom. 
'It is impossible to legalize the liquor traffic without sin.' 

"(£) That we declare the complete and immediate prohibition of the 
manufacture, importation and sale of alcoholic liquors for beverage pur- 
poses to be the duty of the civil government." 

The Congregational Church has said : 

"Resolved, That as ministers and delegates we are in a position to feel 
the pulse of the best sentiment of our Dominion, that is gradually mould- 
ing public opinion; and we feel that the tax-paying and thinking element 
of the Dominion would be glad of prohibition of the liquor traffic, enforced 
by officers who are willing to enforce the expressed wish of the people. We 
thank those representatives in Parliament who were firm in demanding im- 
mediate prohibition in accordance with our resolution of last year." 

The Baptist Church has said : 

"Whereas the traffic in intoxicating liquor is a recognized evil pro- 
ducing a large proportion of the poverty, suffering, disorder and crime 
in our Dominion, and unnecessarily adding much to the taxes of our peo- 
ple ; and whereas we believe that a law enacted by the Dominion Parliament 
prohibiting the importation, manufacture and sale of all alcoholic liquors, 



390 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

except for use in medicinal, mechanical and sacramental purposes, and 
containing ample provision for its strict enforcement by the proper au- 
thorities, will greatly diminish these and other evils, and largely increase 
the prosperity and promote the health, peace and morals of our country, it 
is therefore resolved, that in the opinion of this convention, it is now the 
duty of the Dominion Parliament to enact such a prohibitory law." 

The Churches are practically one in their present campaign for bar- 
room abolition. 

The traffic, however, is strong and its influence great. 

The per capita consumption of liquor in the Dominion of Canada for 
the year ending March 31, 1908, was 6-624 gallons. 

The commitments for drunkenness in the Dominion of Canada for one 
year, 1906, the last for which figures have been published, were £5,110. 



Canada's drink bill. 

A recent summary of the drink bill of Canada is as follows : 

Direct Cost. 
Paid for liquor by consumers $ 59,126,549 

Indirect Cost. 
Labor lost and producing power destroyed by 

Intemperance $60,515,977 

Deaths through Drink, $4000 to $5000 each. . . 20,000,000 
Grain destroyed (in manufacture of liquor) .... 2,000,000 
Indirect labor (in manufacture, carriage and 

sale of liquor) 6,784,400 

Public cost for crime, lunacy 3,534,608 92,884,985 

Or a grand total that the liquor traffic cost Canada last 

year $151,961,534 

The Revenue received from the Traffic by the Dominion was.$ 12,871,537 

By the various Provinces 1,250,000 

By the various Municipalities 1,250,000 

Total $ 15,371,537 



Some phases of the temperance problem in Canada call for special 
note. One is the growth in recent years of the treating system. 

Drinking has largely disappeared from the homes of the people and 
from private and public social functions, but barroom drinking has enor- 



THE ANTI-LIQUOR FIGHT IN CANADA. 391 

mously grown. If the aggregate consumption of liquor in the Province 
of Ontario were divided into ten parts, it would be found that nine of the 
ten parts were consumed by the men standing in front of the bar there and 
then in the barroom, and only one- tenth by the people outside the bar- 
rooms in private and social functions. 

The great reason for this is the treating system. This is especially 
prevalent amongst young men, and the barrooms are filled with groups of 
young fellows who stand the treats until they cannot stand. 

Another feature is the linking together of hotels and bars. There 
are practically no saloons in Canada, but licenses are granted to barrooms 
in hotels and the hotel business of the country has been practically handed 
over to liquor dealers. This is bad for the hotel and bad for the country, 
and gives to the liquor trade a standing and prestige in the community it 
would not have were it confined to saloons and shops. Indeed, in the Prov- 
ince of Ontario it would be difficult to find a man who called himself a 
"liquor dealer." All are "hotel keepers," and the cry in the local option 
campaigns is never, "How will the community get on without the bar?" 
but "What will we do for hotel accommodation?" 

This has been recognized by the temperance people, and at the last 
Convention, by unanimous vote, resolutions were passed asking for legisla- 
tion prohibiting the issuing of licenses to sell liquor to any house or place 
of public entertainment. 

There is little or no public drinking by women in Canada, and, indeed, 
in many parts women are prohibited from entering the barrooms where 
liquor is sold. 

The separation of Canada into many different geographical divisions 
with the long boundary line makes the enactment of a Dominion law very 
difficult. This is aggravated by what has already been referred to, the 
racial and religious difference between Quebec and the rest of Canada. The 
change that has taken place in Quebec recently, however, is likely to mean 
the reviving of activity and a strengthening of the demand for legislation 
that will be Dominion-wide in its operation. 

Canadian temperance workers are perhaps more conservative and cer- 
tainly less spectacular in their campaign methods than their brethren in 
many parts of the United States. Literature, public meetings, church 
f rvices and organized personal work arc the methods used. Parades, 
hands, stcreopticons, do not seem to influence the public mind and are little 
MKorl for campaign purposes. 

The particularly satisfactory aspect of the temperance movement in 
Canada at the present time is the practical unanimity of moral reformers 
in regard to the line of action to be pursued. An eminently wise policy 
has been adopted which, while distinctly progressive, is also reasonable, 



392 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 



and appeals to the judgment of the average man. The cry, "extremists," 
"fanatics," "sentimentalists," is little heard, nor is there much occasion for 
it. While unswerving in their loyalty and endeavor after the utter annihi- 
lation of the liquor traffic, the Dominion Alliance is today more concerned 
in the next step to be taken than with the last. The campaign policy is 
well voiced in the campaign cry, "Banish the barroom, destroy the treating 
system !" That is the next step in the temperance reform in Canada. 

In a determined, systematic, persevering way the churches of Canada 
are unitedly pressing forward, and are winning all along the line. 

We will win. We must win. We are right. 

"For life shall on and upward go, 
Th* eternal step of progress beats 
To that great anthem, calm and slow, 
Which God repeats." 




CHAPTER XXXII. 

SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 

he Passing op the Saloon" is the product of a careful survey 
of public opinion in reference to the liquor business in the 
United States and Canada in the year nineteen hundred and 
eight. The editor has been in communication with women and 
men in all the states, and in the Dominion, whose relation, 
either to the government or to the various organized movements against the 
liquor traffic, qualifies them to speak authoritatively. Convictions on this 
subject long cherished by the few have become the demands of the many. 
The problem which confronts the American people is the administra- 
tion of government so as to realize the ideals of the moral aristocracy. 
If, as a famous purveyor of popular amusement says, "Ninety-five out of 
every hundred people are good," the government will be pure and good 
when the ninety-five have control of the governmental machinery. But, 
if the five, composing the impure and evil minority, obtain control of the 
legislative and executive functions of government by terrorism or by ap- 
peal to greed, the majority will be under foot. 

Something like this has been the status of things in the United States, 
at least, since the liquor interests consolidated as a political power. The 
anti-saloon movement, of which this book is the story, is an effort of the 
great majority to recover their lost rights and powers, and is, therefore, 
not merely the history of a moral reform. It is rather, as the Hon. Sea- 
horn Wright has said, "the history of a political revolution." In the 
Anti-Saloon League the "federated church" has entered the domain of 
politics for the purpose of rescuing legislatures from control of liquor 
lobbies, and creating conditions in which the moral sentiment of the com- 
monwealth may find expression in practical law-making. 

The campaign of 1908 is not merely "a fight between democracy and 
federalism," as Professor Giddings says. It is the beginning of the final 
struggle between the ninety-five and the five, which will result in the 
evolution of a system of self-government based upon the right of the best 
citizenship to administer law for its own protection. As one of the speak- 
ers said at the Louisville meeting of the Model License League : "Peoplo 
have become tired of finding the saloon in the way of every movement they 
have undertaken in the name of reform, and they are rebelling!" 

303 



394 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

"The Passing of the Saloon" is a report of a rebellion which will 
never end until the powers of government are wrested from the gangs that 
have governed through the saloon, and they have been driven from their 
seats of stolen power. 

Yellow journalism, the muck-rakers and panics to the contrary not- 
withstanding, the first decade of the twentieth century must be regarded 
as an era of ethical progress. The world is better than it used to be. 
Political conscience, business conscience, social conscience and ecclesiastical 
conscience, each is more sensitive. Though politicians, business men, so- 
ciety people, and even churchmen may have cause to fear the "yellow" 
reporter, in their hearts they, too, condemn the things that have been 
under the ban of the prophets and moralists for a thousand years. 

Evidences of this appear all around the globe. If, on the Western 
continent there is a "temperance" tidal wave, sweeping up out of the 
depths of the world's sense of the truth and justice and destroying an evil 
traffic in liquor tolerated too long, there is also in the Orient a movement 
on foot for the suppression of the century-old opium trade. The vast 
development of this "industry" of the Far East is chargeable in no small 
degree to England, which has sanctioned and fostered the production and 
consumption of poppy- juice for revenue, with as little regard for human 
welfare, as the United States government has protected the traffic in in- 
toxicating liquors for revenue. 

From the day that the first pound of opium was sold until now, there 
have been voices raised against its use. From the day that the first glass 
of intoxicating liquor was distilled until now, there have been voices lifted 
against the drink traffic. But the moral intelligence of the few of the 
past has become the wisdom and conviction of the people of the present; 
and there are fore-gleams of a coming era in which the trade in drug and 
drink will be branded universally as criminal, and banished by decree of 
the awakened people. 

Long before Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, of the English Court, in 
1770, pronounced negro slaver}' unlawful, there had been one-ideaed re- 
formers who had denounced human slavery as a violation of fundamental 
right and law. But it was not until after Mansfield had uttered his de- 
cision in the famous case of Somerset vs. Stewart that slavery ceased to 
exist in the British Empire. But the institution was doomed as soon as 
one conscience-dominated man dared open his mouth and pronounce upon 
it the judgment of God. 

And so, in this same great empire, the opium trade now is doomed, 
despite the shameless wars which Great Britain, for purposes of revenue, 
prosecuted in the past to compel China, a "pagan" nation, to abandon a 
policy of prohibition, under which she had sought to protect her millions 



SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 395 

against the opium drug habit. For, at last, the world-rising ethical tide 
compels England — "Christian" England — to give aid to the anti-opium 
crusade. In like manner, in America, a public conscience finally aroused 
compels the prohibition of the revenue-producing liquor traffic. 

Never before has the watchword of peace among the nations of men 
been so persistent and dominant as now. In spite of a sensation-loving 
press and jingo politicians, the better thought of the world turns more 
and more from the bloody pomp and barbaric paraphernalia of war, and 
finds fit and impressive expression in peace congresses and arbitration and 
reciprocity treaties. A war between nations is now seen to be as senseless 
as a brawl between two families in the city street. There is as much reason 
why Smith and Taylor should settle a "ditch" question by a duel in the 
public road, as that France and Germany should settle a boundary question 
or any question upon the so-called "field of battle." The war spirit 
dies hard, but the time approaches when swords shall indeed be beaten into 
plowshares and spears into pruning hooks, and the nations of the world 
shall learn warfare no more. 

Invention, science, education, industry, trade, commerce, have welded 
the races into a family. Human interests have become one. Steam and 
electricity have destroyed the barriers between the peoples. The day of 
the Federation of the World and the Parliament of Man is at hand. 

In all ages mankind has been stirred to real development and progress 
by moral questions alone. At bottom every impulse which has aroused 
peoples to their larger activities has been inspired by questions of right and 
wrong. It is the urge of conscience that lifts humanity upward. 

The questions that grip the public mind at any period are reflected 
in current periodicals, in the acts of legislative assemblies and in political 
campaigns in which moral issues force political parties into real combat 
for control of government. The party "machine" may endeavor to sup- 
press discussion of issues based on real distinctions of truth and error and 
rip-ht and wrong. But students of true public opinion in this present time, 
know that the questions which take real hold upon public attention in the 
United States especially, are the suppression of "craft", resistance to the 
acrgressions of predatory wealth, and the abolition of the linuor traffic. 
Almost every local campaign hinges upon some phase of the liquor ques- 
tion. Candidates everywhere have been compelled to declare themselves 
for or against the saloon, in spite of the famous announcement of a bril- 
liant Ohio Senator that he was "neither for nor acainst," for in his judg- 
ment the liquor question had been settled for all time according to "the 
eternal principle of taxation." 

Never before has the newspaper press opened its columns so freely 
as now to reports of the anti-saloon agitation and to discussions of the 



396 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

liquor problem. Even the much berated party Prohibitionists are treated 
with respect by reporters. There are no longer the sneering references 
to the sparseness of men and the plentitude of women at temperance and 
anti-saloon meetings. 

Salient among the moral forces that are driving the saloon out of 
existence, should be noted specially the high-class monthly magazines and 
the "Chautauqua" assemblies. Readers of current literature have found 
in their favorite magazines brilliant stories of the anti-saloon movement, 
north and south, east and west ; stories as fascinating as the lightest fiction, 
and athrill with the valor that makes battle stories interesting reading. 
Students of social life discover that common folk everywhere are hungry 
for knowledge of the first and last fact in history and science. Hence 
they flock more and more each summer to the Chautauqua, by the river- 
side and in the woods. 

The monthly magazines as a whole reflect the highest ideals in cur- 
rent periodical literature. In like manner the Chautauquas represent the 
highest ideals in public intellectual entertainment. There is no more as- 
tonishing fact in recent times than is seen in a great multiplication and 
vast expansion of monthly magazines, many of them growing in but a 
short time into business enterprises of great profit and value. In like 
manner the Chautauquas multiply and prosper. It is a most promising 
sign of the times when undertakings based upon these high ideals become 
so popular that they pay. 

Through these channels the higher life of the time is exhibiting itself, 
and by these admirable agencies the progressive elements of thought are 
reacting upon thinking women and men everywhere. It is evident that 
the "plain" people and the "cultured" people alike, open-minded to the 
largest visions of truth that make for the fullest life, are advancing to 
strategic points in the long conflict with anti-social forces. More, per- 
haps, than ever before, the life that now is assumes eternal and universal 
meaning, and the Kingdom of God is discerned to be the Kingdom of Man. 
The brightest magazine writers are most earnest advocates of human 
rights, the rights of the child toiler, the sweat-shop worker, the day lab- 
orer, the disfranchised woman citizen. Likewise the most popular Chau- 
tauqua lecturers are the heralds of a better day for the great masses, the 
real wealth producers, heralds of an emancipation that will bring purest 
pleasure of life to every human being in the commonwealth. 

People read the newspapers for news, but they read the magazines 
for discussion of the vital questions of the day. They go to "Coney" for 
an "outing" but they go to Chautauqua for an uplift, for a wider hori- 
zon, for a greater impulse to life worth while. The hunger for true art, 



SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 397 

true literature, craves satisfaction. As the Magazine and the Chautauqua 
come, the Saloon will go. 

The most widely read and discussed article in the Magazine is the 
story of the anti-saloon crusade, or the one depicting the evil influences 
and effects of drink. In like manner "Temperance Day," cr "Anti-Sa- 
loon Day" is the one great day at the Chautauqua. And so it comes 
about that readers of the magazines, and the Anti-Saloon League, consti- 
tute the Federated Church in action against the saloon. 



To an account of one special phase of the moral progress of today 
this volume is devoted. Some of the men and women who contribute so 
interestingly to its pages, who, today sit in seats of honor, but a little 
while ago were denounced as fanatics, dreamers, cranks, impracticable 
persons, heretics, and unwarranted disturbers of the social order. 

But in religion and in politics the reformer is always pronounced a 
heretic — at first. Martin Luther, John Wesley, George Fox, were here- 
tics. Paul was a heretic. Jesus of Nazareth was a heretic. Wendell 
Phillips, Lloyd Garrison, Abraham Lincoln were political heretics. The 
great Republican party was, in its beginning wholly heterodox according 
to the prevailing political standards of that period, and was as bitterly 
denounced and hated by the "vested interests" of that time as are the radi- 
cal parties cf the present by the "predatory wealth" of today. 

Whoever and whatever disturbs the Established Order in any time or 
place is always heretical. Hence, the New must always find its expression 
outside of the Old. Moral sentiments, which develop according to their 
own laws force new alignments. Fundamental reforms of this era, origi- 
nally declared unpopular, are based on eternal principle, inspired by high 
ideals. They are indices of the better day that is to come, even as the 
feeble and despised efforts of the "Anti-Slavery Society" of 1833 pre- 
saged the universal liberty of today, and as the little "Temperance Soci- 
ety" of 1808 was the forerunner of the triumphing movement of the 
present time. 

The most marked feature of political conditions the world over today 
is seen in the rise of democracy. In republican countries like our own, in 
limited monarchies like England and Germany, in retrogressive, despotic 
countries like China, Russia, Persia and Turkey, is witnessed the growth 
of the spirit of democracy. In our own country more and more the tend- 
ency is to get the government back into the hands of the people. Every- 
where there is an outcry against the political machine, bossism, graft, cen- 
tralization and so on. In all countries having popular government, the 
movement toward the initiative and referendum is growing in strength. 



398 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

In ancient monarchies constitutions with representative democratic gov- 
ernment is demanded. 

In other words, one of the most promising signs of the times is the 
tendency everywhere among all nations and peoples toward realizing the 
idea of government of the people by the people for the people. 

When responsibility for the liquor traffic in any particular communi- 
ty is thrown directly upon the people of that community themselves, they 
abolish it. No man not personally engaged in the traffic, wants a saloon 
next door to his residence or place of business. This principle is well illus- 
trated in the success of the local option contests everywhere. Politician^ 
will deal and dicker with and pander to an evil, but the people, when made 
responsible, abolish it. 

Another most encouraging sign of the times, is the increasing open- 
ness of mankind everywhere to receive and adopt the true principles of 
Christianity. Never before were Christian missionaries so welcome and so 
influential in all parts of the world as they are today. Their influence is 
gradually — very gradually it may be in many cases — leavening the lump 
of humanity. Thus the thought of all races is being lifted toward the 
high ideals of the Man of Nazareth, and these ideals are finding their ex- 
pression in improved laws and customs of the nations. An illustration of 
this is set forth in a recent address by Rev. John Howard Melish, rector 
of the Holy Trinity Church, Brooklyn, who said: 

"A Pentecost seems to be taking place in Korea. Forces, no doubt 
in large part political and commercial, but also supreme^ religious and 
educational, are bringing that Eastern nation to a new birth. Men every- 
where are inquiring about the 'new religion.' Churches are crowded many 
times a day. Teachers and preachers cannot meet the need. We seem 
to be witnessing what has not been seen for centuries, a nation turning 
Christian. 

"What is of great significance in the religious awakening and con- 
version of Korea, is the kind of Christian religion which is receiving this 
overwhelming response. If the reports are true, it is a religion with two 
sides. Those who have received it and who are extending it among their 
fellow countrymen know only 'The Father' and 'Our Elder Brother.' The 
names which have been and are to multitudes of us Western Christians of 
value have no existence to those Eastern followers of Jesus. God and 
Jesus they know, but 'Christ' and the doctrines of the Trinity, the incar- 
nation, the atonement, are not even names. Their religion is without 
dogma." 

Recognizing the law of reform, the principle of progress, it is safe 
to say that any declaration of moral truth, any announcement of univer- 
sal law must finally ultimate in recognition and find formal expression. 
And so, it is safe to predict that the social ideals portrayed by some of the 
so-called Socialists, whether Christian or secular, are destined sometime 



SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 399 

to realization. Especially must this be true as these ideals relate to the 
liquor traffic. They contemplate the development of a cooperative com- 
monwealth, from which the liquor traffic and all similar evils will be ex- 
cluded, not by arbitrary exercise of power according to the law of public 
necessity, but by the presence of the spirit of altruism, and the economic 
principle of coaction in production and distribution of wealth. The sa- 
loon could not exist in a community in which all men live and act in the 
spirit of Jesus. Nor could it exist in a community where all productive 
forces coact in creating economic goods. If all citizens of the United 
States were to aim at realization of the Christ-ideal of manhood, and de- 
vote their powers to the production of things that make for life, the dram- 
shop would die. The growth and spread of the propaganda of socialism 
is rapid, and is making an impress upon the political and the church life 
of the world today. It offers a radical cure for the liquor evil. The cur- 
rent local option contests illustrate principles of socialism ; also, the refer- 
endum, in practice. 

Another significant phenomenon of the religious world of the present 
day is seen in the remarkable growth of what is known as the Christian 
Science movement. Without passing judgment upon the tenets or prac- 
tices of that organization, it is worthy of mention here from the fact that 
it proffers a radical cure for the drink habit and the drink traffic. It is a 
moral force of singular refinement. It does not operate drastically, but 
none the less effectively it frees the individual life from grossness of 
thought, speech and action. By the process of realizing the truth of 
existence, all evil disappears from the domain of consciousness and con- 
duct, because the identity of the real man with God has been discerned. 
Saloonkeeping becomes impossible, because personal life is lifted to a 
plane on which pure, unselfish and refined motives are dominant. To pass 
from a Sunday service, or from the testimony meeting, or from the reading 
of "Science and Health" to a dram-shop is unthinkable. Existence has 
become moralized, spiritualized — and the gross elements of it fall away 
from the spirit which knows its identity with the Universal Principle. 

Christian Science does not obtrude itself as an ally of the Anti-Saloon 
League movement, but, nevertheless, its spirit and its literature are per- 
meating the inner life of the American people. Therefore, in taking ac- 
count of the real resources of prohibitionism, the Church of Christ, Scien- 
tist, must he regarded as one of the gentle, persuasive influences which 
mean the establishment of a social order in which men will not nerd pro- 
hibitory legislation. 

"By their fruits ye shall know them." This recognition is rendered 
here because investigation shows that drunkards by hundreds and thou- 
sands are being restored to manhood, and health, happiness and usefulness 



402 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

governments of European cities. The murder rate in Chicago and New 
York is six or eight times as great as in London and Berlin. Even such 
a primary necessity of civilization as the safety of women is lost sight of. 
A leading Chicago newspaper said, in 1906: 

"It has ever been our proudest boast as a people that in this country 
woman is respected and protected as she is in no other. That boast is 
becoming an empt}* one in Chicago. Women have not only been annoyed 
and insulted in great numbers on the street within a very short time, but 
not a few have been murdered. In the year before the Hollister tragedy, 
there were seventeen murders of women in Chicago, which attracted the 
attention of the city." 

The system of government which produces this result was well de- 
scribed some years ago by the late Bishop Potter, speaking of conditions 
in New York: 

"A corrupt system," he said, "whose infamous details have been stead- 
ily uncovered, to our increasing horror and humiliation, was brazenly ig- 
nored by those who were fattening on its spoils, and the world was pre- 
sented with the astounding spectacle of a great municipality, whose civic 
mechanism was largely employed in trading in the bodies and souls of the 
defenseless." 

Aside from giving direct encouragement and propagation to the more 
terrible forms of vice, the European peasant saloonkeeper government of 
our cities furnishes a fitting field for so-called respectable men — but really 
criminals of the worst type — who help organize and perpetuate saloon gov- 
ernment for the purpose of securing, by bribery, franchises for public 
utilities without paying therefor. Thus American cities have been robbed 
as well as badly governed. 

There are signs of amelioration of these conditions in most of the 
great cities of the country. But every advance is made against the fierce 
antagonism of just such systems as Bishop Potter described; and those 
systems exist in every large American city today — either in direct control 
or ready to take control at the slightest sign of relaxation by the forces 
which are opposing them. And the foundation of this evil structure is 
the European peasant saloonkeeper. 

McClure's Magazine, in the next year, will consider the horrible influ- 
ence of the saloon on American life. Dr. Williams will follow his article 
in the present number by studies of the influence of alcohol upon society 
at large, upon racial development, and upon the state. The author is es- 
pecially equipped for the work. He is, in the first place, perhaps the great- 
est living popularizer of national science and history in America; and he 
has himself made life-long observations upon the influence of alcohol — 
both physical and social — first as a medical practitioner in the treatment 




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SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 403 

of the insane at the great asylums at Bloomingdale and Randall's Island, 
and later by study and observation in the chief capitals of Europe, where 
he has lived the greater part of the last ten years. The sound judgment 
and impartial temper which have characterized his work in other fields 
will be found in his treatment of this great subject. 



THE STORY OF A GROUP PICTURE. 

A typical illustration of the magnificent educational work of the 
Chautauqua Assemblies, is seen in one day's observation and experience 
by the Editor. 

On the 19th of August, 1908, by a coincidence which gives moral and 
political significance of the most critical character to a place and a day, six 
men sat for a group picture: Rev. Luther B. Wilson, D. D., LL. D., one 
of the General Superintendents of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and 
President of the Anti-Saloon League of America; Honorable Andrew L. 
Harris, Governor of Ohio ; Honorable J. Frank Hanly, Governor of Indi- 
ana; Honorable Seaborn Wright, of Georgia, "Father of Prohibition in 
the South" ; Rev. Purley A. Baker, D. D., General Superintendent, and 
Wayne B. Wheeler, attorney, for the Anti-Saloon League of America. 

More than five thousand men and women gathered on that August day 
on famous old Lancaster (Ohio) Campground, to celebrate "Anti-Saloon 
League Day," and to inaugurate in the state the local campaigns under 
provisions of the new County Local Option law. Senator Rose, who pre- 
sented the original bill which passed the legislature of 1907-1908, and be- 
came law by assent of Governor Harris, was present. 

The glorious summer day seemed electric with excitement as the 
crowds filled the immense auditorium and awaited the appearance of Bishop 
Wilson ; electric with applause as the Fairfield County Teachers' Institute 
entered the assembly and took seats on the platform. Bishop Wilson's ad- 
dress was devoted to definition of "the flag," the flag of the American 
Union. What does it stand for? For religion, for education, for the 
home, for industry, he declared in sentences that thrilled with protest 
against the elevation of the American standard above an institution that 
stands against religion, against education, against the home, and against 
all the interests of a normal industrial life. While he spoke, the music 
of the Cadets' sj lendid band was heard down the aisles of the wood, and 
the governors of Ohio and Indiana entered, the audience rising and ten- 
dering the Chautauqua salute. 

At two o'clock Governor Hanly delivered an address which gripped 
body, brain and conscience for well-nigh two hours, an address which 
can never be reported. He vivisected the "personal liberty" claims, the 
arguments in favor of license, and ail other defence of the liquor tr 



404 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

His tribute to Abraham Lincoln was one of those utterances of stalwart 
loyalty to high ideals of patriotism which deserve record on marble tablet 
in the halls of fame. And the audience listened while the afternoon sun 
was dipping into cloud, forgetful of everything but duty in the political 
crisis rapidly becoming acute in Ohio. 

Then the picture was taken. Preceded by the band, the Governor of 
Ohio went to "Guest Cottage" and met the other gentlemen who had con- 
sented to sit. Fittingly, the President of the Anti-Saloon League of 
America sat in the center of the front row, with Governor Harris on his 
right and Governor Hanly on his left — and they three represent the har- 
monies of church and state in the moral activities of the commonwealth. 
Back of the President of the League stood its General Superintendent, 
Rev. Purley A. Baker, on his right the Hon. Seaborn Wright, of Georgia, 
and on his left Wayne B. Wheeler, of Ohio. 

In all the country that day, it is to be doubted if six other men met 
— grouped together — whose work and influence meant more for the wel- 
fare of the nation. No one who looked at them as they fronted the cam- 
era failed to discern the almost tragic meaning of the scene. For Gov- 
ernor Harris had been marked for defeat by the so-called "Personal Lib- 
erty League," and the "German- American Alliance," and all other leagues 
and alliances in Ohio which despise and defy laws in restraint of the traffic 
in intoxicating drink. He had done his duty as governor. A General 
Assembly had enacted a law conferring upon the people of the state the 
right to vote by counties on the question, Shall the saloon continue to 
exist? There was no reason why he should refuse to sign the bill — and 
every good reason why he should sign it. And he signed it. And because 
he signed it, the combined pro-saloon forces arrayed themselves against 
him. On that August day, he openly identified himself with the work of 
the Anti-Saloon League, and throughout the state the telegraph bore the 
tidings to brewer, distiller and saloonkeeper everywhere — and again he was 
marked for slaughter. 

In like manner Governor Hanly had burned his bridges behind him, 
and risked future political preferment for himself and his party, that he 
might come out in the open and fight against the greatest enemy of the 
commonwealth. 

In another chapter of this book is told the story of Seaborn Wright, 
who, putting aside offers of political and official advancement, chose to 
fight the fight for his beloved Georgia until the hated saloon was driven 
from her borders. 

Wherever the fight against the saloon is fiercest there the names of 
Purley A. Baker and Wayne B. Wheeler are best known, and they need no 
further introduction here. 



SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 405 

And thus the picture illustrates the federation of the North and the 
South, the Republican and the Democrat, the statesman and the church- 
man, for the siege against the saloon. 

The evening fell and the lights flashed out along the avenues of the 
city in the woods. At half past seven Seaborn Wright came upon the 
platform — a man of gentle soul, one would say, mild and suave. He spoke 
on the relation of the saloon to the Race Problem in the United States. 
He spoke, he declared, as "a red-hot Southern Democrat." Hot with ha- 
tred of the vicious and abominable traffic, he branded it as the direct cause 
of all the conflict that had ever arisen between whites and negroes, not only 
in the South but in the North. He described the condition of the negro 
under the prohibitive regime of the slave period, and that which was pro- 
duced by the introduction of the saloon at the close of the war for the 
Union. Then he recited the history of anti-saloon legislation in Georgia, 
beginning with the "three-mile law," and ending with statutory prohibi- 
tion. As framer of the first local option law in the country, he described 
his relation to state prohibition, and the progress of anti-saloonism, from 
hostility to the doggery at the crossroads up to the dive in the streets of 
the city. 

The saloon being driven from the country, the negro followed it to 
the city, to meet there the degraded white man and woman. Together 
they descended into the underground and developed the vicious impulse 
that gave birth to the Atlanta riots. The real cause of causes, whisky — 
whisky shipped from Chicago and Cincinnati; whisky in bottles labeled 
with obscene pictures indescribable. Not content with filling the black 
bottle with the liquid of death, distillers, high in the life of their cities, 
made appeal on their labels to the lowest brute-lust of the drinker, careless 
of the fate either of woman or man. The speaker reached almost a frenzy 
of horror as he described the "woman victim's scream" in the city streets. 
He had no word in defense of the mob, but, crazed by liquor and inflamed 
by thirst for revenge, nothing could curb it but guns. A drunken mob — 
in Atlanta! A drunken mob — in Springfield! — home of Abraham Lincoln 
— smiting down not only some vile wretch guilty of crime, but the inno- 
cent, the helpless, even the industrious, thriftful negroes in their lowly 
homes. 

Roused to indignation most intense, the South demands protection 
from the North, demands protection against that government of the Nation 
which recognizes and shares in the profits of the traffic thai the state pro- 
hibits, and gathers in its excise despite the will of the commonwealth. The 
old question of "states' rights"? Has the state any right that the Fed- 
eral government is bound to respect ? Can the republic live, divided on 
an issue so vital, so big with peril? 



406 SHE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

The stars shone down on the old campground. Crickets chirped in 
the fields. Just beyond in the little city there were saloons brilliant with 
light and filled with men, drinking, gambling. 

Was the speaker mistaken when he begged in the name of all that is 
good and holy, that North and South join in battle against the common 
enemy, the Saloon, if the Nation should live? The stars shone on through 
the night. A thousand slept in quiet places of the woods. But in the 
shadows, the echoes of predicted peril lingered. And, in the wakeful mo- 
ments, men and women heard again the terrific denunciation of the "red- 
hot Democrat" from Georgia, the Southern orator stirred to cyclonic elo- 
quence by vision of the dram-shop's crimes against the home, the man- 
hood and womanhood, the childhood of the republic. 

Six men sat together for a while under the trees on old Lancaster 
campground. Before the morning of the next day had come, they had 
gone out, by various ways, to stern duty and to manifest destiny. They 
may never meet again, but no hostile destiny shall ever blot out the splen- 
did significance of the little group that they formed — by request of him 
who edits this story of "The Passing of the Saloon." 

And the words they have spoken and the deeds they have done, shall 
spread and leaven and ferment, and hasten the day of regeneration for 
the nation. Such is the splendid work of the Chautauqua. 



Note. — Illustrative of the assistance the Socialists are rendering, the 
following extracts are presented. — G. M. H. 

Dr. Richard Frohlich, in an address on "Drink and Social Misery," 
said: 

"What is the significance of all this for the working-class? There 
is no doubt, first of all, that the well man is better fitted for every task than 
the sick man; that the man who has no beer liver, beer kidneys, or beer 
heart can be used to better advantage in the work of organization and the 
struggle of the proletariat. Furthermore, there is no doubt that all the 
forces which keep the standard of living of the working class so low are 
strengthened by the consumption of alcohol; that poor nourishment is 
made a graver danger by the resort to alcohol, and that the evils of over- 
work are increased by it. Everything that tends to plunge the working- 
man into misery is encouraged by alcohol — everything that is working to 
bring him out of his wretchedness is discouraged by alcohol. 

"If we have been right in rejecting the middle-class preaching of tem- 
perance because their dilletante methods only waste time, money and men, 
we must also in justice add: That form of alcoholism which is accepted 
as a matter of course by society also costs time, money and men — and 
hence it must be combated. 

"Everyone of you knows better than I the difficulties which organiza- 
tion meets among those working men who cling stubbornly to their customs 



SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 407 

of drinking. It cannot be said in these cases that the condition of the class 
is the cause ; for the member of the organization has the same wages at the 
turning-lathe as the non-member. But if the workman is addicted to 
drink, and seeks his pleasure in drink, all the arguments of the organized 
members of the class have little force with him, because he is not in a posi- 
tion to appreciate his situation as a member of the class to which he be- 
longs. The rise in his spirits which is obtained at the expense of a few 
cents for alcohol prevents such appreciation. The brain, the prime factor 
in the battle for organization, is affected even by very small quantities 
of alcohol, and agavnst the alcoholization of the bram the worker must wage 
relentless war." 

Edward Lind, Socialist of Chicago, writes : 

"While the international Socialist movement is organized primarily 
for the purpose of dethroning 'King Capital' by destroying the sources of 
his power, viz., Rent, Profit and Interest, we should not overlook that great 
enemv of the people, 'King Alcohol,' whose source of power is the organ- 
ized lion or traffic. 

"The historv of the saloon is a gruesome story of crime, misery and 
woe. And now that a wave of prohibition is sweeping the country, the So- 
cialists should point out that Socialism will dethrone 'King Alcohol' by 
destroving* the saloon as a private institution. By socializing the sale of 
liauor von destrov the 'incentive' of every saloonkeeper, because there would 
be no ^roW and therefore no saloon. 

"TVoWbition will not abolish involuntary poverty. Socialism will not 
only abolish involuntary poverty but the saloon also. 

"We should endeavor to get those indefatigable workers of the Prohi- 
bition partv into the party that is world-wide in scope and fundamental in 
its philosophy, untiring in its efforts to organize the world's disinherited ; 
its motto is: * Workers of the world, unite! 9 I refer to the International 
Socialist Party." 

Of the Socialists' scheme our own Frances E. Willard, speaking to 
her comrades in National Convention in 1897, said: 

"Look about you ; the products of labor are on every hand ; you could 
not maintain for a moment a well ordered life without them ; every object 
in your room has in it for discerning eyes, the mark of ingenious tools and 
the pressure of labor's hand. But is it not the crudest injustice for the 
wealth v. whose lives are surrounded and embellished by labor's work, to 
have a superabundance of the money which represents the a^gre^ate of la- 
bor in anv country, while the laborer himself is kept so steadily at work 
that he has no time to acquire the education and refinements of life that 
would make him and his family aecrecablc companions to the rich and 
cultured? The reason whv I am a Socialist comes in just here. 

"I would take, not by force, but by the slow process of lawful acquisi- 
tion throuerh better legislation as the outcome of a wiser ballot in the hands 
of men and women, the entire plant that we call civilization, all that has been 
achieved on this continent in the 400 years since Columbus wended his way 
hither, and make it the common property of all the people, requiring all to 



4.Qg THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

work enough with their hands to give them the finest physical development, 
but not to become burdensome in any case, and permitting all to share 
alike the advantages of education and refinement. I believe this to be per- 
fectly practicable, indeed, that any other method is simply a relic of bar- 
barism." 

This book treats of the visible reasons, social, industrial, political 
and economic, why the saloon should perish from the face of the 
earth. But there are other reasons, individual and social, which may not 
be discussed in the open page of a book. Physicians, father confessors, 
heads of asylums for inebriates and the so-called "fallen," city missionaries, 
rescue workers, deaconesses who stand guard at the city's gates — these 
know, but cannot tell. Were these reasons known, as they ought to be, 
the Prohibition tidal wave of 1907-1908 would never recede until it had 
overwhelmed every dram-shop in the republic. Drunkenness is bad enough, 
but, deep below drunkenness and the traffic in drink, are evils that prey 
upon the springs of human life, so foul that they may never be portrayed. 
Down in the depths, the underground, they grovel. And the saloonkeeper 
knows, and fosters them ! For reasons deeper than they ever tell, the tem- 
perance and prohibition agitators plead for the ostracism of the saloon! 
For reasons deeper than they divulge, the "old boys" in the inebriate 
asylums plead with the new boys not to go to the saloon ! 

This book also treats of the visible agencies enlisted for the over- 
throw of the saloon and the liquor traffic. It is a vast host, marshaled in 
divisions and battalions under able leaders, all enlisted for a common pur- 
pose. Whether involved in a local option skirmish or a statewide battle, 
all rally under the same banner, and raise the same battle cry — "Total 
Abstinence for the Individual, and Total Prohibition for the State !" 

But, whether in camp or in the field, on the picket-line or on the 
march, every soldier, every officer, every company, regiment, or division, 
under whatever form or name, is drilling and preparing for the early day 
when the nation-wide engagement shall be on, and the final victory draw 
near. 

As the pages of this book have taken shape, it has been given to us to 
glimpse the vision of the prophet's servant in the mount. They that be 
for us are greater than they that be against us. There is a God in Israel. 
The Moses, the Lincoln, will appear — and, in the fulness of time, the 
Emancipator shall issue his decree, and — the saloon shall cease to be. 



CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE 
GREAT REFORM. 



This table has been compiled on the basis of authoritative sources, and 
covers the most important dates in the history of the Temperance, Prohi- 
bition, and Anti-Saloon League movements in the United States. 

1676 — June. The new reform Assembly absolutely prohibits the sale of wines and 
ardent spirits, if not at Jamestown, Virginia, yet elsewhere through the whole 
country. 

1681 — November. The West Jersey Assembly prohibits the sale of ardent spirits to 
red men. 

1685 The Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsylvania and New Jersey declares 
against intemperance. 

1763 The English introduce the rum traffic, which the French had prohibited among 
the Indians along the lakes and the Valley of the Ohio. 

1777 The United States Congress recommend the state legislatures to pass laws 
for the prohibition of distilling grain. 

1779 — April. The Methodist Conference at Baltimore proposes to disown all persons 
who engage in the practice of distilling grain into liquor. 

1785 Benjamin Rush, M. D., publishes his "Inquiry into the Effects of Ardent Spirits 
on the Human Body and Mind." This date is the starting point in (Ameri- 
can) temperance literature. Dr. Rush (1808) was made an honorary mem- 
ber of Dr. Billy J. Clark's Society at Moreau, N. Y. 

1789 Agreement among the farmers in Litchfield County, Conn., to abstain from 
use of intoxicants during harvest. 

1790 — December 29. A bill is introduced in Congress taxing distilled liquors. 

1790 — December 29. The College of Physicians, Philadelphia, memorializes Congress 
to impose such heavy duties on distilled spirits as shall restrain their intem- 
perate use. 

1802 Congress authorizes the President to take steps for the prevention of the 
liquor traffic among Indians. 

1805 The Sober Society formed at Allentown, N. Y. 

1808— April 30. The Union Temperance Society of Moreau and Northumberland, 
N. Y., organized by Billy James Clark, M. D. The first "temperance" society 
in American history. 

1810 Heman Humphrey, of Fairfield, Conn., preaches six sermons on intemper- 
ance — believed to be the first ever given on the subject. 

409 



410 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

1812 The Rev. Mason L. Weeras, rector of Alexandria Parish, Va., author of a 
"Life of Washington," publishes "The Drunkard's Looking Glass." 

1812 — May. The M. E. General Conference votes down the resolution, "That no 
stationed nor local preacher shall retail spirituous or malt liquors without for- 
feiting his ministerial character among us." 

1812 The first delegated Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church recom- 
mends the Annual Conferences to make a firm and constant stand against dram- 
drinking, etc., "so common among Methodists." 

1812 — June. At a meeting of the General Association of Congregational Churches, 
Sharon, Conn., Lyman Beecher inaugurated a temperance movement, after 
moving the discharge of a committee which "did not see that anything could 
be done." 

1813 The Massachusetts Society for the Suppression of Intemperance, at Boston. 

1825 Lyman Beecher preaches his famous "Six Sermons" at Litchfield, Conn. 
Repeats at Hanover Street Church, Boston, 1826. "The Proposed Remedy for 
intemperance — the banishment of ardent spirits from the list of lawful articles 
of commerce by a correct and efficient public sentiment." 

1826 — February 13. The American Society for the Promotion of Temperance. 

1826 — September 1. Total Abstinence Society in the United States organized at 
Andover, Mass. ♦ 

1828 — First Woman's Christian Temperance Society organized in Ohio. 

1828 — March 4. The National Philanthropist, the first paper ever published to 
advocate entire abstinence, appears in Boston, Mass., afterwards edited by 
William Lloyd Garrison. 

1829 — August 22. Young People's Temperance Society organized at Hector, N. Y. 

1831 or 1832. The Board of Health, Washington, D. C, requests the Council to 

prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors as a public nuisance during prevalence 
of cholera. 

1832 Wilbur Fisk publishes his "Address to the Members of the Methodist Church" 
urging Methodists to abandon the traffic in intoxicating liquors. 

1832 — November 5. General Cass, Secretary of War, prohibited the introduction of 
spirituous liquors into any camp, fort or garrison of the United States. 

1833 — February 26. Mass meetings in behalf of temperance held throughout the 
United States. 

1833 — February 26. The American Congressional Temperance Society organized. 
The Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, President. 

1833 — May 24-27. First National Temperance Convention meets at Philadelphia. Four 
hundred delegates from twenty-two States. 

1833 The first local option law for the suppression of intemperance is granted by 
the Georgia Legislature to the inferior courts of Liberty and Camden counties. 

1834 Kentucky Legislative Temperance Society organized. 

1834 — Delavan's Declaration issued. Afterwards signed by twelve Presidents of the 

United States. Total abstinence. 
1834 By vote of Congress and approval of President Jackson, the sale of liquor 

among Indians is prohibited. 



CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE GREAT REFORM. 4H 

1835 February. The Rev. G. E. Cheever, of Salem, Mass., publishes "Deacon Amos 

Giles' Distillery: A Dream." Cheever is arrested for libel by a distiller. De- 
fended by Rufus Choate, but punished with fine and imprisonment for thirty 
days. But public sentiment was aroused, and the distillery closed. 

1836 — August 4. Second National Temperance Convention in Saratoga, N. Y. 

1837 General James Appleton, a member of the Maine legislature, advocates pro- 
hibition of the liquor traffic. He is the real "Father of Prohibition." 

1838 Rhode Island and New Hampshire leave the license of the liquor traffic op- 
tional with the towns. 

1839 — March 29. Abraham Lincoln appeared as counsel for fifteen women, indicted 
for smashing a dram-shop — the Carry A. Nations of that day. 

1840 — April 6. The Washingtonian Temperance Society organized. 

1841 — June 12. John Henry W. Hawkins signs the pledge and becomes the Major 
General of the Total Abstinence army or Washingtonian movement. 

1842 — February 22. Abraham Lincoln delivered a temperance address at Springfield, 
Illinois, in which he said: ". . . In it (the Temperance Revolution) we 
shall find stronger bondage broken, a viler slavery manumitted, a greater 
tyrant deposed; in it more of want supplied, more disease healed, more sorrow 
assuaged. By it no orphans starving, no widows weeping; by it none wounded 
in feeling, none injured in interest. Even the dram-maker and dram-seller 
will have glided into other occupations so gradually as never to have felt the 
change, and will stand ready to join all others in the universal song of glad- 
ness. And what a noble ally this to the cause of political freedom." (A 
pamphlet containing this address was bought of Mr. Oldroyd, in the room in 
which Lincoln died, during my visit to Washington, 1892. — G. M. H.) 

1842 — August 2. The Independent Order of Rechabites founded in New York City. 

1842 — September 29. The Sons of Temperance organized in New York City. 

1842 — October 31. John B. Gough signs the pledge. 

1843 Oregon passes a prohibitory law. 

1843 Cadets of Temperance organized. 

1843 Theodore L. Cuyler dedicates himself to the Temperance Reform. 

1845 — December 5. The Order of the Temple of Honor founded, one of its objects 
being the ultimate prohibition of the liquor traffic by constitutional law. 

1846 — August 7. The Democrats enact a prohibitory law against the drink traffic. 

1848 — May. The M. E. General Conference forbids members buying, selling, or 
drinking intoxicating beverages. 

1849— July 2, to July 23. 1853. Father Mathew tours the United States in behalf of 
Temperance. 

1851 Illinois enacts a nominal prohibitory law. 

1851 — June 2. The "Maine" law signed by Governor Hubbard. 

1851 The Independent Order of Good Templars founded in Central New York. 

1851 Michigan adopts a Constitution which forbids the Legislature to enact license 
laws. 

1852 Vermont enacts a prohibitory law. 

1853 — September 6-10. World'--- rr Vmprrancr Convention in New York. 



412 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

1855 New Hampshire enacts a prohibitory law. 

1855 New York enacts a prohibitory law. 

1855 Indiana enacts a prohibitory law. 

1861 — February. John Russell and Bradford McGregor, members of the Good Tern* 
plars, constitute themselves the nucleus of a Prohibition party. 

1862 — July 14. Abraham Lincoln signed the law prohibiting the use of spirituous 
liquors in the navy. 

1865 The Fifth National Temperance Convention, first after the close of the War 
for the Union, held at Saratoga. "Total abstinence for the individual — total 
prohibition for the State." 

1865 National Temperance Society organized. 

1866 — March 26. The Supreme Court of the United States decides that a federal 
tax receipt for the retailing of liquors does not operate as a license or right 
to sell in defiance of state laws. 

1868 The Right Worthy Grand Lodge of Good Templars declares for the forma- 
tion of a political party, pledged to enact and enforce laws against the liquor 
traffic. 

1868 — December 9. The first unqualified prohibition party resolution adopted by the 
State Temperance Convention, Bloomington, Illinois. 

1869 — April 24. Prohibition party of Ohio organized at Crestline. 

1869 — September 1. The National Prohibition Party organized, Farwell Hall, Chicago. 

1869 Royal Templars of Temperance organized. (Reorganized in 1877 as a bene- 
ficiary society.) 

1872 At Osborn, Ohio, Mother Stewart organized the first woman's union against 
the saloon, antedating the W. C. T. U. 

1872 — February 22. The Catholic Total Abstinence Union of America, formed in 
Baltimore, Md. 

1872 — February 22. The first National Prohibition Convention held, Columbus, O. 

1872 T. S. Arthur, author "Ten Nights in a Barroom," published "Three Years 
in a Mantrap." 

1872 — January 19. The first Reform Club formed at Gardiner, Maine. 

1873 Blue Ribbon movement inaugurated by Francis Murphy. 

1873 — December 23. The Woman's Crusade organized at Hillsboro, Ohio. 

1873 — December 27. The first surrender of all his stock in trade made by a saloon- 
keeper "in answer to prayer." 

1874 — September 10. The Red Ribbon Movement inaugurated by Dr. Henry A. 
Reynolds. 

1874 — November 17. The National Woman's Christian Temperance Union founded 
at Cleveland, Ohio. 

1876 The Hon. Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, first introduces into Congress 
^/ a joint resolution, proposing an amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting 
the traffic in spirituous liquors. 

1876 — June 12. Woman's International Temperance Congress, Philadelphia. 

1876 The Loyal Temperance Legion organized. 



CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE GREAT REFORM. 



413 



1876 — June 13-14. International Temperance Congress, Philadelphia. 

1877 The Citizens' League of Chicago, for the suppression of the sale of liquor 
to minors, organized. 

1877 The National Prohibition Alliance organized. 

1879 Frances E. Willard elected President of the W. C. T. U. 

1879 A committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic in the Lower House of Congress 
ordered. Subsequently appointed. The Speaker, however, "packed" the com- 
mittee with Representatives known to be hostile to action. 

1880 Department of Scientific Temperance Instruction in Public Schools. W. C. T. U. 

1880 — November. Prohibition constitutional amendment adopted in Kansas by a 
vote of 92,302 for, to 84,304 against. 

1881 The Church Temperance Society organized in New York City, to promote 
temperance, to rescue the intemperate, to remove the causes of intemperance 
by preaching the Gospel, establishing coffee-houses, improving dwellings for 
the poor, and circulating wholesome literature. 

1881 Nebraska enacts a high license law, under encouragement of radical temper- 
ance men and prohibitionists. 

1881 — May 1. Constitutional amendment prohibiting traffic in intoxicating drink, 
goes into effect in Kansas. 

1882 Vermont legislature enacts a law providing for compulsory scientific temper- 
ance instruction in public schools. First state legislature in the Union so to 
act. 

1882 — June 27. The people of Iowa voted for constitutional prohibition by a ma- 
jority of 29,759—155,436 for, 125,677 against. 

1883 Anti-license campaign conducted in Ohio. William McKinley declares that 
the license voter makes himself responsible for all evils that flow from the 
liquor traffic. 

1883 — February 22. The Citizens' Law and Order League of the United States 
organized in Boston, Mass. 

1883 — June 16. The Templars of Temperance organized in New York. 

1884 — July 4. Kansas legislature enacts prohibitory law. 

1884 — July 23. John P. St. John nominated for President on Prohibition ticket. 

1884 — September. The people of the State of Maine voted for constitutional prohi- 
bition — 70,783 for, and 23,811 against. 

1885— January 1. The National League for the Suppression of the Liquor Traffic, 
Boston. 

1885 The Dominion W. C. T. U. organized in Canada. 

1886 Local option adopted in Mississippi. 

1886 — April 7. The people of the State of Rhode Island voted for constitutional pro- 
hibition : 15,113 for and 9,230 against. 

1886 — May 17. Law for compulsory temperance education in public schools (D. C.) 
passed by Congress. 

1886 — May 19. Congress enacts a National Temperance Education law. 

1886 — May 3. George C. Haddock assassinated by pro-saloon men in Sioux City, 
Iowa, while engaged in an anti-saloon campaign. 



414 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

1887 The United States Supreme Court hands down a decision denying the right of 
compensation to liquor dealers. 

1887 — May 5. Roderick Dhu Gambrell assassinated by pro-saloonists in Jackson. 
Mississippi. 

1887 Local option law adopted in Florida. 

1888 — May 30. Clinton B. Fisk nominated President on the Prohibition ticket. 

1888 — July 9. Senator Blair, of New Hampshire, reported favorably a joint reso- 
lution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, in 
relation to the manufacture, importation, exportation, transportation, and sale 
of alcoholic liquors. 

1890 — November. The Supreme Court of the United States renders decision in the 
Christensen case: "No inherent right to sell intoxicating liquors by retail." 

1890 The non-partisan W. C. T. U. organized. 

1890 The Dakotas admitted into the Union as prohibition States. 

1890 — April 9. Senator Wilson, of Iowa, reports favorably a bill drawn by the Na- 
tional Temperance Society to prevent the importation of intoxicating bever- 
ages into prohibitory States. 

1893 — July 1. The Dispensary System introduced in South Carolina. 

1893 — June 4. The Anti-Saloon League of Ohio organized at Oberlin, Ohio. 

1893 — June 5. A World's Temperance Congress held in the "Hall of Columbus," 
World's Fair, Chicago. Delegates from twenty-two national bodies. 

1895 — December 18. National organization of the Anti-Saloon League effected, at 
Washington, D. C. 

1898 The American Institute for Social Service, in New York. 

1900 Samuel F. Pearson, a Prohibitionist, elected sheriff in Portland, Me. "The 
saloons closed up business." 

1900 National Federation of Churches organized in New York. 

1901 — February 2. The Anti-Canteen Law passed. 

1902 — November 23. The Twentieth Century Pledge-Signing Crusade inaugurated. 

1905 The Anti-Saloon League in Ohio defeats the Republican candidate for Gov- 
ernor and elects John M. Pattison, a Democrat. Pattison died in office, but 
Andrew L. Harris, Republican, co-operated with the League and the majority 
of the Assembly in passing anti-saloon measures. 

1905 The Moore remonstrance law passed in Indiana. 

1906 Local option law enacted in Kentucky. 

1906 — June 16. The Christian Social Fellowship organized, Louisville, Ky. 

1907 Judge S. R. Artman rendered his decision against constitutionality of license. 

1907 The Iowa Anti-Saloon League begins prosecution of law-breaking saloonists 
in Sioux City. 

1907 Municipal and ward local option bill passed by Colorado legislature. 

1907 State dispensary in South Carolina abolished. 

1907 — September 16-19. Tenth Annual Convention of the Anti-Saloon League of 
America. 



CHRONOLOGICAL HISiORY OF THE GREAT REFORM. 



415 



1907 — September 17. Oklahoma adopted a constitutional amendment providing for 
prohibition. 

1907 — October 17. Prohibition goes into effect in Oklahoma. 

1907 — November 1. Knoxville (Tenn.) placed under prohibitory law. 

1907 — November 16. President Roosevelt signed proclamation announcing admis- 
sion of Oklahoma into the Union — without a legalized saloon. 

1907 — November 19. The Senate of Oklahoma, by a vote of 32 to 2, passed the 
House bill providing for state prohibition to go into effect December 31, 1908. 

1907 — November. The Alabama legislature enacted a state-wide prohibition law. 

1908 North Carolina goes 40,000 majority in favor of prohibition. 

1908 — January 1. The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company prohibits the use of in- 
toxicants on duty or off duty by employes charged with the direction or opera- 
tion of trains. 

1908 — January 1. State-wide prohibitory law adopted by the Georgia legislature. 

1908 — January 21-22. The Model License League Convention held at Louisville, Ky. 
The saloon excoriated as a menace to the "Trade." 

1908 — April. Local option elections in Colorado. Twenty towns banish the saloon, 
and more than half the residence district of Denver. 

1908 Illinois abolishes 900 saloons at the Spring election. 

1908 — June 2. The International Supreme Lodge of Good Templars met in Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

1908 — June 17-18. The National Division of Sons of Temperance of North Carolina 
held 64th Annual Session in Saratoga, N. Y. 

1908 — June 14-23. The World's Temperance Centennial Congress in session at Sara- 
toga Springs, N. Y. 

1908 — July 1. Residence district local option law goes into effect in Wisconsin. 

1908 — August 18. Eugene W. Chafin receives formal notification of his nomination 
as President on the National Prohibition platform. 

1908 — August 19. Anti-Saloon League Day at Lancaster, Ohio. Addresses by Bish- 
op L. B. Wilson, President of the Anti-Saloon League of America; Governor 
J. Frank Hanly, of Indiana, and Hon. Seaborn Wright, of Georgia. Five thou- 
sand persons present. The Rev. P. A. Baker, General Superintendent of the 
Anti-Saloon League, and Wayne B. Wheeler, Attorney for the League, took 
part in the program. 

1908— September 1. Under provision of the Rose County Local Option Law, the 
Anti-Saloon League inaugurates petition-signing movement for county elections 
in Ohio. Elections, begun September 26, result, by November 24, in the sup- 
pression of 1,658 saloons in 49 countries. Five counties had previously voted 
"dry" under the Bcall law. Seven counties retain 413 saloons. 

1908 — September 8. A conference of the National organization of Church Temper- 
ance at Little Rock, Arkansas. General Missionary Abbott announces move- 
ment to abolish all saloons in the State Under provision of the 3-milc law. 

1909 — January 1 . Prohibitory law goes into effect in Alabama. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 



CONGRESSIONAL LIBRARY LIST. 



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Adamson, William C. — Regulation of the Liquor Traffic. Speech in the House of 
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Austin, H. — The Liquor Law in the New England States. Boston, 1890. 8vo. 

Barker, John Marshall — The Saloon Problem and Social Reform. Boston, Mass.: 
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Billings, John Shaw, ed. — Physiological Aspects of the Liquor Problem; Investi- 
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Black, H. C. — A Treatise on the Laws Regulating the Manufacture and Sale of In- 
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Caine, William Sproston. — Local Option, by W. S. Caine, William Hoyle and Rev. 
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Dorchester, Daniel.— The Liquor Problem in All Ages. New York and San Fran- 
cisco: Phillips and Hunt, 1888. 8vo. 

417 



418 ±&£ PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Fanshawe, Evelyn Leighton. — Liquor Legislation in the United States and Can- 
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Fehlandt, August F. — A Century of Drink Reform in the United States. Cincin- 
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Fernald, James C. — The Economics of Prohibition. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 
1890. xvi, (2), 515 pp. 12 mo. 

Fochier, Emanuel. — Le systeme de Gothenbourg et le monopole de l'alcohol en 
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- 




BIBLIOGRAPHY. 419 

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420 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY. 42 1 



II. 

ADDITIONAL LIST. 

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Banks, Louis Albert. — The Lincoln Legion. 

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Blair, Hon. H. W. — The Temperance Movement. 

Bliss. — The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. Funk & Wagnalls Co. 1908. 

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Chapman, D. D., LL.D., E. S.— A Stainless Flag. Chicago: 162 Ohio St.. Anti- 
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Clubb, Henry S. — The Maine Liquor Law: Its Origin, History and Results, includ- 
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Cum ming, A. N. — Public House Reform, an Explanation with an Appendix. London, 
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Cutten, Dr. George B. — Psychology of Alcoholism. Charles Scribner's Sons, New 
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Dewar, David. — The Liquor Laws for Scotland. Edinburgh: 1884. 

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Evert, Rev. J. G. — The Bible and Total Abstinence. The Germans and Temperance. 
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Finch, John B. — The People vs. The Liquor Traffic. New York: 1887. 

Forel, Prof. August. — Hygiene of Nerves in Health and Disease. G. P. Putnam & 
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Hargreaves, Wm.. 1). I).— Worse than Wasted 



422 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Haweis, H. R. — Drunkenness (In "Current Coin"). 1883. 

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Chicago: 92 LaSalle St., Lincoln Temperance Press. 

Hopkins, Prof. A. A. — Wealth and Waste. 

Horseley and Sturge. — Alcohol and the Human Body. 23 Trull St., Boston, Mas«. 

Hoyle, Wm. — Our National Resources and How They Are Wasted. London: 1871. 

Hunt, Dr. Reid. — Studies in Experimental Alcoholism. — Bulletin No. 33. Hygienic 
Laboratory of the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the United 
States. (Not for sale. Apply to Surgeon-General, Washington, D. C) 

Iles, George. — The Liquor Question in Politics. New York: 1889. 

Ireland, John. — Intemperance and Law. Buffalo : 1884. 

James, W. — Wine Duties, Considered Financially and Socially; Being a reply to Sir 

James E. Tennent. London: 1855. 
Jerome, Wm. Travers. — The Liquor Tax Law in New York — A Plea for the Opening 

of Saloons on Sunday. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905. 

Joyce, C. H.— The Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. New York: 1880. 

Jutkins, A. — Hand-book of Prohibition. Chicago: 1884. 

Leavitt, Thos. H. — Liquor Legislation. Lincoln, Neb. : 1885. 

Lecky, W. E. H. — Democracy and Liberty. 1896. 

Lees, F. R. — The Temperance Bible Commentary. 

. Text Book of Temperance. 

Levi, Leone. — Consumption of Spirits, Beer and Wine, and Its Relation to Licenses, 
Drunkenness, and Crimes ; A Report. London : 1872. 

. The Liquor Trades; A Report on the Capital Invested and the Number 



of Persons Employed. London: 1871. 

Lewis, David. — The Drink Traffic in the Nineteenth Century; Its Growth and Influ- 
ence. London : 1885. 

Lewis, Dio. — Prohibition a Failure : or the True Solution of the Temperance Ques- 
tion. Boston : 1875. 

Lilly.— "The Saloon Before the Courts," 12-17, 30-31. 

McCarthy, Justin. — Prohibitory Legislation in the United States. London: 1872. 

McDougall, T., Walden, J. M., Redkey, M. — The Liquor Question in the Ohio Cam- 
paign of 1883: The Scott law and its principles vs. the second or prohibition 
amendment. The discussion as carried on in the columns of the Cincinnati 
Commercial Gazette, with a supplement in reference to prohibition in Maine. 

McKenzie, Fred. A. — Sober by Act of Parliament. London : 1896. 

Mitchell, Kate. — The Drink Question. London: 1890. 

Morewood, Samuel. — A Philosophical and Statistical History of the Inventions and 
Customs of Modern Nations in the Manufacture and Use of Inebriating Liquors. 
Dublin: 1838. 

Okey, G. W.— The Dow Liquor Tax. Ohio State Reports, N. S., Vol. XLIV., pp. 
539-576— Adler vs. Whitbeck. 

Patton, D. D., Wm. — Bible Wines: or the Laws of Fermentation and the Wines of 
the Ancients. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 423 

Pitman, R. C. — Alcohol and the State; A Discussion of the Problem of the Law 
Applied to the Liquor Traffic. New York: 1877. 

Rowntree & Sherwell. — The Taxation of the Liquor Trade. Macmillan & Co. 1906. 

. The Temperance Problem and Social Reform. 

Russell, John. — Is a Prohibition Party a Feasible and Reliable Agency for Securing 
the Enactment and Execution of Prohibitory Laws? 

Shadwell, Arthur. — Drink, Temperance and Legislation. London: Longmans, 
Green & Co.: 1902. 

Sheen, J. R. — Wine and Other Fermented Liquors, from the Earliest Ages. London: 
1864. 

Smith, Goldwin. — Prohibition in Canada and the United States. (In "Essays on 
Questions of the Day") : 1893. 

Spencer. — "The License Question," in Stephens' "Prohibition in Kansas." 

Starke, Dr. J., Translated from the German. — Alcohol — The Sanction for Its Use 
Scientifically Established and Popularly Expounded by a Physiologist. New 
York and London : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1907. 

Stearns, J. N., Edited by. — Temperance in All Nations. The National Temperance 
Society and Publication House: 1017 pp. 2 Vols. 

Stebbins, J. E. — Fifty Years' History of the Temperance Cause. Hartford, Conn: 
1874. 

Stelzle, Charles. — The Workingmen and the Saloon. Chapter III., "The Working- 
men and Social Problems." 

Tennent, Sir. J. E. — Wine: Its Use and Taxation. London: 1855. 

Thomann, Gallus. — Liquor Laws of the United States : Their Spirit and Effect. 

. The System of High Licenses: How It Can Be Made Successful. New 



York : 1885. 

— . Colonial Liquor Laws. Part II of Liquor Laws of the United States; 
Their Spirit and Effect. 

— . Real and Imaginary Effects of Intemperance. A statistical sketch. New 
York: 1884. 

— . Inebriety and Crimes. New York: 1889. 



Walker, John. — The Commonwealth as Publican: An Examination of the Gothen- 
burg System. Westminster: A. Constable & Co. 1902. 

Warner, Harry S. — Social Welfare and the Liquor Problem. 250 pp. ; cl. 75 ; paper 
35. The Intercollegiate Prohibition Association. 151 Washington St., Chicago. 

Weeden, W. B. — The Morality of Prohibitory Liquor Laws. Boston: 1875. 

Wells, D. A. — Our Experience in Taxing Distilled Spirits. (In "Practical Eco- 
nomics.") 1885. 

Wii.lari), Frances E. — Glimpses of Fifty Years — Autobiography of Frances E. Wil- 
lard. Chicago: H. J. Smith & Co. 

Wooi.ley. John Ci., and W. E. Johnson. — Temperance Progress in the Nineteenth 
Century. I lyde Park, Chicago: The New Voice Company. (For all pub- 
lications of The New Voice Company, address John G. Woolley. 5535 Cornell 
Ave., Hyde Park, Chicago.) 



424 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

Miscellaneous. — Citizens' Law and Order League of the United States. Proceed- 
ings of the National Convention. 1883. 

. Congrrs international pour l'etude des Questions relative a l'alcoholisme. 



1879-1880. 



— . "Mida's Digest of State Liquor Laws and Court Decisions." Published by 
the Criterion Publishing Company, Chicago, 111. Price. $6.00. 

— . National Retail Liquor Dealers' Convention of the U. S. A., 12th Annual 
Convention. 1893. 

— . One Hundred Years of Temperance. Proceedings of Centennial Temper- 
ance Conference. Philadelphia : 1885. 

— . Public Control of the Liquor Traffic. New York : The Macmillan Co. 

— . State Prohibition and Local Option. 

— . The Prohibitionists' Year Book. New York: 1880. 



III. 

ARTICLES IN PERIODICALS. 

1895. — President Roosevelt and the Liquor Traffic. McClure's Magazine : 1895. 

1901 —Liquor Habit in Russia. The Outlook: New York, July 13, 1901. 

1903. Fight Against Alcoholism Abroad. Review of Reviews. December, 1903. 

1903 .—Government Control of the Liquor Traffic. Slaymaker. New Voice, August 
13. 1903. Same: Central Law Journal, June 5. 1903. 

1904.— The Liquor Problem. John Brisben Walker. Cosmopolitan, vol. 37 (Oct., 
1904) : with advertising matter. 

1905.— Collapse of the Subway Tavern. National Temperance Advocate, October, 
1905. 

1905.— The Temperance Problem and the Subway Tavern. International Magazine, 
January, 1905. 

1905.— Public Control of the Liquor Traffic in Sweden and Norway. M. Alger. 
Arena, vol. 33 (Feb., 1905) : 134-142. 

1906.— Summary of Temperance Laws.— -American Issue, January 30, 1906. 

1906.— The Norwegian System of Liquor Control. James Seth. Contemporary Re- 
view, vol. 90 (Dec, 1906) : 861-872. 

1907.— The City of Chicago. Turner. McClure's, April, 1907. 

1907.— The Rising Tide of Temperance. Charles Frederick Carter. Harper's Weekly, 
vol. 51 (Dec. 7, 1907) : 1790-1791. 

1907.— A New Plan for State Control of the Liquor Business. Justus Newton Brown. 
Bibliothcca Sacra, vol. 64 (Oct., 1907) : 693-712. 

1907. — Notes on Current Legislation: Liquor Legislation. John A. Lapp. American 
Political Science Review, vol. 2 (Nov.. 1907): 62-64. 

1907. — The Battle of the Bottle : The South's winning fight for prohibition. Harris 
Dickson. Saturday Evening Post, vol. 180 (Oct. 26. Nov. 9, 23, Dec. 28, 1907. 
Jan. 25. 1908) : 3-5, 35; 11-13. 22; 15-17, 44; 15-17. 29; 18-22. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



425 



1908. — The March of Temperance. Pere G. Wallmo. The Arena. October. 1908. 

1908.— Does Prohibition Pay' Rev. C. F. Afced Appleton's Magazine, July, 1908. 

1908.— Prohibition's Failures. Literary Digest, vol. 36 (Mar. 21, 1908) : 397-398. 

1908. — The South and the Saloon. W. G. Brown. Century Magazine, July, 1908. 

1908.— Foreign Anti-Liquor Movements. Nation, vol. 86 (Mar. 12, 1908) : 230-231. 

1908. — Does Prohibition Pay? George C. Lawrence. Appleton's Magazine, July, 1908. 

1908. — The Geography of our Liquor Laws. World's Work. vol. 15 (Feb.. 1908) : 
9842-9844. 

1908. — The Government and Temperance Reform. Albany Review, vol. 3 (Apr.. 
1908): 11-22. 

1908. — The Temperance Tidal Wave. Rev. Sam'l J. Barrows. The Outlook (N. Y. ) . 
July 4, 11, 1908. 

1908. — Temperance in America. W. C. Jenkins. National Magazine, vol. 37 (Feb.. 
1908) : 574-581. 

1 90S.— Prohibition and the Negro. Booker T. Washington. Outlook. voL 88 (Mar. 14. 
1908) : 587-589. 

1908. — Prohibition in the South. Frank Foxcroft. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 101 ( May, 
1908) : 627-634. 

1908. — Prohibition and Social Psychology. Prof. Hugo Munsterberg. McClure's 
Magazine. August, 1908. 

1908.— Alcohol and the Individual. Henry- Smith Williams. M. D.. LL. D. McClure'- 
Magazine, October, 1908. 

1908. — Scientific Temperance Federation. The School Fnysiology Journal | Month'y 
23 Trull St., Boston, Mass. 

1908. — Environment and Drink. North American Review. Vol. 161. 460. 

1908.— Liquor and Labor. Smith. Catholic World. 47. 539. 

1908. — Shall Prohibition Laws be Abolished. Crothers. Popular Science Monthly. 
45, 232. 

1908. — Temperance Special. Fourth Edition. The Christian Socialist. Chicago: The 
Co-operative Printing Co., 5623 Drexel Avenue. 

1908. — Ethics of Prohibition. Fraser. International Journal Ethics, 9, 350-359 

1908. — Temperance or Prohibition. Gustave Pabst. Cosmopolitan Magazine, vol. 44 
(Apr.. 1908) : 558-560. 

1908. — The Fight Against Alcohol. Arthur Brisbane. Cosmopolitan Magazine, vol 
44 (Apr.. 1908) : 492-496. 

1908. — Why I am a Total Abstainer. Alexander Alison. Cosmopolitan Mag., 
vol. 44 (Apr.. 1908) . 554-558. 

1908. — Does Prohibition Pay? The Test of a State that ha- Persisted. Holman I 
Appleton'- Magazine, August. 1908. 

1908— Sixty Years Futile Battle of Loei-lation with Drink. Philip R.ipp.v 
Arena, vol. 39 (Mar.. 1908) 

1908.— The Moral Dignity of Prohibition in the S 
Workman, vol. 37 (Mar. 19 



426 THE PASSING OF THE SALOON. 

1908. — The New York Saloon. Arthur Huntington Gleason. Collier's, vol. 41 (Apr. 
25, May 2, 1908) : 16-17, 31 ; 12-13, 27-28. 

1908. — The Nation's Anti-drink Crusade. Ferdinand Cowle Iglehart. American Re- 
view of Reviews, vol. 37 (Apr., 1908) : 468-476. 

1908. — Local Option and State Prohibition in the South. A. J. McKelway. Charities 
and the Commons, vol. 19 (Jan. 25, 1908) : 1452-1453. 

1908. — Prohibition: the New Task and Opportunity of the South. John E. White. 
South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. 7 (Apr., 1908) : 130-142. 

1908. — The History of Liquor Legislation in Iowa. 1846-1861. Dan Elbert Clark. 
Iowa Journal of History and Politics, vol. 6 (Jan., 1908) : 55-87. 

1908. — The Fight Against Alcohol. World-wide Significance of the Movement. 
Arthur Brisbane. Cosmopolitan Magazine, vol. 44 (May, 1908) : 549-554. 

1908. — The Fight Against Alcohol. Georgia Pioneers and the Prohibition Crusade. 
John Temple Graves. Cosmopolitan Magazine, vol. 45 (June. 1908) : 93-90. 

1908.— The Law of the White Circle. A Story of the Atlanta Riot. A Study of the 
Race Problem and the Saloon Problem. The Taylor-Trotwood Magazine, 
June-August, 1908, Nashville, Term. 



INDEX. 



Abbey, G. N., 164 

Abel, John J., 54. 60 

Abolition Society, The, XVIII 

Abbott, Dr. A. C, 64 

Abbott, Dr. Lyman, 42 

Absinthe, 200, 202, 203 

Abstinence Union, The Catholic Total, 
141 

Ach, Professor, 56 

Acheson Bill, The, 366 

Advocate, St. Louis Giristian, 8 

Afro-American, The, 345, 346 

Ainu, The, 39 

Airedale, Lord, 214 

Alabama, 211, 212, 231, 235, 236, 265, 344 

Alaska, 266, 267 

Alber, John G., 177 

Alberta, 379, 387, 388 

Alcohol, 53, 54. 60, 61, 62, 208, 210, 400, 
402, 406 

Alcohol and Cancer, 66 

Alcohol and Epilepsy, 66 

Alcohol and Heredity, 66 

"Alcohol and Hygiene," Richardson's, 134 

Alcohol and Pneumonia, 65 

Alcohol and Tuberculosis, 65 

Alcoholic degeneration, 62 

Alcoholic insanity, 60 

Alcoholism, 65, 68, 197, 199, 201, 202, 208 

Alliance for the Suppression of the 
Liquor Traffic, The Dominion. 381, 383 

Alliance vs. Joyce, 101 

Altgeld, Governor, 20 

Amendment. The Fourteenth, 88 

Anti-Alcoholic Congress, The Interna- 
tional, 201 

Anti-Canteen Law, The, 136 

Anti-Saloon League of America, The, 
33, 42, 43, 185 1S6, 190, 207, 208. 211, 
215, 216, 218. '220. 221. 222. 224, 233, 
234, 266, 274, 275, 287, 295. 393, 403 

Anti-Saloon League of America, The 
Colored, 348 

Anti-Slavery Party, The, XVIII 

Anti-Slavery Society, The. 397 

Arizona, 267 

Arkansas, 217. 235. 241, 243, 267 

Artman. Judge Samuel R.. 81. 98. 99 



Aschaffenburg, Prof. Dr., 58, 59, 138 

Asquith, The Hon. H. H., 198, 199 

Atherton, John M., 357 

Atkinson, W. T., 310 

Atlanta, 260, 342, 343, 344 .. . Riot, 209, 

210, 211, 216, 238 
Ayres, Arthur H., 176 



B. 



Baily, Joshua L., 3 

Bain, George W., 3, 121 

Baker, Rev. Purley A., D. D., 194, 275, 

403, 404 
Balfour, Hon. A. J., 197 
Ball, Rev. G. H., 164 
Banks, Rev. Louis Albert, D. D., 8, 186 
Baptist Church, The (Canada), 389 
"Bar and Buffet, The," 276 
Barker, Rev. John Marshall, D. D., 138 
Barrows, Rev. Samuel J., D. D., 196, 205 
Baudron, Dr., 65 
Bayer, Prof. Dr., 59 
Beal Local Option Law 102 
Beall, Dr. J. W., 127, 151 
Beauchamp, Mrs. Frances E., 341 
Beebe vs. State (Indiana) 95, 302 
Beecher, Henry Ward, 3, 219 
Beecher, Lyman, 219 
Beer, The Nature of, 77 
Bender, C. Edward, 176 
Benedict, Roswell A., 3 
Bennett, Rev. Albert Arnold, 38 
Berkeley, Prof. Dr., 62 
Berkley, Prof. H. J., 138 
Beveridge, Senator Albert ]., 160 
Bidwell, General John, 167, 266 
Bidwell Presidential Vote, 264 
Billups, H. L., 349 
Billups Law, The, 214 
Birmingham, (Ala.), 212. 237. 342. 343, 

344, 345 
Bishop's Criminal Law, 321 
"Black Hand." The. 234 
Black, James, 163, 164, 167, 170 
Black Presidential Vote, 264 
Blair, Hon Henry W.. 155 
Blakesley, Raphael H.. 177 
"Blind Tigers," 277 

427 






INDEX. 



Bodwell, Mrs. E. C, 243 

"Bonlort's Wine and Spirit Circular," 

14, 215 
Booth, General William, 8 
Bourneville, Dr., 66 
Bowman, Ebenezer, 164 
Boyd, D. C, 177 
Boyd, James C, 177 
Bradley, Justice, 96 
Brand, Rev. James, 190 
Bray, Aaron M., 259 
Breweries, 225 

Brewers' Association, U. S., 233 
Brewers' Congress, National, 163 
Brewers' Convention, U. S., 357, 358 
British Colonies, 203 
British Columbia, 379 
Brokaw, C. L., 311 
Brooks, Bishop Phillips, 8 
Brooks High License Law, 29 
Brooks, Rev. John A., D. D., 167 
Brotherhood, Universal, XIV 
Brouardel, Dr., 65 
Broward, Gov. N. B.. 270 
Brown, Mrs. Henrietta. 246 
Brown, John, 326 
Brown, L. C, 178 

Brown, Mrs. M. McClellan. Ph. D., 139 
Brown, Van Wert, vs., 101 
Broyle, Judge, 211 
Bruchesi, Archbishop, 387 
Brumbaugh, Martin G., 138 
Brunswick, New, 203, 379, 381, 382, 386 
Brussells Act, The, 36 
Bryan, William J. ; 26 
Bryce, James, 162 
Buchtel. Gov. Henry A., 10 
Buckley. Rev. James M.. D. D., 8 
Buddhist Temperance Society. 39 
Bull, R. C, 164 
Bullitt, Marshall. 2 
Burke, Gov. John. 287 
Burnham, D. K., 176 
Burns, John, 208. 214 
tturwell, George P.. 164 
Butchers' Union Slaughter-House Co. vs. 
Crescent City Live Stock Lndg. Co., 96 
Butler, Amos W., 13 
Butler, Judge. 14 
Buxton, Charles, 14 



Calderwood, W. G., 261 

California, 51, 248, 266 
Calmette's Laboratory, 64 
Tampbell-Bannerman. Sir Henry, 198 
Campbell, Governor T. M., 296 
Canada. Dominion of, 203, 379. 380, 381 
Canada. First temperance society in. 380 



Canada Temperance Act, The, 382 

Canada's Drink Bill, 389 

Canadian Presbyterian Mission, 38 

Cancer, Alcohol and, 66 

Canevin, Rt. Rev. J. F. R., 142 

Canfield, A. V, 192 

"Canteen," The, 367 

Canterbury, The Archbishop of, 199 

"Capital Sins," 21, 22 

Carmack, Edward Ward, 3, 128 

Carnegie, Andrew, 3 

Carroll, George W., 168 

Carson League, The, 112 

Carson, Thomas L., 112 

Catholic Total Abstinence Union, 141, 

207, 269 
Cavett Law, The, 125 
Centralization by Construction, 377 
Chafin, Eugene W., 24, 28, 168, 254, 255 
Chalmers, Rev. James, 38 
Chamberlain, Joseph, 3, 36 
Chapman, Rev. Ervin S., 452, 266 
Chautauqua Assemblies, 273, 403, 396, 397 
Chelsea, 25 
Chesterfield, Lord. 4 
Chicago, 20, 21, 22, 25, 47, 218, 402 
China, Emperor of, 13 
Chown, Rev. Dr. S. D., 383 
Christensen, Crowley, vs., 93, 361 
Christian Church, The, 31 
Christian Endeavor, 383 
Christian Endeavorers, 275 
Christian, Judge Ira W., 101 
Christian Missions and Social Progress, 

33 
Christian Science. 399 
Church, The Established, 199 
Church, The Federated, 393 
Church, The Free, 199 
Church, The Russian, 201 
Church Temperance Association, 267 
Cincinnati, 15 
Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce Report. 

47, 48 
Civil Law and Moral Law, One, 100 
Civil War, The, XIX 
Claflin, Mrs. Mamie M.. 243 
Clark, Sir Andrew, 4 
Clark, Billy James. M. D., 218 
Clark, Francis E., 138 
Cleveland, President, 20 
Club, The Poor Man's, 78 
Cobb, Charles N., 177 
Cobb, Governor William T., 276 
Cobden, Richard. 10 
Cobleigh. Rev. N. E.. D. D., 164 
Codding J. K., 300 
Coffin, John P., 258 
Coffin. S. J.. 164 



LNTDEX. 



429 



Colorado, 268 

Colored Anti-Saloon League of America, 

The, 348 
Colvin, D. Leigh, 172, 178 
Comer, Governor Braxton B., 10 
Commerce, Interstate, Laws, 225 
"Commoner, The," 27 
Commonwealth, (Kentucky) vs. Douglas, 

99 
Compensation, 87, 198, 199 
Conaty, Rev. Dr. T. J., 142 
Congress and the Liquor Traffic, 369 
Congress of the United States, 365, 376 
Congress, The Continental, XVII 
Congress, World's Temperance, 131 
Connecticut, 268 
Constitution, The Federal, 29 
Contract, License, Not a, 85 
Cooper, R. M., 260 
Court, The Supreme, of the United States 

80, 359, 360 
Courts, Findings of, 80, 81, 359, 360 
Cowan, Prof. Dr., 62 
Cox, Judge D. R., 127, 151 
Craig Colony for Epileptics, 66 
Cranfill, Rev. Dr. J. B., 167, 234 
Cregier, People ex rel. Morrison vs., 84 
Crime, Liquor Traffic and, 95 
Critchlow, W. E., 178 
Cross, League of the, 383 
Crothers, T. D., M. D., 65, 138, 139 
Crotty, People vs. Village of, 87 
Crowley vs. Christensen, 93, 361 
Crusade, The Woman's, 28, 205, 219, 285, 

287 
Cuddy, Warren N., 177 
Cullom, Senator Shelby M., 160 
Cummings, John W., 131 
Currah, Mrs. W. E., 244 
Cushing, H. D., 164 
Cuyler, Theodore L., 108, 136 



Daniel, William, 167 

Dante, XIV 

Davis, Rev. Elnathan, 164 

Davis, Jefferson, 294 

Dawson, Gov. William M. O., 10, 298 

Dayton, Judge Alton G., 13 

Deems, Rev. Charles F., D. D., 162 

Delavan, Edward Cornelius, 111 

Delavan's Declaration, 111 

Delaware, 217, 218, 260, 269 

Delirium Tremens, 60 

Demaree, T. B., 260 

Dennis, Rev. James S., D. D., 33 

Dickie, Samuel, 162, 170, 178 

Dickinson's Lectures, Dr. Baillie, 65 

Dickson, Judge Harris, 235 



Dietl. Prof. Dr., 55 

Dinwiddie, Rev., E. C, 194 

Dispensary, 211, 212, 217, 236, 291, 292 

Distilleries, 225 

District of Columbia, 269 

Doane, Rev. E. T., 37 

Dominion Alliance for the Suppression 

of the Liquor Traffic, 381, 383 
Dominion of Canada, 381, 387, 388 
Dominion Parliment, The, 380, 384, 386 
Dougall, John, 382 

Dow, Neal, 4, 113. 164, 167, 219, 381 
Dow Presidential Vote, 264 
Dow-Aiken Law, 97, 101, 102 
Dowdall, A. S., 178 
Downs. O. P., 164 
Dramshop Act, 84 
Drink and Social Misery, 406 
Drink Bill, Canada's, 390 
Drink Bill, United States', 197 
Drink Trust, The, 227 
Drunken Period, The, 218 
Drunkenness, 95, 197,' 210 
Dunham, Mrs. Marion H., 244 
Dunn, Rev. James B., D. D., 164 
Dupertuis, Daniel, 177 
Durien vs. State (Kansas), 95 
Durkee, Rev. J. H., D. D., 262 



Economic goods, 49 

Economics, 48 

Edwards, Justin, 106 

Edwards, Walter X., 138 

Eldredge, Nelson B., 177 

Ellis, Ford E.. 177 

Ellis, Mrs. Margaret Dye, 341 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 182 

England, XIII 

England, Church of, Temperance Society, 

383 
Ensign, Miss Frances H., 245 
Epilepsy, Alcohol and, 66 
Ewin, James L., 192 
Exner, Prof. Dr., 55 
Expenditure for Liquors, 197 



Farmer, Raymond C, 177 
Farris, Hon. Frank 11., 2, 28 
Farwell Hall, 165 

Federal Rights, States' Rights vs., 368 
Federal Tax Receipts, 369, 372 
Federated Church, The, 393 
Fehlandt, August. 97 
Fessenden, Mrs. S. S., 138. 244 
Field, Justice, 81. 93, 96. 360 
Filipinos. 41 



430 



INDEX. 



Finch, John Bird. 119, 170 

Findings of Courts, 80, 81 

Findley, G. B., 176 

Finland, XIII, 201 

Fisk, Clinton B., 167 

Fisk Presidential Vote, 264 

"Flag, The Stainless," 266 

Florida, 235, 240, 269 

Flournoy, Josiah, 110 

Foljambe, Samuel, 164 

Folk, Dr. Edward E., 213 

Folk, Governor Joseph W., 10, 279, 280 

Forbus, J. F, 164 

Formosa, Island of, 38 

Foss, Bishop Cyrus D., 9 

Foster, Festus, 315 

Fourteenth Amendment, 88 

Foust, R. M., 164 

Fox, George, 397 

Fox, Hugh, 225 

Fraizer, Samuel, 107 

Frame, State vs., (Ohio) 96 

France, XIII, 202 

Franklin, Benjamin, XVII 

Fredericton, City of, 382 

Fries, William H., 164 

Frohlich, Dr. Richard, 406 

Fry, Mrs. Susanna M. D., 151 

Fiirer, Prof. Dr., 57 



Gabe, George, 164 

Gage, D. W., 164 

Gambrell, Roderick Dhu, 123, 151 

Garrison, William Lloyd, 397 

Gaudet, Mrs. F. A. J., 351 

Gauld, Rev. W., 38 

George, Mrs. Ella M., 246 

Georgia, 205, 209, 211, 231, 237, 259, 270 

Gerhardt, State vs., 85 

Germany XIII, 202 

Gifford, Mrs. S. A., 244 

Gilbert Islands, 37 

Gill, Harley H., 178 

Gilmore, Col. T. M., 1, 185 

Gittins, Miss Mary, 177 

Gladstone, William E., 4, 208 

Glasscock, Dr. S. S., 315 

Glenn, Governor Robert B., 11, 286 

Goldie, Sir George T., 36 

Good Templars, 269 

Good Templary, 140 

Gookins, Judge, 95 

Gordon, Anna A., 15Q 

Gordon, Mrs. A. J., 138 

Gothenburg System, 200 

Gough, John Bartholomew, XIV, 116, 219 

Gowen, Miss Elma, 244 



(irady. Henry W., 4 
Graham, Mrs. Frances W., 246 
Great Britain, 203 
Greeley, Horace, 4 
Green, Miss Mary E., 252 
Gretton, Hon. John, 199 
Griffis, William Elliot, 32 
Griffith, Mrs. Hester T., 248 
Grippenburg, Baroness von, 201 

H 

Haddock, Rev. George C, 125, 151 

Hadley, Edwin C, 261 

l.ale, B. E., 164 

Hale, Edward Everett, 5, 160 

Halifax. 386 

Hall, Mrs. Fannie, 350 

Hall, Wmneld S., 138 

Hamilton, Alexander, 353, 354, 368 

Hammell, George M., XIII 

Hanly, Governor J. Frank, 11, 273, 403, 

404 
Hargreaves, W., 164 
Harlan, Justice, 87 
Harris, Governor Andrew L., 288, 289, 

403, 404 
Harris, Townsend, 40 
Haskell, Governor Charles N., 290 
Hawaii, 251, 271 
Haynes, L. M. D., 17 
Heath, A. R., 49 
Heckewelder, Rev. John, 327 
"Hell of the Pacific," The, 37 
Helmholtz, 54 

Hendrickson, Finley C, 368, 369, 371, 373 
Hendrickson, Rev. W. C, 164 
Henrici, W. C, 310 
Hereditv, Alcohol and, 66 
Hill, John H, 178 
Hillsboro, (Ohio), 205 
Hinshaw, Virgil G., 178 
Hoch, Governor Edward W., 10, 274, 275, 

300 
Hodge, Prof. C. F., 59, 60, 66 
Hodges, S. W., 164 
Hoelscher, Gustave, 176, 177 
Hoffman, Mrs. Clara C, 158 
Hoggatt, Hon. W. B., 267 
Holman, Mrs. Silena M., 242 
Honolulu, XIV 
Horton, H. V., 164 
Hosmer, Rev. William, 164 
Hudson, Marshall A., 263 
Hughes, Charles H., 138 
Hullinger, J. W., 309 
Hunt, Emery J., 138 
Hunt, Mrs. Mary H., 137 
Hunt, T. P., 164 



INDEX. 



431 



Idaho, 259, 272 

Illinois, 51, 206, 218, 273 

Inalienable Right, To pursue lawful bus- 
iness, 96 

Inalienable Right, To sell intoxicating 
liquor, Not, 85, 93, 94 

Income and Inheritance Tax, 378 

Indian Commissioner, The U. S., 329 

Indian Problem, The, 328 

Indian Territory, 248, 290, 335, 336, 337 

Indiana, 217. 273 

Indiana, State of, vs. Edward Sopher, 
101 

Indiana, Supreme Court of, 302 

Ingersoll, Robert G., 5 

Inherent right, To sell intoxicating 
liquors by retail, not, 85, 93, 94 

Initiative and referendum, 17, 18, 199, 
293, 397 

Intercollegiate Prohibition Association, 
172, 178 

Intercollegiate Statesman, 173, 177 

Interstate Commerce, 93 

Interstate Commerce Laws, 225, 238 

Internal Revenue, U. S., XX, 227, 354, 
358, 362, 363, 367, 377 

Intoxicating Liquors, Retail sale of, can- 
not be legally licensed, 98 

Iowa, 244, 274 

Iowa, Liquor legislation in, 97, 98 

Ireland, Archbishop John, 9, 142, 207 

Issue, The People's, XV 

Ito, Kazutaka, 39 



Jackson, Rev. J. C, 192, 193 

James, Prof. William, 55 

Japan, 38 

"Japan Evangelist," 38 

Jay, John, 6 

Jefferson, Thomas, 354 

Jesus of Nazareth, 397 

Jewett, Charles, 164 

Johnson, Hale, 167 

Johnson, Rev. Dr. Samuel, 6 

Johnson, William E., 327, 332, 333, 335, 

338, 339 
Jones, Charles R., 170 
Jones, E. L., 177 
Jones, G. N., 164 
Jones, Lief, 14 
Jones, Sam P., 6 
Joy, Benjamin, 108 
Joyce, Alliance vs., 101 
Jug Trade, C. O. D., 374 
Juvenile Courts, Department of. 144 



K 

Kansas, 87, 88, 91, 231, 262, 274, 275, 316, 

317, 318, 322, 323 
Kansas City, (Kansas), 228, 275, 300, 

302, 304, 307, 312, 313, 314, 316 
Kansas City (Kan.) Mercantile Club of, 

275 
Kansas, Mugler, vs., 83, 84 
Kansas, Supreme Court of, 95, 214 
Kansas vs. Crawford, 302 
Kansas vs. Ziebold & Hagelin, 88 
Kansas City (Missouri), 70, 76, 308 
Kansas State Temperance Union, 275 
Kauffman, Luther S., 164 
Keane, Archbishop John J., 9 
Kennan, George, 401 
Kentucky, 217, 232, 235, 239, 275 
Kentucky vs. Adams Express Co., 98 
Kentucky vs. Douglass, 99 
Ketterling vs. Jacksonville, 103 
Khama, 34 
Kipling, Rudvard, 6 
Klondike, The, XIV 
Knights of Labor, 44 
Knox, Mrs. Janette Hill, 244 
Knoxville, (Tenn.) 213 
Kovalevsky, Maxim, 201 
Kraepelin, Prof. Dr., 55, 56, 57, 58, 138 
Kurz, Prof. Dr., 58 
Kynett, Rev. A. J., D. D., 192 
Kyofukwai, (Temperance Union, Japan), 

39 



Labor, Knights of, 44 

Labor, Massachusetts Bureau of, 12 

Lager Beer Association, N. Y. State, 232 

Laitenan, Prof. Dr., 64 

Lancaster, Camp-meeting, 403 

Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 385 

Lawrence, Rev. Brooks, 344 

Laws, Interstate Commerce, 225 

Lawson, Mrs. Rosetta E., 349 

Lawton vs. Steele, 96 

League, The Carson. 112 

League of the Cross, 383 

Leavitt, Mrs. Mary Clement, 141, 244, 252 

Legal and Political Aspects of the Liquor 

Problem, 173 
Levering, Joshua, 168 
Levering Presidential Vote, 264 
Lewis, Dio. M. D., 205 
Liberal Party. The, 384 
License, 199, 202, 299 
License, lliph. 1 
License League, National Model, 1, 28. 

31 



432 



INDEX. 



License, Limitations of, 100 
License, Not a Contract, 85 
License, U. S. Government, 376 
License, U. S. Special Tax Receipt, Not 

a, 360 
License Tax Cases, 361 
Licensed public houses, 197 
Licensing Bill, The, 198, 214 
Licensing Commission, 199 
License, Power to, dormant, 85 
Lilley, William C, 138 
Lincoln, Abraham, XVII, XIX, 6, 30, 219, 

256, 321, 354, 397, 403, 405 
Lind, Edward, 407 
Lindsey, Mrs. Lilah D., 248 
Little, Rev. Charles J., D. D., 159 
Littlefield Bill, The, 366 
Liquor Business, Capital of, 226 
Liquor Business, Profits of, 223 
Liquor Industry, The, 46, 47, 48, 49 
Liquor Interests, Amounts paid by, to 

other businesses, 225 
Liquor Interests, Federation of, 222 
Liquor, Intoxicating, not an ordinary 

commodity, 95 
Liquor League, The, 19 
Liquor Lobby, The, 357 
Liquor Power, The, XIII 
Liquor Problem, The, 46, 340 
Liquor Traffic, a recognized evil, 274 
Liquor Traffic, Congress and the, 369, 

370 
Liquor Traffic, Dominion Alliance for 

the Suppression of the, 381 
Liquor Traffic, Socialism and the, 399 
Liquor Trust, The, 368 
Liquor, Transportation of, from one local 

option county to another, illegal, 98 
Livermore, Mrs. Mary A., 166, 244 
Liverpool, 214 
Lobby, The Liquor, 357, 368 
Local Option, 198, 203, 206, 210, 212, 217, 

237, 267, 258, 269, 273, 275, 277, 278, 

279, 290, 295, 296, 297, 382, 386, 398 
Local Option League, 187 
Logue, J. W., 142 
London Missionary Society, 38 
Long, John D., 6 
Louisiana, 217, 235, 241 
Lowell, James Russell, XIII 
Loyal Temperance Legion, 145, 150, 207 
Lubbock, Governor, 294 
Luther, Martin, 7 



M 

Macgregor, Sir William, 38 
Mackay, Rev. Dr., 38 
MacNicholl, T. Alexander, 138 
Madagascar, Queen of, 14 



Madagascar, W. C. T. U., 37 
Madden vs. Smeltz, 101 
Magee, Rev. H. D., 383 
Magoun, Rev. George F., 364 
Maine, 28, 50, 51, 205, 231, 276 
Malagasy, W. C. T. U., 37 
Manila, 40 

Manitoba, 379, 382, 384, 387 
Manitoba Act, The, 203, 385 
Manning, Cardinal, 9 
Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice, 394 
Maori-land, 38 
March, Miss Elizabeth, 249 
Markwell, Mrs. Lulu A., 243 
Maryland, 277 
Mason, P., 164 

Massachusetts, 50, 218, 244, 277 
Massachusetts Beer Co., 83 
Mathew, Theobald, XIV, 104 
Mattingly, Senator, 13 
McCleod, Prof. Dr., 64 
McClure's Magazine, 400, 401, 402 
McColl, Rev. C W., 348 
McCumber Bill, The, 135 
McDermott, John A., 225 
McElroy, Rev. W. F., 23 
McGregor, Bradford, 170, 171 
McKean, Rev. Samuel, 164 
McKinley, William, 7 
McPherson, Judge Smith, 97 
Mears, Rev. D. O., 207 
Medal Contest Department, 144 
Melish, Rev. John Howard, 398 
Merrick Dr. C. H., 164 
Merwin, Col. J. B., 30 
Mesch, Fred. Jr., 177 
Messmer, Archbishop Sebastian C, 1 
Metcalf, E. W, 191 
Metcalf, Henry B., 168 
Methodist Church (Canada), 389 
Methodist Episcopal Mission (Japan), 39 
Michigan, 278 

Miles, General Nelson A., 168 
Milles, Prof. Dr., 64 
Minnesota, 261, 278 

Missions, Christian, and the Liquor Traf- 
fic, 34 
Mississippi, 235, 240, 279 
Mississippi, Stone vs. 82, 90, 100, 303 
Missouri, 217, 241, 279 
Miyama, 39 
Mohammedism, 32 
Montgomery, S. T., 164 
Montana, 244, 280 
Moody, Hon. Frank S., 212 
Moonshiners, 355 
Moore Remonstrance Law, 274 
Moreau Temperance Society, XVIII 
Morgan, C. L., 138 
Mott, Lucretia. 107 



INDEX. 



433 



Mugler vs. Kansas, 83, 88, 92, 302 
Muirhead, Dr., 25 
Mulct Law, Iowa, 97, 274 
Muller, Rev. O. M., 231 
Munn vs. Illinois, 89 
Murphy, Francis, 119, 120, 252 

N 

Nagasaki, 39 

Napoleon, The Little, XIII 

Nation, Mrs. Carry A., 27, 205, 318, 319, 
320, 321, 325, 326 

National Temperance Society, The, 207 

Nazareth, The Man of, 398 

Nebraska, 218, 243, 280 

Negro and Prohibition, The, 345 

Negro Problem, The, 340 

New Brunswick, 203, 379, 381, 382, 386 

New Brunswick Synod, The, 388 

New Hampshire, 281 

New Jersey, 282 

New Mexico, 248, 283' 

New South Wales, 203 

New York, 218, 246, 283, 402 

New Zealand, 203 

Nichols, Emmett D., 273 

Noel, Governor Edmond F., 12, 279 

No-License Conference, The Indian- 
apolis, 275 

No-License League, The, 207 

North Carolina, 209, 231, 235, 286 

North Dakota, 231, 287 

Nova Scotia, 203, 205, 384, 386 

Nuisance, Common, 91 

Nuisance, The Saloon, a Public, 101 

Nutter, Mrs. S. C, 248 

Nye, Joshua, 164 



Oberlin, 221 

Oberlin Temperance Alliance, 187 

Odell, Jay, 164 

O'Donnell, John, 164 

Oglethorpe, 205 

Ohio, 51, 205, 216, 245, 287 

Ohio, Liquor Tax, 97, 98 

Ohio, Supreme Court of, 96 

Oklahoma, 213, 231, 235, 289 

Ontario, 203, 379, 381, 382, 384, 387 

Oratorical Contests, Prohibition, 176 

O'Rear, Justice, 98 

Oregon, 246, 290 

Original Package Bill, 135 

Orne, J. H.. 164 

Ottawa, 384 



Parks, W. G., 349 

Parliament, The Dominion. 380, 382. 384, 
386 



Passmore, Enoch, 164 

Patton, Robert H., 256 

Paul, Saint, 397 

Pauperism, 95 

Pearson, Samuel F., 317 

Pennington, Levi T., 177 

Pennsylvania, 51, 246, 291, 354 

Pershing, D. R., 164 

Personal Liberty League, 403 

Peterson, Mrs. E. E., 349 

Peterson, Dr. Frederick, 56 

Phelan vs. Virginia, 303 

Phelps, Carrington A., 216, 224 

Philippine Islands, 40, 41 

Phillips, Wendell, XIX, 7, 166, 174, 182, 

397 
Pidgeon, Rev. Dr. G. C, 383 
Pierce, Charles S., 176, 177, 178 
Pitts, C. E., 262 
Piatt, Mrs. Margaret B., 247 
Piatt, Rev. Dr. S. H., 164 
Platform, National, of the Prohibition 

Party, 169, 253 
Plebiscite, Dominion, 385 
Pneumonia, Alcohol and, 65 
Police Powers, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 89, 90, 

92, 96 
Poling, Daniel A., 178 
Pollock, Judge, 306 
Poor Man's Club, The, 42 
Poppert, Prof. Herman M., 202 
Portland (Maine), XVI., 317 
Potter, Bishop, 402 
Powderly, T. V., 12 
Presbyterian Church, General Assembly 

of, 389 
President of the United States, 364 
Price, Hon. Hiram, 193 
Price, J. C, 345 
Prince Edward Island, 203 
Privilege, The Grant of License, special, 

96 
Presidential Vote, Prohibition, 264 
Prisons, U. S. Commission, 12 
Proctor, A. T., 164 
Prohibition, 28, 254, 258, 266, 270, 274, 

275, 366, 373 
Prohibition and License, 50 
Prohibition in the South, 345, 347 
Prohibition party, XVI II, 33, 43, 153, 165. 

166, 167, 170, 181, 253, 262, 274, 275, ZV 
Prohibition party vote, 264 
Prohibition Press, The Associated, 327 
Prohibition State Constitution, 81 
Prohibition States, 205, 206. 210, 231 
Prohibition, The Negro, and, 345 
Prohibition Tidal Wave. 408 



434 



INDEX. 



: perty rights, Prohibitory Law violates 

no, 87 
Protective Association, Mutual, 45 
Pryor, E. C, 177 

Q 
Quakers, The, XVIII, 327 
Quebec, Province of, 203, 379, 381, 382, 

385, 387 



Race Riots, 352 

Raines Law, 283 

Rauber, Prof. Dr., 62 

Receipts, Federal Tax, 369, 376 

Referendum, Initiative and, 199, 266 

Reform, The Great, XVI 

Regulation in the British Colonies, 203 

Regulation, Meaning of, 102 

Remonstrance Law, Moore, 274 

Republican Party, 397 

Restraints, Prohibition violates no con- 
stitutional, 86 

Retail Sale of intoxicating liquors cannot 
be legally licensed, 98 

Revenue, Internal, 209, 227, 377, 378 

Reynolds. Henry A., 119 

Rhode Island, 291 

Richards, Rev. Henry, 36 

Richardson's "Alcohol and Hygiene," 
134 

Riley, Rev. B. R, D. D., 294 

Ritter, Judge Eli J.. 100 

Roberts, William E., 177 

Roman Catholic Church, The, 388 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 7, 16 

Root, A. I., 191 

Rose. Senator Isaiah, Ohio, 403 

Roumania, 202 

Rounds, Mrs. Louise S., 157 

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 205 

Ruchet, Mons., 200 

Rudin, Prof. Dr., 57 

Ruland, Arthur J., 176 

Rush, Benjamin, M. D., XVII, XVIII 

Ruskin, John, 7 

Russell, Miss Elizabeth, 39 

Russell, Howard H., 186, 187, 188, 189, 
190, 191, 194, 195, 207, 220 

Russell, Rev. John, 163, 164 167, 170 

Russia, XIII, 201 



Saloon, The, XX, 18, 21, 22, 44, 45, 76, 
79, 208, 225, 400 

Saloon, Municipalities have power to reg- 
ulate, 101 

Saloon, The Passing of the, XVI, XXI 



Saloon Problem, The, 361 

Saloon Vote, The, XV 

Saloon's Attraction, The, 77 

Saloonkeeper, The, XIV, 18, 20, 22, 
46, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 400, 401, 408 

Sampson, Rev. G. C, 349 

Sanders, Governor, 276 

San Francisco, 26 

Saskatchewan, 379, 387 

Savannah, 211 

Scanlon, Hon. Charles, 254 

Scheffer, 54 

"Science and Health," 399 

Scientific Temperance Federation, 137 

Scott Act. The, 203, 382, 383, 386 

Sewanee University, 213 

Shattuck Bill, The, 275 

Shearer, Rev. Dr. J. G., 383 

Shepard, Mrs. Lulu L., 243 

Shields, John A. (Illinois), 177 

Shields, John A. (Minnesota), 177 

Shumaker, Rev. E. S., 349 

Sibree, Rev. James, 37 

Silver, L. B., 164 

Sims, Judge John T., 313, 314 

Slack, Miss Agnes, 149 

"Smasher's Mail, The," 319 

Smith, Mrs. Clinton, 250 

Smith, Gerritt, XVIII, 165 

Smith, Green Clay, 167, 260 

Smith, Hervey F., 178 

Smith, Governor Hoke, 12, 211, 232, 238, 
270 

Smith, Gen. J. S., 164 

Smith, Rev. Moses, 164 

Smith Presidential Vote, 264 

Snyder, S. Frank, 177 

Socialism and the Liquor Traffic, 399, 407 

Social Misery, Drink and, 406 

"Social Welfare and the Liquor Prob- 
lem," 172, 173 

Socrates, 7 

Soltau vs. Schuyler Young, 98 

Solution of the Liquor Problem, 173 

Somerset. Lady Henry. 206 

Sommer, Sheriff, 72 

Sons of Temperance, 380 

Soper, Rev. D. S.. 39 

South Carolina, 211, 217, 235, 292 

South Carolina, Supreme Court of, 95 

South Dakota. 292 

Sowerby, Rev. Dr. A. T., 383 

Special Tax, U. S., 355 

Special Tax, U. S., not a license, 360 

Special Tax Receipts. 367 

Spence, Ben H., 379 

Spence, F. S., 382 

Spencer, Rev. D. S., 39 

Spencer,' J. A., 163, 164 

Spratling, Dr.. 66 



INDEX. 



435 



Springfield (Illinois) riots, 23, 24, 25 

Squires, F. D. L., 327 

"Stainless Flag, The," 266 

Starr, Rev. Dr. D. J., 12 

States Rights vs. Federal Rights 368 

Stearns, John N., 163, 164, 381 

Stearns, Rev. J. G. D., 164 

Steele, Lawton vs., 96 

Stevens, Mrs. Lillian M. N., 143, 147, 150 

Stevenson, Mrs. Katherine Lent, 158, 244 

Stewart, Gideon T., 167, 170 

Stewart, Oliver W., 46, 170, 178 

Stier, Prof. Dr., 56 

Stockwell, George E., 263 

Stoddard, Cora Frances, 137 

Stone vs. Mississippi, 303 

Stoughton, Rev. J. C, 164 

Stuart, Sherlock vs., 85 

Sullivan, John L., 7 

Sumner, Charles, XVIII 

Supreme Court of the U. S., 93, 96. 100, 

302, 364, 374 
St. Augustine, (Fla.), XIV 
St. John, John P., 167 
St. John Presidential Vote, 264 
Swallow Presidential Vote, 264 
Swallow, Rev. Silas C, 168 
Sweden, XIII 
Switzerland, VII, 199, 200 



Taft, William H., 27 

Tambling, George S., Jr., 164 

Tammany Hall, 400 

Taney, Chief Justice, 81 

Tappey, Rev. Francis, 213 

Taro Ando, 39 

Tax Certificate, The U. S., 356, 367, 369 

Tax, Income and Inheritance, 378 

Tax, U. S. Special, 30, 227, 355, 376 

Taylor, Rev. Charles F., 230 

Taylor, E. O., 138 

Taylor, Rev. George Lansing, 164 

Taylor, Thomas E., 349 

Temperance Act, Canada. 382 

Temperance Advocate, National, 134 

Temperance Alliance, Sunday School, 137 

Temperance Association, Church, 267 

Temperance Congress, World's, 131 

"Temperance Documents, Permanent 

American," 106 
Temperance, Royal Templars of, 380 
Temperance Societies, Buddhist, 39 
Temperance Societies, Industrial, 39 
Temperance Society, First in Canada, 380 
Temperance Society. Church of England, 

383 
Temperance Society, National. 131 
Temperance, Sons of, 380 



Temperance Union, Connecticut, 269 
Temperance Vote, The, XV 
Temperance Wave, The, XIV 
Templars, Independent Order of Good, 

139, 269, 380 
Tennessee, 213, 235, 239, 293, 442 
Texas, 217, 232, 235, 241, 294 
Thayer, Rev. William M., 164 
Thompson, Rev. Edwin, 164 
Thompson, Mrs. Eliza J., 205 
Thompson, H. A., 167 
Thoreau, Henry D., 43 
Thurman, Mrs. Lucy, 349, 350 
Tilghman, Rev. B. H., 349 
Tobey, Miss Elizabeth S., 244 
Todhunter, Oscar B., XVI, XVII 
Township Local Option, 187 
Travelick, R. F., 12 
Treasury Department, U. S., 370, 371 
Trent, Peterfield, 164 
Trickett, Hon. C. W., 262, 275, 300, 301 
Trust, The Drink, 227 
Tuberculosis, Alcohol and, 65 
Tully, T. DeQuincy, 2, 230 
Turner, Cyrus, 225 

U 

Union Signal, 146, 149, 152 

United Societies (Chicago), 21 

United States Census, 50 

United States, Internal Revenue Collec- 
tion of, 362 

United States, Supreme Court of, 93, 100, 
208, 214 

Utah, 243, 297 



Van Court, T. M., 164 

Van Wert vs. Brown, 101 

Vayhinger, Mrs. C. J., 341 

Venango Plan, The, 263 

Vermont, 218, 297 

Versailles, XIII 

Vested Right, License gives no, 86 

Victoria, 203 

Vidal, Hon. Alexander, 381 

Vintschgau, Prof. Dr.. 55 

Virginia, 217, 239, 297 

Virginia, Phelan vs., 303 

Voice, The California, 13 

Voit, Prof. Dr., 54 



W 

Wadlin. Horace- G.. 214 
Wadsworth, Joshua, 164 
Waite, Chief Justice. 82 
Wallmo, Pere G., 366 






436 



INDEX. 



Wallys, Prof. Curt, 201 

Wanamaker, John, 136 

Warner, Governor F. M.. 278 

Warner, Harry S., 178 

Wasson, Rev. E. A., 230, 231 

Wasson, Rev. Samuel E., 212 

Wasson, Rev. W. A.. 231 

Washington, 297 

Washington, Booker T., 341, 342 

Washington, D. C, 250 

Washington (East), 243 

Washington (West), 247 

Washingtonians, 219 

Watkins, Rev. Aaron S., D. D., 168, 256, 

257 
Watterson, Bishop, 207 
Watterson, Henry, 8 
Welch, Prof. William H., 61, 63 
Wesley, John, 9, 397 
Westerfield, Ray B„ 176 
West Virginia, 235, 240, 298 
Wheeler, E. J., 46, 127 
Wheeler, Wayne B., 192, 403, 404 
White, James A., 349 
Whitney, Mrs. Mary S., 251 
W T ilberforce, Canon, 10 
Wilkins, Prof. Daniel, 163 
Willard. Frances E., 33, 119, 145, 146, 148, 

155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160. 161, 181, 206, 

219, 248, 249, 275, 407 
Williams, Henry Smith, M. D., 52, 400 
Williams, Rev. John. 37 
Wilson, Henry, XIX 
Wilson, Bishop Luther B., 183, 193, 403 
Wilson, Robert N., 138 



Winders, Rev. C. H., 349 

Wine Growers' Association, American. 

233 
Wineries, 225 
Winship, E. A., 138 
Wisconsin, 299 
Witham, Col. W. S., 259 
Witte, Count, 201 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 

33, 140, 143, 149, 151, 153, 206, 207, 215, 

219, 220, 242, 266, 269, 274, 275, 287. 

350, 351, 380 
Woman's Crusade, The, 153, 154 
Woodhead Dr. Sims, 62, 63, 64 
Woodward, Judge John M., 313 
Woolley, John G., 28, 113, 168, 171, 252, 

271 
Woolley Presidential Vote, 264 
World's W. C. T. U., 146 
Wright, Carroll D, 12, 208 
Wright, J. D., 310 
Wright, Seaborn, 121, 210, 239, 341, 393, 

403, 405 
Wyoming, 299 



Yajimo, Mrs. 39 
Young, Charles W., 177 
Young Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union, 39 



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